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Marc Morano
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Marc Morano (born 1968)[1] is a former Republican political aide who founded and runs the website ClimateDepot.com.[2] ClimateDepot is a project of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT), a US non-profit organisation that promotes climate change denial.[3]

Key Information

Career

[edit]

Morano was born in Washington, D.C., and raised in McLean, Virginia. He has a bachelor's degree from George Mason University in political science.[1]

He began his career working for Rush Limbaugh from 1992 to 1996.[4] After 1996, he began working for Cybercast News Service (now CNSNews), where he was the first to publish the subsequently discredited[5][6] accusations from Swift-Boat veterans that John Kerry had allegedly exaggerated his military service record.[7]

Beginning in June 2006, Morano served as the director of communications for Senator Jim Inhofe. He was also communications director for the Senate Environment and Public Works Committee under the George W. Bush administration. In 2007, Morano produced a report listing hundreds of scientists whose work, according to Morano, questions whether global warming is caused by human activity.[7][8]

In April 2009, despite having no formal education in the field of climate science,[9] Morano founded and became executive editor of ClimateDepot.com, a website sponsored by the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT). In November 2009, Morano was one of the first to break the Climatic Research Unit email controversy story after being contacted by Anthony Watts. The story was subsequently picked up by James Delingpole.[4] In 2016 Morano co-wrote and presented the CFACT-funded documentary Climate Hustle.

In December 2012, Morano debated Bill Nye on global warming on CNN's Piers Morgan Tonight.[10] In January 2013, Morano debated Michael Brune, executive director of the Sierra Club, again on Piers Morgan Tonight.[11] Morano was interviewed in the 2015 documentary Merchants of Doubt.[12]

In 2019, Morano's blog described 16-year old climate change activist Greta Thunberg as an "autistic prophet", and he retweeted criticisms of her that center on her autism.[13]

Reception

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Morano mocks scientists in television debates, which he describes as fun. In one blog post he wrote "We should kick scientists when they're down. They deserve to be publicly flogged", but then said "come on, it was a stupid expression." While some climatologists who felt they had been bullied were reluctant to give their names, Michael E. Mann openly said that Morano "spreads malicious lies about scientists, paints us as enemies of the people, then uses language that makes it sound like we should be subject to death threats, harmed or killed." Morano says he merely posts public contact details, and suggests to his followers that they say what they think to the scientists, who he says "live in a bubble" and don't hear from the public. He says this is refreshing, healthy, and "good for the public debate".[14] At the end of 2012, left-leaning media watchdog Media Matters for America named Morano the "Climate Change Misinformer of the Year."[15]

Morano has been criticized for publishing the email addresses of climate scientists on ClimateDepot.org. In March 2012, Morano posted an article and the email address of sociology professor Kari Norgaard, who had presented a paper on why it is difficult for societies to take action to respond to climate change. This story was later picked up by Rush Limbaugh, after which Norgaard received threatening emails.[16] Morano repeated this action again in 2013, when he posted the email address of Shaun Marcott in response to Marcott's having published a temperature reconstruction which resembled the hockey stick graph.[16]

Morano says that emails targeting climate scientists can be nasty in tone, but he defends the practice of posting their addresses by noting that he, too, has received hate mail. He says that his goal is to "let the professors hear from the public" and that receiving nasty emails is "part of the process".[16]

In 2010, the conservative group Accuracy in Media awarded Morano their annual Reed Irvine Award alongside Andrew Breitbart.[17] The lobbying group Doctors for Disaster Preparedness, described by The Guardian as a "fringe political group",[18] awarded Morano the 2010 Petr Beckmann Award.[19]

References

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Marc Morano

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Marc Morano (born 1968) is an American conservative , filmmaker, and activist specializing in and science skepticism. As the founder, publisher, and executive editor of Climate Depot—a project of the for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT)—Morano has curated extensive compilations of empirical data, peer-reviewed studies, and historical records challenging predictions of catastrophic global warming driven by human emissions. From 2003 to 2006, he served as communications director and staff director for the U.S. Environment and under Senator James Inhofe, where he produced reports documenting over 400 prominent dissenting from the (IPCC) consensus on anthropogenic catastrophe. Morano's career, beginning in 1991 as an investigative reporter, includes producing documentaries debunking environmental alarmism myths and testifying before ional committees on the lack of linking recent warming to elevated CO2 levels or species extinctions. His efforts have drawn opposition from groups, who have labeled him a denialist, yet Morano emphasizes in theory, arguing that models failing predictive tests undermine claims of . Notable contributions include co-producing films like Climate Hustle (2016), which satirized alarmist narratives through interviews with skeptical , and advocating for policy reversals under the Trump administration to defund UN programs based on observed discrepancies between projections and measurements.

