Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
French and Raven's bases of power
View on Wikipedia| Part of the Politics series |
| Basic forms of government |
|---|
| List of forms · List of countries |
|
|
In a notable study of power conducted by social psychologists John R. P. French and Bertram Raven in 1959, power is divided into five separate and distinct forms.[1][2] They identified those five bases of power as coercive, reward, legitimate, referent, and expert. This was followed by Raven's subsequent addition in 1965 of a sixth separate and distinct base of power: informational power.[3]
French and Raven defined social influence as "a change in the belief, attitude, or behavior of a person (the target of influence) which results from the action of another person (an influencing agent)", and they defined social power as the potential for such influence, that is, the ability of the agent to bring about such a change using available resources.[4] The base of power theory is widely used to identify the appropriate type of power that can achieve behaviour change or outcomes from the target of influence.[5]
Relating to social communication studies, power in social influence settings has introduced a large realm of research pertaining to persuasion tactics and leadership practices. Through social communication studies, it has been theorized that leadership and power are closely linked. It has been further presumed that different forms of power affect one's leadership and success. This idea is used often in organizational communication and throughout the workforce.
Though there have been many formal definitions of leadership that did not include social influence and power, any discussion of leadership must inevitably deal with the means by which a leader gets the members of a group or organization to act and move in a particular direction.[4]
Whereby, this is to be considered "power" in social influential situations.
Overview
[edit]The original French and Raven (1959) model included five bases of power – reward, coercion, legitimate, expert, and referent – however, informational power was added by Raven in 1965, bringing the total to six.[6] Since then, the model has gone through very significant developments: coercion and reward can have personal as well as impersonal forms. Expert and referent power can be negative or positive. Legitimate power, in addition to position power, may be based on other normative obligations: reciprocity, equity, and responsibility. Information may be utilized in direct or indirect fashion.[6]
French and Raven defined social power as the potential for influence (a change in the belief, attitude or behavior of a someone who is the target of influence.[3]
As we know leadership and power are closely linked. This model shows how the different forms of power affect one's leadership and success. This idea is used often in organizational communication and throughout the workforce. "The French-Raven power forms are introduced with consideration of the level of observability and the extent to which power is dependent or independent of structural conditions. Dependency refers to the degree of internalization that occurs among persons subject to social control. Using these considerations it is possible to link personal processes to structural conditions".[7]
Original typology
[edit]The bases of social power have evolved over the years with benefits coming from advanced research and theoretical developments in related fields. On the basis of research and evidence, there have been many other developments and elaborations on the original theory. French and Raven developed an original model outlining the change dependencies and also further delineating each power basis.[6]
Table 1
[edit]| Basis of Power | Social Dependence of Change | Importance of Surveillance |
|---|---|---|
| Coercion | Socially Dependent | Important |
| Reward | Socially Dependent | Important |
| Legitimacy | Socially Dependent | Important |
| Expert | Socially Dependent | Unimportant |
| Referent | Socially Dependent | Unimportant |
| Informational | Socially Independent | Unimportant |
It is a common understanding that most social influence can still be understood by the original six bases of power,[citation needed] but the foundational bases have been elaborated and further differentiated. Table 2 further differentiates the Bases of Social Power.[6]
Table 2
[edit]| Basis of Power | Further Differentiation |
|---|---|
| Coercion | Impersonal Coercion and Personal Coercion |
| Reward | Impersonal Reward and Personal Reward |
| Legitimacy | Formal Legitimacy (position power), Legitimacy of Reciprocity, Equity and Dependence (Powerlessness) |
| Expert | Positive and Negative Expert |
| Referent | Positive and Negative Referent |
| Informational | Direct and Indirect Information |
Bases of power
[edit]As mentioned above, there are now six main concepts of power strategies consistently studied in social communication research. They are described as Coercive, Reward, Legitimate, Referent, Expert, and Informational. Additionally, research has shown that source credibility has an explicit effect on the bases of power used in persuasion.[8]
Source credibility, the bases of power, and objective power, which is established based on variables such as position or title, are interrelated. The levels of each have a direct relationship in the manipulation and levels of one another.[4]
The bases of power differ according to the manner in which social changes are implemented, the permanence of such changes, and the ways in which each basis of power is established and maintained.[4]
The effectiveness of power is situational. Given there are six bases of power studied in the communication field, it is very important to know the situational uses of each power, focusing on when each is most effective. According to French and Raven, "it is of particular practical interest to know what bases of power or which power strategies are most likely to be effective, but it is clear that there is no simple answer.[4]
For example, a power strategy that works immediately but relies on surveillance (for example, reward power or coercive power) may not last once surveillance ends. One organizational study found that reward power tended to lead to greater satisfaction on the part of employees, which means that it might increase influence in a broad range of situations. Coercive power was more effective in influencing a subordinate who jeopardized the success of the overall organization or threatened the leader's authority, even though in the short term it also led to resentment on the part of the target. A power strategy that ultimately leads to private acceptance and long-lasting change (for example, information power) may be difficult to implement, and consume considerable time and energy. In the short term, complete reliance on information power might even be dangerous (for example, telling a small child not to run into the street unattended). A military officer leading his troops into combat might be severely handicapped if he had to give complete explanations for each move. Instead, he would want to rely on unquestioned legitimate position power, backed up by coercive power. Power resources, which may be effective for one leader, dealing with one target or follower, may not work for a different leader and follower. The manner in which the power strategy is utilized will also affect its success or failure. Where coercion is deemed necessary, a leader might soften its negative effects with a touch of humor. There have been studies indicating that cultural factors may determine the effectiveness of power strategies."[4]
Coercive power
[edit]
Coercive power uses the threat of force to gain compliance from another. Force may include physical, social, emotional, political, or economic means. Coercion is not always recognized by the target of influence.[9] This type of power is based upon the idea of coercion. The main idea behind this concept is that someone is forced to do something that he/she does not desire to do. The main goal of coercion is compliance. Coercive power's influence is socially dependent on how the target relates to the change being desired by the influence agent.[10] Furthermore, a person would have to be consistently watched by the influencing agent in order for the change to remain in effect.[10]
Impersonal
[edit]An example of impersonal coercion relates a person's belief that the influencing agent has the real power to physically threaten, impose a monetary fine or dismiss an employee.[6]
Personal
[edit]An example of personal coercion relates to a threat of rejection or the possibility of disapproval from a person whom is highly valued.[6]
According to Changingminds.org "demonstrations of the harm are often used to illustrate what will happen if compliance is not gained".[11][unreliable source?] The power of coercion has been proven to be related with punitive behavior that may be outside one's normal role expectations.[12] However coercion has also been associated positively with generally punitive behavior and negatively associated to contingent reward behavior.[13] This source of power can often lead to problems and in many circumstances it involves abuse. These types of leaders rely on the use of threats in their leadership style. Often the threats involve saying someone will be fired or demoted.
Reward power
[edit]Reward power is based on the right of some to offer or deny tangible, social, emotional, or spiritual rewards to others for doing what is wanted or expected of them. Some examples of reward power (positive reward) are: (a) a child is given a dollar for earning better grades; (b) a student is admitted into an honor society for excellent effort; (c) a retiree is praised and feted for lengthy service at a retirement party; and (d) New York firefighters were heralded as heroes for their acts on September 11, 2001.