Early Life and Education

Childhood and Formative Influences

Marc Morano was born in 1968 in , and grew up in His family's deep roots in , a state historically tied to energy production including and natural gas industries, informed his longstanding interest in debates and the economic implications of regulatory frameworks. As a child, Morano aspired to become a forest ranger, reflecting an initial affinity for . This early fascination evolved in the early into a critical examination of environmental narratives, prompted by encounters with policy-driven claims that he later viewed as overstated or mythologized to justify government intervention. Morano's formative perspectives were shaped by skepticism toward expansive regulatory approaches, even critiquing aspects of Republican administrations' environmental policies during his youth, such as those under President . This outlook emphasized conservative principles prioritizing economic realities and interference in scientific and industrial spheres over alarmist interpretations of environmental data.

Academic Background

Marc Morano holds a degree in from , obtained in the late 1980s or early 1990s. This undergraduate education focused on political theory, government structures, and , providing foundational tools for evaluating the intersection of , , and rather than technical expertise in natural sciences. Morano has described his political science background as particularly suited to dissecting claims about anthropogenic global warming, emphasizing its utility in probing the political motivations and policy ramifications behind scientific assertions, as opposed to conducting laboratory-based research. This equips him to assess how consensus in scientific communities may prioritize institutional narratives over direct empirical scrutiny, allowing for an external perspective on debates often dominated by specialized insiders. Morano possesses no graduate degrees or formal qualifications in climate science, atmospheric physics, or related empirical disciplines, a fact underscoring his role as a non-specialist commentator reliant on policy analysis and review of primary data sources. This absence of insider credentials has positioned his critiques as deriving from broader evidentiary review and skepticism toward establishment-driven interpretations, rather than from peer-reviewed modeling or fieldwork in climatology.

Early Career

Investigative Journalism

Morano commenced his journalism career in the early 1990s as a producer for Rush Limbaugh's nationally syndicated radio program, where he functioned as the "Man in Washington," delivering daily news updates, political analysis, and investigative segments challenging mainstream media narratives on government policies. In this capacity, he emphasized fact-checking official claims, often exposing inconsistencies in regulatory proposals and federal overreach, such as scrutinizing environmental policy assertions that he viewed as exaggerated for political gain. From 2001 to 2006, Morano served as a senior staff writer and investigative reporter for Cybercast News Service (CNSNews.com), a conservative-leaning outlet affiliated with the Media Research Center, producing articles that probed policy myths and government assertions. His reporting frequently targeted regulatory excesses, including early critiques of environmental alarmism by highlighting data discrepancies and questioning the scientific basis for stringent regulations, such as those tied to purported ecological crises. For example, Morano's pieces fact-checked claims from federal agencies and advocacy groups, arguing that they overstated threats to justify expanded bureaucratic control, thereby honing his methodology of empirical verification against policy-driven narratives. This phase established his reputation for rigorous scrutiny of establishment positions on regulation without reliance on institutional consensus.