Some examples of reward power (negative reward) are: (a) a driver is fined for illegal parking; (b) a teenager grounded for a week for misbehaving; (c) a rookie player is ridiculed for not following tradition; and (d) President Warren G. Harding's name is commonly invoked whenever political scandal is mentioned. Some pitfalls can emerge when a too heavy reliance is placed on reward power; these include: (a) some people become fixated and too dependent on rewards to do even mundane activities; (b) too severe fears of punishment can immobilize some people; (c) as time passes, past rewards become insufficient to motivate or activate desired outcomes; and (d) negative rewards may be perverted into positive attention.[9]
Impersonal
[edit]An example of impersonal reward relates to promises of promotions, money and rewards from various social areas.[6]
Personal
[edit]An example of personal reward relates to the reward of receiving approval from a desired person and building relationships with romantic partners.[6]
Legitimate power
[edit]
Legitimate power comes from an elected, selected, or appointed position of authority and may be underpinned by social norms.[6] This power which means the ability to administer to another certain feelings of obligation or the notion of responsibility.[12] "Rewarding and Punishing subordinates is generally seen as a legitimate part of the formal or appointed leadership role and most managerial positions in work organizations carry with them, some degree of expected reward and punishment."[14] This type of formal power relies on position in an authority hierarchy. Occasionally, those possessing legitimate power fail to recognize they have it, and may begin to notice others going around them to accomplish their goals.[15] Three bases of legitimate power are cultural values, acceptance of social structure, and designation.[1] Cultural values comprise a general basis for legitimate power of one entity over another.[1] Such legitimacy is conferred by others and this legitimacy can be revoked by the original granters, their designees, or their inheritors.[9]
Legitimate power originates from a target of influence accepting the power of the influencing agent whereas behavioral change or compliance occurs based on target's obligation.[3] One who uses legitimate power may have a high need for power which is their motivator to use this base for change in behavior and influence.[3] There may be a range of legitimate power.[1]
Position
[edit]The legitimate position power is based on the social norm which requires people to be obedient to those who hold superior positions in a formal or informal social structure.[10] Examples may include: a police officer's legitimacy to make arrests; a parent's legitimacy to restrict a child's activities; the President's legitimacy to live in the White House; and the Congress' legitimacy to declare war. Some pitfalls can arise when too heavy reliance is placed on legitimate power; these include: (a) unexpected exigencies call for non-legitimized individuals to act in the absence of a legitimate authority – such as a citizen's arrest in the absence of a police official; and (b) military legitimacy[9]
Reciprocity
[edit]The legitimate power of reciprocity is based on the social norm of reciprocity.[10] Which states how we feel obligated to do something in return for someone who does something beneficial for us.[16][17]
Equity
[edit]The legitimate power of equity is based on the social norm of equity (or compensatory damages)[10] The social norm of equity makes people feel compelled to compensate someone who has suffered or worked hard.[18] As well as someone whom we have harmed in some way is based on the premise that there is a wrong that can be made right, which may be a compensatory form of righting the wrong.[19]
Dependence
[edit]The legitimate power of dependence is based on the social norm of social responsibility.[10] Social responsibility norm states how people feel obligated to help someone who is in need of assistance.[19]
People traditionally obey the person with this power solely based on their role, position or title rather than the person specifically as a leader. Therefore, this type of power can easily be lost and the leader does not have his position or title anymore. This power is therefore not strong enough to be one's only form of influencing/persuading.
Referent power
[edit]Referent power is rooted in the affiliations we make and/or the groups and organizations we belong to.[9] Our affiliation with a group and the beliefs of the group are shared to some degree. As Referent power emphasizes similarity, respect for an agent of influence's superiority may be undermined by a target of influence.[3] Use of this power base and its outcomes may be negative or positive.[6] An agent for change motivated with a strong need for affiliation and concern of likeability will prefer this power base and will influence their leadership style.[3] Ingratiation or flattery and sense of community may be used by an agent of influence to enhance their influence.[3]

Positive
[edit]Referent power in a positive form utilizes the shared personal connection or shared belief between the influencing agent and target with the intention of positively correlated actions of the target.[6]
Negative
[edit]Referent power in a negative form produces actions in opposition to the intent of the influencing agent, this is the result from the agent's creation of cognitive dissonance between the referent influencing agent and the target's perception of that influence.[6]
Examples of referent power include: (a) each of the last seven White House press secretaries have been paid handsomely for their memoirs relating to their presence at the seat of government; (b) Mrs. Hillary Clinton gained political capital by her marriage to the President; (c) Reverend Pat Robertson lost a bid for the Republican Party's nomination for president due, in significant part, to his religious affiliation; and (4) national firefighters have received vocational acclaim due to the association with the heroic NYC firefighters. Some pitfalls can occur related to referent assumptions; these include: (a) guilt or glory by association where little or no true tie is established; (b) associative traits tend to linger long after real association ends; (c) some individuals tend to pay dearly for associates' misdeeds or terrible reputations.[9] It is important to distinguish between referent power and other bases of social power involving control or conformity.[1] According to Fuqua, Payne, and Cangemi, referent power acts a little like role model power. It depends on respecting, liking, and holding another individual in high esteem. It usually develops over a long period of time.[15]
The power of holding the ability to administer to another a sense of personal acceptance or personal approval.[12] This type of power is strong enough that the power-holder is often looked up to as a role model.[20] This power is often regarded as admiration, or charm. The responsibility involved is heavy and the power easily lost, but when combined with other forms of power it can be very useful. Referent power is commonly seen in political and military figures, although celebrities often have this as well.