Environmental Reporting

In the late 1990s, as an investigative reporter for The American Spectator and CNSNews.com, Morano covered environmental topics by emphasizing empirical discrepancies in dominant narratives, such as overhyped threats to and atmospheric changes. His reporting challenged causal assumptions linking human activities to purported crises, drawing on available data to question policy-driven exaggerations. For example, in 2000, Morano produced a documentary examining myths surrounding the , where he highlighted how environmental advocacy groups overstated rates and species extinction risks despite evidence of stable and natural regeneration processes. This work underscored his approach of prioritizing observable data over predictive models that often failed to align with on-the-ground realities. Morano's articles for CNSNews.com frequently critiqued early instances of global warming advocacy, using specific weather events to illustrate inconsistencies in alarmist claims. In a February 20, 2003, piece, he reported on an environmentalist's assertion that a major East Coast blizzard was "consistent" with global warming trends, contrasting this with historical meteorological data showing no unprecedented pattern of extreme winters attributable to anthropogenic causes. Such rapid-response reporting positioned Morano as a counter to media amplification of preliminary or unverified scientific interpretations, often noting how these narratives justified expansive regulations without robust causal evidence. Through contributions to conservative-leaning outlets, Morano built a reputation for analyzing the economic ramifications of environmental policies, particularly those from the EPA. His pre-2003 highlighted how proposed rules, such as those on air quality and emissions precursors, imposed significant compliance costs on industries—estimated in billions annually—while empirical assessments showed marginal or unproven benefits in reduction or outcomes. This focus on cost-benefit imbalances, grounded in regulatory impact analyses and industry data, reinforced his skepticism toward interventions driven more by precautionary rhetoric than verifiable causal mechanisms.

Political Involvement

Senate Environment Committee Role

From 2006 to 2009, Marc Morano served as communications director and climate researcher for the minority staff of the U.S. Committee on Environment and , under then-Chairman and later Ranking Member James Inhofe (R-OK). In this capacity, he coordinated media outreach, research, and report production focused on scrutinizing claims and proposals. Morano contributed to key committee outputs, including the December 2007 U.S. Minority Report compiling dissenting views from over 400 scientists on man-made global warming, which emphasized the unproven nature of predictions for future warming and related impacts. The report cited peer-reviewed analyses questioning model reliability, such as instances where projections overstated temperature trends or sea-level rise relative to observed data. Morano later described himself as the of this document and its 2009 update expanding to over 700 scientists. In opposing cap-and-trade legislation, such as the Lieberman-Warner bill, Morano highlighted empirical discrepancies in historical forecasts to argue against regulatory measures. For instance, a April 2007 committee release he coordinated critiqued findings on CO2 cap-and-trade schemes, noting their potential to transfer wealth from lower- to higher-income groups without addressing purported model inaccuracies in predicting emissions impacts. Similar communications underscored failed past predictions, like overstated Arctic ice melt timelines, to challenge the scientific basis for emissions caps.

Policy Advocacy Against Regulations

As communications director for the U.S. Environment and Public Works Committee under James Inhofe from 2003 to 2009, Marc Morano coordinated efforts to challenge regulatory proposals predicated on assertions of anthropogenic catastrophe. His work emphasized empirical critiques of underlying models and reports, arguing that such policies imposed economic costs without verifiable causal links to human emissions. This included authoring and disseminating staff memos and press releases that highlighted failures in predictive models, such as divergences between IPCC projections and observed temperature data. Morano's team produced Minority Reports documenting discrepancies in IPCC processes, including political alterations to scientific summaries intended for policymakers. For instance, a detailed how the IPCC's Summary for Policymakers was approved by representatives rather than , undermining claims of consensus-driven alarm. These materials cited instances where model predictions overstated warming trends, with observed global temperatures from 2000 to falling below even the lowest IPCC scenarios. Such disclosures informed Republican senators' resistance to binding emissions targets, positioning flawed modeling as justification against regulatory overreach. In opposing extensions of the , Morano's communications amplified arguments that the treaty's framework ignored developing nations' emissions growth while burdening U.S. industry without evidence of climatic efficacy. Committee releases under his direction critiqued Kyoto's approach as economically punitive, noting that signatories like and had abandoned commitments by the mid-2000s due to non-attainment of targets. This contributed to unified GOP opposition in the , blocking and similar domestic cap-and-trade proposals like those debated in 2008 energy bills. Following in August 2005, Morano oversaw rebuttals to claims attributing intensified hurricanes to global warming, citing peer-reviewed analyses showing no statistically significant trend in U.S. landfalling storms linked to CO2 levels. A 2007 committee hearing statement, prepared with his input, referenced studies from the indicating that post-1970 hurricane frequency had not increased and that Katrina's intensity aligned with historical precedents predating modern emissions rises. These efforts aimed to prevent regulatory escalations, such as coastal mandates or reforms, justified by unsubstantiated climate-hurricane causalities.

Climate Advocacy and Climate Depot

Founding Climate Depot

In April 2009, shortly after departing his role as communications director for the U.S. Environment and under Senator James Inhofe, Marc Morano established Climate Depot as a special project of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT). CFACT, founded in 1985 to advocate free-market environmental policies emphasizing technological innovation and human adaptation over regulatory interventions, provided the organizational backing for the initiative. Climate Depot was designed to serve as a centralized hub aggregating news, scientific data, and commentary challenging prevailing narratives on anthropogenic global warming, positioning itself as a real-time counterpoint to what Morano described as media-driven . The platform's launch addressed perceived imbalances in environmental reporting, aiming to compile and disseminate peer-reviewed studies, historical data, and dissenting expert opinions that questioned the urgency and causality of human-induced catastrophe claims. Morano, serving as executive editor and chief correspondent, intended it to function as an "" for eco-reporting, enabling rapid responses to policy-driven consensus assertions. This focus aligned with CFACT's broader ethos of "constructive environmentalism," which prioritizes practical solutions like adaptation strategies and over efforts predicated on reducing use, arguing that such approaches overlook natural variability and overestimate CO2's role in recent warming. The timing proved fortuitous amid emerging scrutiny of climate science institutions; Climate Depot's debut preceded the November 2009 release of the Climategate emails from the University of East Anglia's Climatic Research Unit by several months, which revealed discussions among scientists on data handling and peer-review processes that skeptics cited as evidence of institutional resistance to contradictory findings. Morano leveraged the site for immediate aggregation and analysis of the leak's implications, reinforcing its mandate to debunk what proponents viewed as overstated consensus claims in real time and highlighting discrepancies between modeled predictions and empirical observations.

Operations and Key Projects

Climate Depot functions as a centralized hub for aggregating and disseminating climate-related information, issuing daily updates that compile peer-reviewed studies, satellite data analyses, and highlighting discrepancies between alarmist projections and observed outcomes, such as prolonged periods of minimal global temperature rise despite rising CO2 levels. These updates scrutinize media eco-reporting, positioning the platform as an that catalogs instances of failed warming predictions, including historical forecasts of imminent famines, ice ages, or ecosystem collapses that have not occurred. Among its key projects are recurring "State of the Climate" reports, which synthesize global datasets to underscore non-catastrophic trends, such as records indicating virtually flat temperatures for approximately 18 years as of . These reports, often presented at international forums, draw on metrics like extent, hurricane frequency, and patterns to challenge prevailing narratives of escalating extremes. The organization maintains an international footprint through on-the-ground coverage of climate conferences, including multiple (COP) events, where it documents proceedings and critiques policy proposals like carbon pricing as economically burdensome without corresponding environmental gains. Morano has attended summits in locations such as (COP22, 2016), , , and , producing reports that highlight procedural disruptions and dissenting data presentations. Additional outputs include documentary films like Climate Hustle (2016), screened in hundreds of U.S. theaters, and its sequel Climate Hustle 2 (), which feature interviews with scientists questioning dominant climate models.

Core Views on Climate Science

Challenges to Alarmist Narratives

Morano contends that assertions of a near-unanimous scientific consensus on catastrophic human-caused warming, often cited as 97%, are overstated and stem from selective surveys that misrepresent expert agreement. He highlights methodological flaws in key studies, such as those by John Cook, which he describes as deriving the figure "out of thin air" by including ambiguous or non-endorsing papers, while ignoring broader surveys showing only 80-90% agreement on any human influence, not necessarily dominant or dangerous. Morano points to compilations of over 1,000 dissenting scientists, including Nobel laureates and IPCC contributors, who challenge the alarmist framing, arguing that true consensus exists only on modest warming potential from CO2, not on doomsday scenarios. A core element of Morano's critique involves documenting a pattern of unfulfilled alarmist predictions, which he uses to question the reliability of causal models linking CO2 emissions to inevitable catastrophe. He references 1970s media and scientific claims of impending and famines by the 1980s-2000s that failed to occur, alongside more recent projections like Al Gore's 2006 warnings of ice-free summers by 2014 or submerged islands by 2010, none of which transpired. Morano emphasizes periods of observed stagnation in global temperatures, such as the 1998-2013 "hiatus" despite rising CO2, as evidence that natural factors dominate over anthropogenic forcing in short-term trends, undermining linear catastrophe models. Morano argues that elevated CO2 levels confer net benefits by enhancing plant growth and agricultural yields, positioning it as essential "plant food" rather than a pollutant justifying drastic emission cuts. Satellite data indicate a 14% increase in global vegetation cover from 1982 to 2015, with CO2 fertilization accounting for approximately 70% of this greening effect, leading to greater crop productivity and carbon sequestration that offsets some warming feedbacks. He maintains that these empirical gains, including expanded forests and dryland greening, outweigh speculative risks, as historical CO2 rises have coincided with ecological expansion rather than collapse.