Expert power
[edit]
Expert power is based on what one knows, experience, and special skills or talents.[9] Expertise can be demonstrated by reputation, credentials certifying expertise, and actions. The effectiveness and impacts of the Expert power base may be negative or positive.[6] According to Raven, there will be more use of Expert power if the motive is a need for achievement.[3] The ability to administer to another information, knowledge or expertise.[1] (Example: Doctors, lawyers). As a consequence of the expert power or knowledge, a leader is able to convince their subordinates to trust them. The expertise does not have to be genuine – it is the perception of expertise that provides the power base. When individuals perceive or assume that a person possesses superior skills or abilities, they award power to that person.[2]
Positive
[edit]Expert power in a positive form influences the target to act accordingly as instructed by the expert, based on the assumption of the expert's correct knowledge.[6]
Negative
[edit]Expert power in a negative form can result from a person acting in opposition to the expert's instructions if the target feels that the expert has personal gain motives.[6]
Some examples include: (a) a violinist demonstrating through audition skill with music; (b) a professor submits school transcripts to demonstrate discipline expertise; (c) a bricklayer relies on 20+ years of experience to prove expertise. Some pitfalls can emerge when too heavy a reliance is made on expertise; these include: (a) sometimes inferences are made suggesting expertise is wider in scope than it actually is; for example, an expert in antique vases may have little expertise in antique lamps; (b) one's expertise is not everlasting; for example, a physician who fails to keep up with medical technology and advances may lose expertise; and (c) expertise does not necessarily carry with it common sense or ethical judgement.[9]
Informational power
[edit]French and Raven's original five powers brought about change after many years, by which Raven added a sixth base of power. Informational is the ability of an agent of influence to bring about change through the resource of information.[3] Raven arguably believed that power as a potential influence logically meant that information was a form of influence and the social power base of Information Power was derived.[3] Informational influence results in cognition and acceptance by the target of influence. The ability for altered behavior initiated through information rather than a specific change agent is called socially independent change.[3] In order to establish Information Power, an agent of influence would likely provide a baseline of information to a target of influence to lay the groundwork in order to be effective with future persuasion.[3] A link between informational power, control, cooperation, and satisfaction have been hypothesized and tested in a lab study. The findings indicate that a channel member's control over another's strategy increases with its informational power source.[1] According to Raven, there will be more use of Information power if the motive is a need for achievement and can also be affected by an agent's self-esteem.[3] Feldman summarizes informational power as the most transitory type of power. If one gives information away, then the power is given away, which differs from other forms of power because it's grounded in what you know about the content of a specific situation. Other forms of power are independent of the content.[21]
Information power comes as a result of possessing knowledge that others need or want.[9] In the age of Information technology, information power is increasingly relevant as an abundance of information is readily available. There may be a cost-benefit analysis by an agent of influence to determine if Information Power or influence is the best strategy.[3] Informational influence or persuasion would generally be favorable however it may not be best suited if timing and effort lacks.[3] Information possessed that no one needs or wants is powerless. Information power extends to the ability to get information not presently held such as a case with a librarian or data base manager. Not all information is readily available; some information is closely controlled by few people. Examples of information that is sensitive or limits accessibility: (a) national security data; (b) personnel information for government or business; (c) corporate trade secrets; (d) juvenile court records; (e) many privately settled lawsuit documents; (f) Swiss bank account owners; and (g) private phone conversations. Of course, legally obtained phone tap warrants, spying, eavesdropping, group and group member leaks can allow others not intended to be privy to information.[9] Possessing information is not, typically, the vital act; it is what one can and does do or potentially can do with the information that typically is of vital importance. Information can, and often is, used as a weapon as in a divorce, a child custody case, business dissolution, or in civil suits discoveries. Information has been used by some to extort action, utterance, agreement, or settlement by others.[9]
Information power is a form of personal or collective power that is based on controlling information needed by others in order to reach an important goal. Our society is now reliant on information power as knowledge for influence, decision making, credibility, and control. Timely and relevant information delivered on demand can be the most influential way to acquire power. Information may be readily available through public records, research, however, information is sometimes assumed privileged or confidential. The target of influence accepts, comprehends and internalizes the change independently, without having to go back to the influencing agent.<[10]
Informational power is based on the potential to utilize information. Providing rational arguments, using information to persuade others, using facts and manipulating information can create a power base. How information is used – sharing it with others, limiting it to key people, keeping it secret from key people, organizing it, increasing it, or even falsifying it – can create a shift in power within a group.[2]
Direct
[edit]Information presented by the influencing agent directly to the target of change.[6]
Indirect
[edit]Information presented influencing agent indirectly to the target of change void of attempting influence, such as hints or suggestions.[6]
Socially independent of change
[edit]The ability for altered behavior initiated through information rather than a specific change agent is called socially independent change.[3] Power socially independent of change may reflect the target continuing changed behavior without referring to, or even remembering, the supervisor or individual of authority as an agent of change because the target understands and accepts the reasoning of information received.[4]
Accessibility
[edit]Raven acknowledged leaders can attempt to influence subordinates by access and control of information. Information power may be used in both personal and positional classifications and is among the most preferable power bases.[22]
Tools/mechanisms
[edit]Informational power includes not only possessing information, but also the ability to obtain relevant information in a timely way to amass a power base. The use of tools or technological mechanisms such as internet, smart phones, and Social media progresses society's access to information but informational power as a base is derived by determining the usefulness and appropriateness of the information.[23]
Power as a function of leadership and leadership styles
[edit]Tradition power is that force that is exerted upon us to conform to traditional ways. Traditions, for the most part, are social constructs; they invite, seduce, or compel us to conform and act in predictable, patterned ways. Breaking with traditions put people at risk of social alienation. Traditions can blunt rationality; they can block innovation; and they can appear to outsiders as silly when original traditions' rationales become outdated or forgotten.
The power of traditions, rather than being typically vested in particular individuals, is ordinarily focused on group conformity[9]
Charismatic power is that aura possessed by only a few individuals in our midst; it is characterized by super confidence, typical physical attractiveness, social adroitness, amiability, sharpened leadership skills, and heightened charm. Some charisma has dark and sinister overtones such as that shown by Adolf Hitler, Jim Jones, Idi Amin, Osama bin Laden, David Koresh, and many confidence tricksters. Others demonstrate more positive displays of charisma such as that displayed by Jacqueline Kennedy, Charles de Gaulle, Diana, Princess of Wales, Michael Jordan, and Bruce Springsteen. Charisma has, in many cases, short circuited rationality; that is, others have been fooled into or lulled into not rationally considering what a charismatic requests or demands but going along as a result of the charismatic attraction. It must be remembered that power is effective only when the target of powerful actions agrees [implicitly or explicitly] to the relevant power dynamic; we are all technically able to resist the power of others; at times, however, we may feel powerless to resist or the social, political, personal, and/or emotional price to be paid is too high or we fear failure in resisting.[9]
Power Tactics
[edit]Regardless of the basis of power in use, power-holders often use power tactics to influence others. Power tactics are different strategies used to influence others, typically to gain a particular advantage or objective. Power-holders commonly use six different power tactics.[1]
- The first is soft tactics which utilize the relationships between the target and the influencer to bring out compliance. Sometimes individuals use this method of influence more indirectly and interpersonally through the use of friendships, socialization, collaboration, and personal rewards.
- The second tactic is hard tactics that rely on economic, tangible outcomes. These tactics are harsh, forcing, or direct, especially in comparison to soft tactics. Though this tactic may seem more significant, it is not necessarily more powerful than soft tactics.
- The third tactic is rational tactics; they use reasoning, logic, and sound judgement by bargaining and persuading the target they are influencing.
- The fourth tactic is nonrational; these tactics rely on emotionality and misinformation; an example would be ingratiation and evasion.
- The fifth power tactic is bilateral tactics; these are based on an interactive approach involving a give-and-take process for both the influencer and the target receiving the influence. For instance, someone using bilateral tactics would likely open discussions with the person they are trying to influence and be more prone to negotiating with the target.
- The last power tactic is unilateral tactics; these are the opposite of an interactive approach and instead can be done without the cooperation of the target, including making demands, disengagement, and evasion.[2]
People will vary in their use of power tactics and use a mixture of the six. For instance, when asked, “How would you get your way?” different powerholders will respond with a range of power tactics. An interpersonally oriented individual who wishes to be liked will use more soft, indirect, and rational power tactics in leader roles. In contrast, someone who holds dictatorial power will use hard, direct, and irrational tactics.[2]
Personal and biological characteristics also influence the use of power tactics. For instance, an extrovert –an outgoing and overtly expressive individual – will use a more extensive range of tactics than an introvert – a shy or reticent individual. A difference in tactics also exists between males and females. Females tend to intervene more diminutive than their male counterparts in leadership roles and use far fewer tactics. A study conducted by Instone, Major, and Bunker (1983) found that women who supervised an inadequate employee would promise more irregular pay raises and threaten more pay deductions than men in the same position. In intimate relationships, women tend to lean toward using unilateral and indirect methods with their partners, whereas men use bilateral and direct tactics.[2]
Situational factors can also play a role in the use of power tactics. Depending on the nature of the group situation, certain people will react differently in their leadership role; high-status members tend to use more conflict-driven tactics than low-status members, who aim to minimize any conflict. Different situations call for different tactics: a teacher will lean toward using soft tactics on their students, whereas a CEO may switch back and forth between soft and hard tactics depending on the situation. People may often vary in their power tactics and can use a range of tactics depending on the situation; power tactics are case-specific.[2][1]
References
[edit]- ^ a b c d e f g h i French, John R P; Raven, Bertram H (1959). "The Bases of Social Power". In Cartwright, D (ed.). Studies in Social Power. Ann Arbor, MI: Research Center for Group Dynamics, Institute for Social Research. pp. 150–167.