Emphasis on Natural Variability and Data Critique

Morano contends that historical climate oscillations, including the (approximately 900–1300 CE) and the subsequent (approximately 1300–1850 CE), demonstrate that regional and global temperature variations occur naturally without reliance on anthropogenic emissions. He has cited multiple peer-reviewed studies reconstructing past climates via proxies such as tree rings, sediments, and historical records, which indicate that peak MWP temperatures exceeded those of the late 20th century in locations spanning the North Atlantic, , and the , challenging claims of current warming as uniquely anomalous. Similarly, the LIA's documented cooling—evidenced by expanded glaciers, frozen rivers in , and agricultural shifts—followed the MWP without industrial influences, underscoring cyclical patterns driven by non-human factors. In critiquing modern instrumental data, Morano has repeatedly highlighted adjustments to temperature records by agencies like NOAA, arguing that these systematically cool pre-1950 measurements—such as those from the 1930s U.S. era—while amplifying recent readings, thereby exaggerating warming trends. For instance, he referenced congressional investigations into NOAA's handling of the post-1998 warming "pause," where showed no increase but adjusted datasets eliminated it, potentially to align with model predictions. He also emphasizes the (UHI) effect, where station siting near expanding cities introduces artificial warming biases; analyses of unadjusted rural versus urban sites reveal that up to 40% of reported U.S. temperature rises since 1900 may stem from UHI rather than atmospheric changes. These critiques prioritize , unadjusted observations over homogenized datasets, which Morano views as prone to methodological artifacts that obscure natural baselines. Morano advocates for causal explanations rooted in observable drivers like variations and multi-decadal ocean oscillations, such as the (PDO) and (AMO), which correlate more closely with temperature shifts than CO2 forcings in empirical records. He has compiled studies showing solar activity minima aligning with LIA cooling and PDO cool phases matching 20th-century pauses, arguing these mechanisms better account for observed variability than climate models, which often underperform in hindcasting natural cycles. This approach favors direct physical linkages—e.g., solar-modulated cosmic ray influences on cloud formation or ocean heat redistribution—over parameterized simulations reliant on unverified feedback assumptions.

Public Engagement and Media Presence

Testimonies and Debates

Morano testified before the on February 27, 2019, analyzing the through a framework that highlighted its estimated costs of $51 trillion to $93 trillion over ten years, including $8.3 trillion to $12.3 trillion for carbon emission reductions alone. He contended that the proposal echoed prior environmental alarmism, such as fears, to justify expansive government intervention and wealth redistribution, while noting dissent from over 1,000 scientists questioning catastrophic warming claims. In a June 22, 2021, hearing before the House Environmental Resources and Energy Committee, Morano opposed the state's potential entry into the (RGGI), arguing it would elevate energy prices and harm without influencing global CO2 concentrations or temperatures, as U.S. emissions had declined 15% from 2005 to 2016 due to rather than . He cited U.S. data showing domestic energy production surpassing consumption for the first time since 1957, attributing this to innovations amid stagnant global reliance on such sources at over 80%. During the UN COP23 conference in , , Morano debated Michael Barrett on Turkish television regarding U.S. withdrawal from the , likening carbon pricing policies to the by asserting that accusations of human activities altering weather patterns paralleled historical superstitions blaming witches for climatic events. He framed such mechanisms as politically driven persecutions rather than evidence-based responses, emphasizing the lack of empirical justification for attributing weather changes to SUVs or coal plants.