- ^ a b c d e f g Forsyth, Donelson R (2010). Group Dynamics (5 ed.). Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. ISBN 978-0-495-59952-4.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Raven, Bertram H (1965). "Social influence and power". In Steiner, I D; Fishbein, M (eds.). Current studies in social psychology. pp. 371–382.
- ^ a b c d e f g Raven, Bertram H (March 2004). "Power, Six Bases of" (PDF). Encyclopedia of Leadership. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. pp. 1242–1249. ISBN 978-1-4522-6530-8. Retrieved 2012-01-30.
- ^ Raven, Bertram H. (1993). "The Bases of Power: Origins and Recent Developments". Journal of Social Issues. 49 (4): 227–251. doi:10.1111/j.1540-4560.1993.tb01191.x. ISSN 0022-4537.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Raven, Bertram H (1992). "A Power/Interaction Model of Interpersonal Influence: French and Raven Thirty Years Later". Journal of Social Behavior and Personality. 7 (2): 217–244.
- ^ Lazarsfeld, Paul; Menzel, Herbert (1961). "On the relation between individual and collective properties". In Etzioni, Amitai (ed.). Complex Organizations: A Sociological Reader. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. pp. 214–249. LCCN 61-7443.
- ^ Nesler, Mitchell S; Aguinis, Herman; Quigley, Brian M; Tedeschi, James T (September 1993). "The Effect of Credibility on Perceived Power". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 23 (17): 1407–1425. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.1993.tb01040.x.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Petress, Ken (2003). "Power: Definition, Typology, Description, Examples, and Implications" (PDF).
- ^ a b c d e f g Pierro, Antonio; Cicero, Lavinia; Raven, Bertram H (2008-06-28). "Motivated Compliance With Bases of Social Power". Journal of Applied Social Psychology. 38 (7): 1921–1944. doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.2008.00374.x.
- ^ ChangingMinds. (2002–2009). Retrieved on May 5, 2009 from Changingminds.org
- ^ a b c Hinkin, T. R., & Schriesheim, C. A. Development and application of new scales to measure the bases of social power. Journal of Applied Psychology, 1989 74, 561-567.
- ^ Gioia, D. A., & Sims, H. P. Perceptions of managerial power as a consequence of managerial behavior and reputation. Journal of Management 1983, 9, 7-26.
- ^ Bass, B. M. (1990). Handbook of leadership (3rd ed.). New York: Free Press
- ^ a b Fuqua, E., Payne, K., & Cangemi, J. (1998). Leadership and the effective use of power. National Forum of Educational Administration and Supervision Journal, 15E(4), 36-41.
- ^ Gouldner, A. (1960). The norm of reciprocity: A preliminary statement. American Sociological Review, 47, 73–80.
- ^ Cialdini, R. B. (1993). Influence: Science and practice (3rd ed.). New York: HarperCollins.
- ^ Walster, E., Walster, G. W., & Berscheid, E. (1978). Equity theory and research. Boston: Allyn & Bacon.
- ^ a b Berkowitz, Leonard; Daniels, Louise R. (1963). "Responsibility and dependency". The Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology. 66 (5): 429–436. doi:10.1037/h0049250.
- ^ Raven, B. H. Political applications of the psychology of interpersonal influence and social power. Political Psychology, 1990, 11, 493-520.
- ^ Feldman, R.S. (1985). Social Psychology: Theories, Research, and Applications. McGraw Hill Book Company.
- ^ Frost, D. E. and Stahelski, A. J. The systematic measurement of French & Raven's bases of social power in workgroups. Journal of Applied Social Psychology vol. 18 (1988) pp. 375–389
- ^ Dessler, G. and Phillips, J. (2008). Managing Now. Prentice Hall.
French and Raven's bases of power
View on GrokipediaHistorical Development
Original 1959 Formulation
In their seminal 1959 chapter "The Bases of Social Power," published in Studies in Social Power edited by Dorwin Cartwright, social psychologists John R. P. French Jr. and Bertram Raven introduced a typology of five bases of power to explain the sources of influence in interpersonal and group dynamics.[1] The framework conceptualizes power as the potential to alter a target's behavior, attitudes, or beliefs through perceived control over dependencies, emphasizing that influence arises from the agent's resources relative to the target's needs or values.[2] French and Raven distinguished these bases by their underlying mechanisms—whether rooted in the agent's position, personal attributes, or capacity to mediate outcomes—and noted that power strength varies by context, dependency levels, and the agent's ability to deploy it effectively.[8] The five original bases were:- Coercive power: Derived from the agent's capacity to administer punishments or threats that the target seeks to avoid, fostering compliance through fear of negative consequences such as physical harm, psychological distress, or resource deprivation.[1]
- Reward power: Stemming from the agent's ability to provide valued rewards, including material benefits, social approval, or opportunities, which motivates the target to conform in anticipation of positive outcomes.[2]
- Legitimate power: Based on the target's belief that the agent has the formal right to prescribe behaviors, often tied to hierarchical roles, norms, or internalized obligations within a social system.[1]
- Expert power: Arising from the agent's perceived superior knowledge, skills, or expertise in a relevant domain, leading the target to yield influence due to trust in the agent's judgments or advice.[2]
- Referent power: Grounded in the target's identification with, attraction to, or desire for similarity to the agent, often cultivated through charisma, shared values, or role-model status, resulting in voluntary alignment.[1]
Key Extensions and Revisions (1965–1992)
In 1965, Bertram Raven extended the original five bases of power by introducing informational power as a distinct sixth base, differentiating it from expert power by emphasizing the mechanism of altering the target's cognitive understanding or beliefs through the provision or withholding of information, rather than reliance on the agent's perceived expertise.[9] This revision arose from observations that influence could occur independently of the agent's credibility, as the persuasive impact stemmed from the logical or evidentiary value of the information itself, potentially leading to voluntary compliance without direct mediation by the agent's personal attributes. Empirical studies following this addition confirmed informational power's role in scenarios involving persuasion and attitude change, where targets processed data to revise their own views, contrasting with the outcome-control focus of reward or coercive bases.[4] Subsequent refinements in the 1970s and 1980s by Raven further delineated the typology, classifying bases into personal (expert and referent, derived from individual qualities) and positional or impersonal (legitimate, reward, and coercive, tied to formal roles or structures), with informational power applicable across both depending on context.[10] These distinctions highlighted causal differences in influence dynamics: personal bases fostered internalization and long-term commitment through identification or admiration, while positional bases relied on external dependencies or sanctions, often yielding shallower compliance prone to resistance if surveillance diminished.[4] Raven's analyses also incorporated valence considerations, noting that each base could manifest positively (e.g., positive referent power via attraction) or negatively (e.g., negative coercive power through threat of removal), affecting target reactions such as counter-dependence or reactance.[11] By the early 1990s, Raven's syntheses integrated empirical evidence from field studies, revealing interactions between bases and situational factors like dependency and legitimacy perceptions, which moderated effectiveness; for instance, high surveillance amplified coercive power's short-term utility but eroded trust over time, whereas informational power proved more resilient across cultures due to its cognitive appeal. These revisions shifted the model toward a process-oriented framework, emphasizing not just static sources but dynamic interpersonal processes, including the agent's intent and the target's attributions, supported by experimental data showing varied resistance levels—e.g., legitimate power minimized reactance compared to coercive.[12] This evolution maintained the core typology while enhancing its explanatory power for real-world applications in organizational and social influence.[4]Influence on Subsequent Research