Media Appearances and Confrontations

Morano has frequently appeared on and to counter what he describes as exaggerated climate alarmism in mainstream media coverage from outlets like and MSNBC. For example, on October 23, 2022, he criticized a report linking pet ownership to significant carbon emissions as part of the climate crisis, calling it an extension of overreaching environmental narratives. His commentary often emphasizes policy implications, such as in January 2024, when he labeled the Biden administration's pause on exports as detrimental to U.S. . These segments position him as a rapid responder to current events, highlighting perceived failures in regulatory approaches over scientific disputes. Earlier in his career, Morano served as a producer for Rush Limbaugh's television show from 1992 to 1996, acting as "Our Man in Washington" and conducting interviews with political figures in Washington, D.C. This role established early ties to conservative media, where he developed a confrontational style focused on scrutinizing federal policies and media claims. Morano's online media efforts include producing viral videos through Climate Depot, such as the 2018 Facebook clip "Why Climate Change Is Fake News," which reached approximately 5 million views by compiling scientist quotes and references to leaked emails from the Climategate episode to argue against a monolithic consensus on human-driven warming. The video's tactic of juxtaposing dissenting expert statements with mainstream assertions amplified its reach, prompting rebuttals from pro-consensus sources but underscoring Morano's strategy of leveraging digital platforms for direct audience engagement. In response to international climate events, Morano has employed provocative tactics, including a November 2016 stunt at the Marrakech climate conference where he and associates shredded copies of the outside the media center, resulting in ejection by security personnel; he framed the act as symbolic resistance to what he viewed as unenforceable policy overreach with negligible climate impact. Such actions extended his confrontations beyond U.S. broadcasts to global forums, often critiquing the agreement's economic costs and lack of verifiable emissions reductions. Morano has engaged in direct debates on outlets like , including a 2013 exchange questioning the existence and urgency of anthropogenic against executive director Michael Brune. Internationally, he appeared on the in January 2014 opposite , defending skepticism toward temperature data reconstructions amid discussions of hacked emails. These encounters highlight his approach of challenging proponents through pointed questioning of data sources and predictive failures.

Publications and Writings

Books and Major Works

Morano's principal book is The Politically Incorrect Guide to Climate Change, published by in February 2018. The volume synthesizes empirical data and historical records to contest dominant narratives of anthropogenic climate catastrophe, highlighting discrepancies between projections and observed temperatures since the 1990s, such as the failure of models to accurately hindcast past warming periods without exaggerated sensitivity to CO2. It documents economic analyses showing potential trillions in global GDP losses from aggressive decarbonization policies, drawing on studies like those from the Center estimating net harms from prioritizing climate mitigation over other development needs. The book emphasizes accessible presentations of primary data sources, including satellite temperature records from sources like the showing no statistically significant global warming trend in the lower over recent decades, and critiques of sea-level rise claims by referencing data indicating rates of 1-2 mm per year consistent with 20th-century averages rather than accelerating doom scenarios. Morano structures arguments around first-hand accounts from dissenting and analyses, aiming to equip non-experts with rebuttals to prescriptions like the , which he portrays as redistributive mechanisms with minimal projected temperature impacts under even optimistic compliance assumptions. In addition to standalone authorship, Morano has contributed to Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT) publications, including compiled reports aggregating peer-reviewed papers on topics such as the inefficacy of mandates in reducing emissions when accounting for and backup requirements. These works extend his book-length syntheses by focusing on targeted debunks, such as op-eds in outlets like questioning alarmist sea-level projections by citing long-term measurements from the Permanent Service for Mean Sea Level showing no unprecedented acceleration. Such contributions prioritize verifiable datasets over consensus assertions, underscoring natural factors like solar variability and ocean cycles in sea-level fluctuations observed since the 19th century.

Online Content and Reports

Morano serves as executive editor of Climate Depot, an online platform he founded in 2009 as a of the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT), which disseminates articles, videos, interviews, and special reports challenging anthropogenic global warming assertions through , scientist quotes, and media critiques. The site functions as a daily clearinghouse for , publishing content that highlights discrepancies in records, failed predictions, and dissenting scientific views, often rebutting and (IPCC) documents. Key special reports include a compilation listing over 1,000 international scientists dissenting from man-made global warming consensus claims, emphasizing of natural variability and historical CO2-temperature mismatches. In 2017, Morano contributed to an A-Z "Talking Points" report debunking specific alarmist assertions, such as sea-level rise hysteria and attributions, using satellite data and peer-reviewed studies showing no unprecedented trends. A 2019 36-page skeptical "Talking Points" report, released at the UN Climate Summit in , critiqued IPCC models for overpredicting warming and underestimating natural forcings like solar activity and ocean cycles. More recent outputs, such as a 2021 point-by-point rebuttal to a UN report advocating societal overhauls to avert catastrophe, cite economic analyses showing net benefits from CO2 fertilization for and question causal links between emissions and claimed extinctions. These reports prioritize primary data sources, including and NOAA records, over modeled projections. Climate Depot's content extends to video testimonies and analyses, such as Morano's congressional submission examining a UN report, which argued extinctions correlate more with loss than CO2 levels, drawing on fossil records and metrics since the . The platform's output, ranking Morano as the most cited skeptic in a study of media mentions (analyzing 386 contrarians from 2014-2016), underscores its role in amplifying alternative interpretations of climate datasets.

Controversies

Publication of Scientist Contacts

In the wake of the November Climategate scandal, involving leaked emails from the University of East Anglia's Climatic Research Unit, Marc Morano published contact details, including email addresses, of implicated scientists on Climate Depot starting in late and continuing into 2010. These disclosures targeted figures such as UEA's Andrew Watson ([email protected]) and NOAA's Thomas Karl ([email protected]), presented as a mechanism to enable public verification of claims amid allegations of data manipulation and suppression of dissenting research. Morano framed the effort as promoting transparency to challenge what he characterized as an opaque consensus process insulated from external accountability. In March 2012, amid debates over a second tranche of UEA emails released in November 2011 (Climategate 2.0), Morano featured the email address of Kari Norgaard, a sociology professor, in a Climate Depot article titled "Meet Prof. Kari Norgaard -- the woman behind the 'global warming denial is racism' theory." The post critiqued Norgaard's paper on sociocultural barriers to , positioning the inclusion of her contact information as a tool for direct public engagement to test assertions linking to psychological rather than empirical evaluation. This aligned with Morano's broader approach of publicizing researcher details to facilitate scrutiny of narratives perceived as detached from verifiable data.

Allegations of Misinformation

DeSmog, an advocacy organization focused on tracking climate skepticism, has labeled Morano a promoter of denialism, accusing him of ignoring and spreading misleading claims about global warming's causes and consensus. Such critiques from DeSmog, which operates with a stated mission to counter perceived influence, often portray Morano's challenges to the 97% consensus figure—derived from select surveys of climate scientists—as deliberate . The has highlighted Morano's role in a 2018 Facebook video viewed by millions, alleging it disseminated falsehoods by questioning the extent of human-caused warming and elevating non-expert voices over peer-reviewed findings. Critics in this outlet, drawing from perspectives, contend that Morano's emphasis on dissenting data points constitutes "" that erodes public understanding of established climate models. In a March 2024 Sierra Club magazine feature, Morano was depicted as advancing interests by amplifying unverified claims of wind energy harms, including unsubstantiated links between offshore turbine construction and whale strandings along U.S. coasts. The article, part of broader reporting on renewable opposition, accused him of shilling for industry backers despite his public focus on empirical critiques of turbine impacts on , framing these as tactics to delay clean energy transitions. These allegations, recurrent in left-leaning media and advocacy outlets, often attribute Morano's positions to undisclosed funding influences rather than , though such sources themselves exhibit institutional biases toward alarmist narratives amid documented overstatements in projections.