The framework proposed by French and Raven in 1959 has profoundly shaped research in social psychology, organizational behavior, and leadership studies, serving as a foundational typology for analyzing interpersonal influence and power dynamics. By 2008, it had generated extensive empirical scrutiny and extensions, with applications spanning workplace hierarchies, educational consultations, and marketing channels, demonstrating its enduring relevance over five decades.[13] The model's core distinction between personal (expert, referent) and positional (legitimate, reward, coercive) power sources facilitated causal analyses of compliance, resistance, and attitude change, influencing quantitative studies that tested power's effects on subordinate outcomes like conformity and job satisfaction.[5] Subsequent revisions by Bertram Raven expanded the original five bases to include informational power in 1965, emphasizing persuasion through logical argumentation rather than direct control.[4] Raven's 1992 power/interaction model further refined this by integrating contextual factors such as dependency, surveillance, and cultural norms, positing up to 11 nuanced power variants (e.g., surveillance-enhanced coercion, persuasion via information) that account for interactional dependencies and long-term relational effects.[14] This model shifted focus from static bases to dynamic processes, enabling instruments like the Interpersonal Power Inventory (IPI) to measure these extensions empirically, with subscales validating distinctions in influence tactics across settings.[15] Empirical research has rigorously tested and critiqued the bases, with meta-analytic reviews of field studies revealing mixed support: reward and legitimate powers consistently predict compliance, while coercive power often correlates with resistance or reduced commitment.[7] Podsakoff and Schriesheim's 1985 reanalysis of over 20 studies highlighted methodological flaws like multicollinearity among bases and called for multivariate designs incorporating moderators such as organizational culture.[16] Applications in specialized domains, such as school psychology, adapted the model to consultant-teacher dynamics, finding expert and referent powers most effective for sustained behavioral change.[17] These developments underscore the framework's causal realism, prioritizing verifiable mechanisms of influence over normative ideals, though critiques note over-reliance on self-reported measures may inflate perceived power effects.[18]Theoretical Foundations
Core Typology and Definitions
French and Raven's core typology classifies social power into distinct bases, each representing a source from which an influencing agent derives the capacity to alter a target's behavior, attitudes, or beliefs through perceived dependency or relational dynamics. In their 1959 paper, they defined social power as "the potential for inducing change" in the target, emphasizing that the effectiveness of influence varies by the base employed and the resulting psychological outcomes, such as mere compliance, private acceptance, or internalization.[1] The original formulation identified five bases—coercive, reward, legitimate, expert, and referent—differentiated by whether they are positional (tied to roles or structures, like legitimate or coercive) or personal (inherent to the agent, like expert or referent), and by their reliance on external sanctions versus internal motivations.[3] These bases operate through mechanisms of dependency: for instance, coercive and reward powers foster dependency via fear or desire for outcomes controlled by the agent, while referent power leverages affective bonds and expert power exploits cognitive reliance on the agent's superior knowledge. Legitimate power, in contrast, rests on cultural or organizational norms endorsing the agent's authority, prompting voluntary compliance without overt threats. This typology underscores that power is not monolithic but context-dependent, with empirical studies confirming differential impacts on influence durability—e.g., expert and referent bases yielding more stable attitude change than coercive ones.[19] Raven later distinguished informational power as a sixth base in 1965, arising from the agent's possession of persuasive facts or logical arguments that independently compel the target to reassess and alter their views, rather than through direct dependency on the agent.[4] Unlike expert power, which depends on trust in the agent's expertise, informational power functions via the intrinsic validity of the information itself, often leading to deeper cognitive shifts. This addition refined the typology by separating informational influence from expertise-based appeals, highlighting persuasion through evidence over authority or relation. Subsequent revisions, such as those in Raven's 1992 overview, integrated it as a core element while preserving the original distinctions.[11]Distinctions in Power Dynamics (Personal vs. Impersonal, Positive vs. Negative)
French and Raven's framework differentiates bases of power as personal or impersonal based on their source and portability. Personal bases derive from the influencing agent's inherent qualities, such as expertise or charisma, and persist regardless of organizational role; these include expert power, rooted in perceived competence, and referent power, stemming from identification or attraction to the agent.[10][20] In contrast, impersonal bases are embedded in the agent's position, resources controlled by the system, or formal authority, rendering them non-transferable to the individual outside that context; examples encompass legitimate power from role-based acceptance, reward power from positional control over incentives, and coercive power from institutional enforcement mechanisms.[10][21] Subsequent refinements by Raven further parse coercive and reward bases into personal and impersonal subtypes to capture nuanced dynamics. Impersonal coercive power operates through detached, rule-enforced sanctions, such as demotion via organizational policy, whereas personal coercive power involves direct, agent-specific threats like unfavorable personal evaluations.[21][22] Similarly, impersonal reward power relies on systemic benefits, including standardized promotions or bonuses tied to hierarchy, while personal reward power entails individualized gestures, such as personal endorsements or informal support, fostering closer relational ties but risking perceptions of favoritism.[21][20] These subtypes highlight how impersonal forms emphasize structural detachment for consistency, whereas personal forms amplify interpersonal elements, potentially enhancing short-term compliance but eroding long-term trust if overused.[23] Power dynamics also vary along a positive versus negative axis, reflecting the valence of influence on the target's behavior relative to a baseline state. Positive power induces movement toward a desired outcome through attractive forces, such as incentives or emulation, increasing the probability of voluntary compliance; reward power exemplifies this by promising benefits that align the target's interests with the agent's goals.[24][1] Negative power, conversely, compels avoidance of undesired actions via aversive forces like threats, decreasing deviation from compliance; coercive power predominantly functions this way by activating fear of punishment, though it may provoke resistance or resentment over time.[24][1] Several bases exhibit bidirectional valence, adapting to context: referent power can positively leverage admiration for emulation or negatively exploit rejection fears for conformity, while expert power positively guides through trusted advice or negatively withholds knowledge to enforce caution.[25] Legitimate power often assumes positive inertia via habitual deference but turns negative when invoking sanctions for noncompliance.[1] This dimension underscores causal realism in influence, where positive dynamics promote sustainable alignment through intrinsic motivation, whereas negative ones rely on extrinsic pressure, risking backlash unless balanced with positive elements; empirical extensions, such as Raven's power/interaction model, emphasize that overreliance on negative power diminishes overall effectiveness by heightening target reactance.[5][24]Causal Mechanisms of Influence
The causal mechanisms of French and Raven's bases of power derive from the agent's capacity to control outcomes or perceptions valued by the target, engendering dependency that prompts behavioral or attitudinal change through three primary psychological processes: compliance (instrumental acceptance for external gains or to avert losses), identification (adoption to foster or preserve a desired relationship with the agent), and internalization (intrinsic acceptance aligning with the target's self-concept). These processes, originally delineated by Kelman in 1958 and integrated into the power framework, vary in depth and durability; compliance yields short-term obedience without attitudinal shift, identification sustains influence via relational bonds, and internalization embeds change as self-endorsed. Dependency arises when the target perceives the agent as pivotal to achieving desired ends, with influence magnitude proportional to the perceived strength and relevance of that control.[26][4] Coercive and reward powers mechanistically induce compliance by leveraging the agent's mediation of negative sanctions or positive reinforcements, respectively; the target complies to minimize harm or maximize benefits, contingent on surveillance or enforcement credibility, but these bases rarely foster identification or internalization due to extrinsic motivation and potential resentment. Legitimate power similarly drives compliance through internalized norms of deference to positional authority, where the target accepts directives as obligatory based on reciprocal social contracts, though erosion occurs if legitimacy is contested. In contrast, referent power causally promotes identification via the target's attraction to the agent's persona, prompting mimicry to affirm affiliation and gain approval, with influence persisting as long as relational valence endures.[27][28] Expert power facilitates internalization by establishing the agent's perceived competence as a valid source of guidance, whereby the target adopts recommendations after evaluating their informational merit, leading to enduring change independent of ongoing dependency. Informational power, added by Raven in 1965, operates through rational persuasion, where the agent alters the target's understanding via novel logic or evidence, bypassing direct dependency and directly yielding internalization as the target integrates the insight into cognitive frameworks; empirical tests confirm its superior efficacy for deep attitudinal shifts compared to surveillance-based powers. These mechanisms interact with contextual factors like target resistance or agent tactics, as elaborated in Raven's power/interaction model, where initial power activation influences subsequent strategies and outcomes.[4][27][28]The Six Bases of Power
Coercive Power
Coercive power is defined as the capacity of an influencing agent to administer punishments or negative sanctions that the target perceives as harmful, thereby compelling compliance through fear of adverse consequences.[1] In French and Raven's original 1959 framework, this base operates on the target's belief that non-compliance will result in mediated deprivations, such as withholding valued resources or imposing direct penalties, distinguishing it from other forms by its reliance on anticipated harm rather than voluntary acceptance or mutual benefit.[1] The effectiveness of coercive power hinges on the target's perception of the agent's surveillance capability and the immediacy of potential punishment, as undetected non-compliance diminishes its influence.[3] This power base can manifest in personal forms, where the agent directly controls sanctions (e.g., a supervisor issuing reprimands), or impersonal forms embedded in organizational structures (e.g., policy-enforced fines).[18] Examples include military discipline through threats of court-martial or workplace demotions for rule violations, where the agent's ability to remove positive elements—like promotions or job security—reinforces control.[29] However, coercive power often yields superficial compliance without attitudinal change, as targets may engage in evasion or retaliation once surveillance lapses, contrasting with bases like expert power that promote genuine persuasion.[3] Empirical research validates coercive power's role in short-term behavioral control but highlights its drawbacks, including reduced target satisfaction and heightened resistance; for instance, studies in organizational settings show leaders heavy on coercion experience lower subordinate commitment compared to those using referent or expert bases.[5] Quantitative analyses, such as those measuring power perception scales, confirm that perceived coercive strength correlates with compliance rates but inversely with long-term loyalty, with effect sizes indicating modest influence in hierarchical environments like public administration (r ≈ -0.25 for job satisfaction correlations in meta-reviews).[18] Cross-contextual findings, including field experiments from the 1960s onward, underscore that over-reliance on coercion erodes relational trust, prompting recommendations for balanced use with positive bases to mitigate backlash.[6]Reward Power
Reward power, as defined by French and Raven in their 1959 seminal work, derives from an agent's capacity to mediate rewards valued by the target, thereby influencing the target's behavior through anticipated positive outcomes. The potency of this power base escalates with the magnitude of the rewards available and the perceived likelihood of their delivery, fostering compliance via positive reinforcement rather than fear or obligation.[1] This mechanism aligns with behavioral principles where targets alter actions to obtain benefits controlled by the agent, such as in hierarchical structures where superiors allocate incentives.[3] In practical applications, reward power manifests through tangible and intangible incentives, including salary increases, promotions, bonuses, or verbal praise, which signal value and encourage alignment with the agent's goals. For instance, managers exercising reward power might tie performance metrics to financial bonuses, prompting higher productivity as employees seek the mediated rewards. Empirical observations from French and Raven's foundational experiments demonstrated that reward-based systems, such as piece-work monitoring, elevated output levels compared to baseline conditions, underscoring its efficacy in driving short-term behavioral change.[3] However, reliance on this power can diminish intrinsic motivation if overemphasized, as targets may attribute efforts solely to external inducements rather than internal satisfaction.[1] Unlike coercive power, which employs threats, reward power operates on voluntary exchange and personal dependency, often embedded in positional authority but extensible through personal relationships where agents control informal perks. Studies indicate that reward power correlates positively with employee job satisfaction when paired with equitable distribution, yet its effectiveness wanes if perceived as manipulative or inconsistently applied, potentially eroding trust. In cross-organizational contexts, leaders leveraging reward power achieve greater compliance in goal-oriented tasks, though long-term influence requires integration with bases like expert or referent power for sustained legitimacy.[3] French and Raven noted that while reward power induces immediate adherence, it yields shallower attitude change than informational or referent bases, highlighting its utility for compliance over deep persuasion.[1]Legitimate Power
Legitimate power, as formulated by French and Raven in 1959, refers to the agent's perceived right to influence the target based on internalized norms, values, or beliefs that endorse the agent's position or role as authorizing certain directives or behaviors.[8] This base derives from the target's acceptance of a hierarchical or structural legitimacy, such as formal authority conferred by an organization, society, or tradition, rather than personal attributes of the agent.[1] Unlike coercive or reward power, which rely on external threats or incentives, legitimate power functions through voluntary compliance stemming from the target's conviction that obedience aligns with accepted social contracts or role expectations.[26] In practice, legitimate power manifests in contexts like managerial hierarchies, where subordinates follow orders because the superior's position—e.g., a CEO or elected official—carries prescriptive rights endorsed by institutional rules. French and Raven's experimental work demonstrated that this power induces behavioral change with minimal resistance when the legitimacy is perceived as proportionate; for instance, in a 1950s study, targets complied with moderate requests from an authority figure without resentment, but excessive demands eroded the perceived right to influence.[1] Subsequent refinements by Raven in 1992 subdivided legitimate power into three forms: position power (tied to formal office), legitimacy of own (personal endorsement of the role), and dependence legitimacy (arising from the target's reliance on the agent's decisions), highlighting its dependence on relational dynamics beyond mere title.[4] Empirical validation in organizational settings confirms legitimate power's role in fostering compliance and stability; a 2012 meta-analysis across leadership studies found it positively correlated with task performance and subordinate satisfaction when balanced with expert or referent bases, though isolated reliance often yields superficial obedience rather than commitment.[30] Cross-contextual research, including military and educational environments, shows its potency diminishes in low-trust structures, where perceived illegitimacy—e.g., due to procedural unfairness—triggers resistance, as evidenced by field experiments measuring compliance rates under varying authority endorsements.[5] Overall, legitimate power's effectiveness hinges on cultural acceptance of hierarchy, with quantitative findings indicating higher influence in stable, norm-reinforcing groups compared to fluid or egalitarian ones.[3]Referent Power
Referent power derives from the target's perception of similarity to or attraction toward the influencing agent, fostering identification with the agent or the group they represent. French and Raven (1959) defined it as the agent's ability to influence through the target's desire for affiliation or emulation, distinct from direct rewards or punishments because compliance stems from internalized motives rather than external contingencies.[2] This base operates via psychological processes where the target adopts the agent's positions to maintain a positive self-concept through perceived likeness or aspirational alignment.[1] The causal mechanism involves attraction-mediated identification: empirical experiments by French and Raven demonstrated that referent power intensifies when the target feels drawn to the agent, leading to greater attitude change through emulation rather than mere persuasion. For instance, in small-group studies, targets exposed to an agent embodying valued traits (e.g., competence or likability) shifted opinions more enduringly than under expert power alone, as measured by post-interaction surveys showing voluntary alignment.[2] Later field research confirmed this, with supervisors perceived as charismatic exerting referent influence that correlated with subordinate loyalty and self-motivated performance, quantified via Likert-scale assessments of identification strength (r ≈ 0.45-0.60 in meta-analyses of organizational samples).[4][7] Unlike impersonal bases such as legitimate power, referent power is inherently personal and relational, eroding if the agent's attractiveness diminishes (e.g., via perceived hypocrisy). Quantitative validations, including Hinkin and Schriesheim's (1989) scale development, operationalized it through items like "I admire this person" and found it predictive of positive outcomes like commitment, but less so for short-term compliance compared to coercive power. Cross-context applications, such as in clinical settings, link referent power to clinicians' charisma fostering patient adherence, with studies reporting higher treatment persistence (up to 25% variance explained) when identification is strong.[18][31] Negative variants exist, where referent power can manipulate via cult-like identification, though French and Raven emphasized its positive valence in voluntary influence.[3]Expert Power
Expert power refers to the capacity of an agent to influence a target based on the latter's perception that the agent possesses superior knowledge, expertise, or competence in a specific domain relevant to the influence attempt.[1] This base of power, identified by French and Raven in their 1959 analysis of social power dynamics, operates independently of formal position or hierarchy, classifying it as a personal rather than positional source of influence.[3] Unlike coercive or reward power, which rely on external contingencies, expert power stems from the target's voluntary acceptance of the agent's directives due to anticipated causal benefits from the expertise, such as improved decision-making or problem-solving outcomes.[5] The causal mechanism underlying expert power involves the target's attribution of credibility to the agent, leading to internalization of the influence rather than mere compliance.[1] French and Raven's foundational experiments demonstrated this through scenarios where targets altered opinions or behaviors more readily under expert influence when the expertise directly pertained to the task, as opposed to irrelevant domains; for instance, subjects complied with advice on factual judgments when the agent was perceived as knowledgeable, yielding higher rates of influence acceptance than under legitimate power alone.[1] This effect diminishes if the perceived expertise erodes, such as through demonstrated errors, highlighting the fragility tied to ongoing validation of competence.[3] Empirical field studies have corroborated these dynamics, showing expert power consistently correlates positively with measures of influence effectiveness, such as subordinate satisfaction and performance in organizational settings, across multiple analyses of supervisory relationships.[7] For example, in hierarchical work environments, leaders deriving power from technical proficiency in domain-specific tasks—such as engineers advising on mechanical designs—achieve greater voluntary adherence than those relying solely on positional authority, with quantitative findings indicating moderate to strong positive associations (e.g., correlation coefficients around 0.4-0.6 in rank-order scales).[32] However, its scope remains bounded: expert power is domain-specific and does not generalize across unrelated areas, as targets rationally discount influence outside the agent's demonstrated competency.[32] In practice, expert power manifests in contexts like professional consultations, where a physician's specialized medical knowledge prompts patient adherence to treatment recommendations, or legal counsel influencing client strategies based on jurisprudential mastery.[1] Later refinements by Raven in 1965 distinguished expert power from informational power by emphasizing the former's reliance on the agent's personal credibility over the inherent logic of presented data, though both contribute to persuasive outcomes when expertise aligns with verifiable informational quality.[18] This distinction underscores that sustained expert power requires not only initial perception of knowledge but also empirical demonstration of its utility, as targets withdraw deference when expertise fails to yield superior results.[5]Informational Power
Informational power represents a distinct base of social influence in the expanded typology developed by Bertram Raven building on the 1959 framework co-authored with John French. Unlike the original five bases—coercive, reward, legitimate, referent, and expert—informational power was formally distinguished and added as a sixth category in subsequent refinements, particularly by Raven in the mid-1960s, to account for influence derived not from perceived expertise but from the direct provision of logically compelling information that alters the target's understanding or beliefs.[18][13] This base operates through rational persuasion, where the agent reduces uncertainty by conveying facts, data, or arguments relevant to the target's goals, prompting voluntary compliance via private acceptance rather than mere superficial agreement.[31] The causal mechanism of informational power hinges on the target's cognitive reappraisal: the information provided serves as a tool for surveillance or logical deduction, enabling the target to independently verify the rationale for change, which fosters internalization of the agent's position. Raven differentiated it from expert power, noting that while expert power relies on the target's attribution of superior knowledge to the agent (often leading to dependence), informational power emphasizes the inherent persuasiveness of the message itself, independent of the agent's credentials—though in practice, the two can overlap when expertise facilitates information delivery. For instance, direct informational influence involves explicit logical arguments, whereas indirect forms may leverage information asymmetries for implied control, such as withholding data to shape decisions. This base is typically impersonal and positive, diminishing over time as the information becomes public knowledge, unlike enduring personal bases like referent power.[18][33][13] Empirical studies validate informational power's role in promoting sustained behavioral change, particularly in contexts requiring understanding over coercion; for example, in organizational settings, leaders using informational tactics achieve higher target commitment compared to reward or coercive approaches, as measured by compliance metrics and attitude surveys in field experiments. However, its effectiveness depends on the target's information-processing capacity and perceived relevance, with lower efficacy in high-uncertainty or low-trust environments where skepticism undermines logical appeals. Raven's later power/interaction model (1992) further posits that repeated use of informational power can evolve into higher-order influences, such as enhanced legitimate or referent bases, through accumulated credibility from accurate predictions.[29][5][34]Empirical Evidence
Foundational Studies and Validation
The foundational conceptualization of the bases of social power was articulated by John R. P. French Jr. and Bertram H. Raven in their 1959 chapter "The Bases of Social Power," published in Dorwin Cartwright's edited volume Studies in Social Power. This work synthesized theoretical insights from prior social psychology experiments, particularly on small-group dynamics and compliance, to propose five distinct bases—coercive, reward, legitimate, referent, and expert—without relying on a novel primary empirical dataset of its own. Instead, it built on empirical demonstrations of varied influence processes, such as those showing differential resistance to change based on power type, to argue for the framework's utility in explaining asymmetrical dyadic relations.[1][2] Empirical validation emerged primarily through post-1959 field studies in organizational contexts, which tested the bases' distinct impacts on outcomes like subordinate attitudes and performance. A pivotal review by Philip M. Podsakoff and Chester A. Schriesheim in 1985 reanalyzed data from multiple field investigations, confirming that the bases operated differentially—for instance, coercive power often yielded short-term compliance but long-term resentment, while referent and expert power fostered voluntary acceptance and higher satisfaction. Their critique highlighted measurement shortcomings in early studies, such as single-item scales prone to unreliability and overlap between bases like reward and coercive, yet affirmed the model's core validity through reanalysis showing predicted correlations with criteria like role clarity and turnover intent.[35][19] Addressing these gaps, Hinkin and Schriesheim developed and validated refined Likert-scale measures for the five bases in 1989, drawing from two samples of mid-level managers (total N exceeding 250). Factor analyses supported the scales' discriminant validity, with bases loading on separate factors, and internal consistencies generally above 0.70, enabling more precise hypothesis testing than prior ipsative or ad hoc instruments. These scales, applied in hierarchical regressions, replicated foundational patterns, such as legitimate power enhancing perceived equity without direct coercion. Raven's 1965 extension incorporating informational power as a sixth base received parallel scrutiny in later validations, though early tests integrated it as a cognitive influence mechanism distinct from expert power.[36][37] Collectively, these studies established the framework's robustness against null hypotheses of power uniformity, with meta-analytic precursors in Podsakoff and Schriesheim's work underscoring causal links via controlled comparisons, though they cautioned against overgeneralization absent context-specific controls.[35]Field Applications and Quantitative Findings
Field studies have predominantly applied French and Raven's bases of power in organizational contexts, particularly examining supervisory-subordinate dynamics to assess influences on employee attitudes, behaviors, and performance. In manufacturing and service sectors, expert and referent power have been linked to enhanced subordinate commitment and productivity, as supervisors leverage perceived competence or personal identification to foster voluntary compliance rather than enforced obedience. Coercive and reward power, conversely, appear in performance management systems, such as disciplinary actions or incentive programs, though their effects vary by context like task interdependence or employee locus of control.[7][3] Quantitative analyses from reexaminations of 18 field studies reveal consistent patterns: expert power correlates positively with subordinate job satisfaction (across 6 studies) and performance (6 studies), while referent power shows similar positive associations with satisfaction and negative links to withdrawal behaviors. Coercive power demonstrates negative correlations with satisfaction (6 studies) and positive ties to job tension, whereas reward and legitimate power yield mostly nonsignificant or inconsistent results for satisfaction (nonsignificant in 20/25 and 18/25 cases, respectively). These patterns hold despite methodological variations like scale formats, suggesting robust relational effects in hierarchical settings.[7]| Power Base | Key Correlations with Outcomes | Studies Analyzed |
|---|---|---|
| Expert | Positive with satisfaction (r > 0), performance | 6 each |
| Referent | Positive with satisfaction, negative with withdrawal | 6 satisfaction |
| Coercive | Negative with satisfaction (r < 0), positive with tension | 6 satisfaction |
| Reward | Mostly nonsignificant with satisfaction, performance | 6 each |
| Legitimate | Inconsistent/nonsignificant with satisfaction | Varied |
Cross-Cultural and Contextual Variations
French and Raven originally posited cultural values as a foundational element of legitimate power, whereby societal norms and traditions legitimize authority without requiring explicit designation or structural acceptance.[1] This acknowledgment highlights inherent contextual variability, as the perceived right to influence depends on ingrained cultural expectations rather than universal principles. Empirical extensions have operationalized this through frameworks like Hofstede's power distance index, where high power distance societies exhibit greater tolerance for hierarchical imbalances, enhancing the efficacy of positional bases such as legitimate and coercive power.[29] Cross-cultural validations demonstrate measurement invariance for the power bases across Western and Eastern European samples, including France, English- and French-speaking Canada, and Romania, indicating consistent perceptual structures despite linguistic and national differences.[38] However, outcome effectiveness diverges: personal bases like expert and referent power consistently correlate with positive subordinate responses, such as affective commitment, across these contexts, while coercive power yields negative associations whose intensity may amplify in low power distance environments due to heightened resistance. In contrast, comparative studies of French and Chinese managers reveal cultural divergence in usage, with Chinese leaders (in a higher power distance context) favoring coercive and legitimate bases for compliance, whereas French counterparts emphasize expert and referent bases to foster voluntary influence.[39] Recent experimental evidence from dignity (U.S.), face (China), and honor (Egypt) cultures underscores preferences for collaborative power forms—aligning with referent and expert bases—over coercive ones, with the strongest support in face cultures mediated by perceptions of a less threatening world and stricter relational norms.[40] Contextual factors within organizations further modulate bases; in high power distance settings like certain Asian firms, reward and legitimate power bolster knowledge sharing more effectively than in egalitarian structures, where overreliance on coercion erodes credibility. These variations suggest that while the bases remain robustly identifiable, their instrumental value hinges on alignment with ambient cultural and situational hierarchies, with personal bases offering greater universality for sustainable influence.[41]Applications in Practice
Organizational Leadership and Management
In organizational leadership, French and Raven's bases of power provide a framework for understanding how managers influence subordinates to achieve goals, with empirical studies demonstrating that the effectiveness of these bases varies by context and combination.[7] Expert power, derived from perceived competence, consistently correlates with higher subordinate task performance and satisfaction in field studies across manufacturing and service sectors, as leaders who demonstrate technical knowledge foster voluntary compliance and innovation. Referent power, based on personal identification and charisma, enhances organizational commitment, with quantitative analyses showing it predicts lower turnover intentions in teams where leaders model ethical behavior, though its impact diminishes in high-stress environments without supportive structures.[5] Legitimate power, rooted in formal authority, supports compliance in hierarchical structures but yields mixed outcomes on intrinsic motivation; a reanalysis of 20 field studies from the 1970s to 1990s found it positively related to role clarity (r = 0.25) yet neutral or weakly negative for creative tasks, as over-reliance can stifle initiative.[7] Reward power motivates short-term goal attainment through incentives, with surveys of 500+ managers indicating it boosts productivity by 15-20% in sales roles when tied to clear metrics, but its sustainability erodes if perceived as manipulative, leading to extrinsic-only motivation.[29] Coercive power, involving threats or punishments, achieves immediate obedience but correlates negatively with long-term satisfaction (r = -0.35 across meta-analyses), often resulting in resistance or sabotage in knowledge-based organizations.[3] Informational power, added by Raven in 1965, proves particularly relevant in data-driven management, where leaders persuade through logical arguments and evidence; empirical data from consulting firms show it enhances decision acceptance in flat hierarchies, with adoption rates 30% higher than coercive tactics in change initiatives.[6] Effective managers integrate "soft" bases (expert and referent) with positional ones for balanced influence, as evidenced by longitudinal studies in U.S. corporations where hybrid approaches yielded 25% greater leadership effectiveness scores compared to singular reliance.[5] In practice, training programs emphasize developing expert power via skill-building, while cautioning against coercive overuse, which a 2012 review linked to 40% higher conflict incidence in teams.| Power Base | Key Organizational Application | Empirical Outcome Example |
|---|---|---|
| Expert | Technical guidance in R&D teams | Positive correlation with performance (r = 0.42) in 15 studies[7] |
| Referent | Building team cohesion via role modeling | Reduces absenteeism by 18% in high-trust settings[3] |
| Legitimate | Enforcing policies in bureaucracies | Enhances compliance but not innovation (neutral r = 0.10)[29] |
| Reward | Incentive-aligned sales targets | Increases output short-term (15-20% gain) |
| Coercive | Crisis enforcement | Negative satisfaction link (r = -0.35), higher resistance[5] |
| Informational | Data-backed strategy persuasion | 30% better change adoption in agile firms[6] |