Responses to Criticisms

Defenses Against Harassment Claims

Morano has rebutted allegations of by framing the of ' contact information—often publicly available—as a tool for enabling public scrutiny and on alarmist claims, rather than personal targeting or . In response to criticisms, he explained that such disclosures occur specifically when "a or activist is being particularly alarmist," with the intent to "encourage public " through journalistic exposure of positions influencing . This stance positions his actions within the bounds of investigative reporting, underscoring that no evidence of direct to or harm has been substantiated in legal proceedings, as demonstrated by the lack of convictions, successful lawsuits, or mandated retractions against him or Climate Depot for these publications. Morano has further contended that harassment tactics are reciprocal in climate discourse, with alarmist advocates employing similar or more aggressive methods against skeptics, including shaming campaigns and calls for professional ostracism, which undermine claims of one-sided victimization. He has invoked free speech protections to argue that critiquing ly funded or influential figures does not equate to unethical targeting, particularly absent proof of causation between his reporting and any subsequent actions by third parties. This defense aligns with broader assertions of journalistic transparency, where disseminating verifiable details serves without violating ethical norms, as no regulatory bodies have imposed penalties on his work for such practices. Legally, Morano's operations have faced no adverse rulings on grounds, reinforcing his position that allegations often stem from ideological opposition rather than demonstrable harm; for instance, efforts to decertify skeptical meteorologists have been portrayed by him as chilling effects on scientific free speech, mirroring purported overreactions to his own critiques. These rebuttals emphasize empirical absence of liability—zero documented cases of enforced —over subjective interpretations of intent.

Rebuttals to Consensus Arguments

Morano has characterized the oft-cited 97% scientific consensus on anthropogenic global warming as a "manufactured" and selective survey artifact, emphasizing that it relies on narrow definitions of agreement (e.g., merely acknowledging some human influence) while ignoring substantive dissent on the extent, causes, or policy implications. He counters with evidence of organized dissent, including the 1998 Oregon Petition Project, which garnered over 31,000 signatures from American scientists and engineers rejecting the notion that human CO2 emissions pose a catastrophic risk, and a 2007 U.S. Senate Minority Report compiling statements from more than 400 prominent scientists disputing the IPCC's emphasis on dangerous man-made warming. These lists, while including professionals outside core climatology, demonstrate that institutional pressures—such as career risks in grant-dependent academia—may suppress open debate rather than reflect empirical unanimity. On empirical grounds, Morano cites satellite-derived temperature records from the (UAH) dataset, maintained by Roy Spencer and , which measure lower tropospheric warming at approximately 0.13°C per since 1979—roughly half the rate predicted by IPCC models for the same period. Analyses co-authored by Christy indicate that 36 CMIP6 climate models overestimate U.S. summer temperature trends by factors of 2 to 3 times relative to observational data, attributing this to excessive sensitivity assumptions in model physics rather than real-world feedbacks like . Morano argues this discrepancy undermines projections of extreme future warming, as models tuned for alarm fail basic hindcasting against independent satellite evidence, prioritizing theoretical constructs over measured outcomes. Morano attributes much of the orthodoxy's persistence to causal factors beyond pure , including the politicization of funding through UN and channels that incentivize alarmist findings to justify expansive policies. He highlights how IPCC processes, reliant on taxpayer-funded models and selective , embed biases from entities with vested interests in portraying CO2 as a primary driver, sidelining natural variability and empirical underperformance. This funding dynamic, Morano contends, fosters a self-reinforcing cycle in academia and media—where left-leaning institutions amplify consensus narratives while marginalizing skeptics—diverting resources from falsifiable hypotheses to narrative-aligned .

Impact and Legacy

Influence on Skeptical Discourse

Marc Morano founded Climate Depot in 2009 as a centralized online platform aggregating scientific papers, news articles, and commentary challenging the prevailing narrative on anthropogenic climate change, thereby serving as an early hub for skeptical perspectives in digital media. This aggregation model facilitated rapid dissemination of counterarguments, including critiques of climate models and data adjustments, to audiences seeking alternatives to mainstream reporting. By compiling resources from dissenting scientists and economists, Morano's site influenced the framing of debates, emphasizing empirical discrepancies such as satellite temperature records diverging from surface measurements. Morano amplified coverage of the 2009 Climatic Research Unit email leak, known as Climategate, by highlighting phrases suggesting data manipulation and suppression of dissenting research, which fueled public and congressional scrutiny during the U.S. 's consideration of cap-and-trade legislation. The ensuing correlated with transient increases in search interest for skeptical terms and contributed to partisan shifts, with Republican support for climate policies declining amid perceptions of institutional bias in climate science. This timing preceded the failure of the American Clean Energy and Security Act in the in 2010, as heightened doubt eroded bipartisan momentum for schemes. Through , Morano extended Climate Depot's reach, amassing over 44,000 followers on X (formerly ) by 2025, where posts critiquing IPCC reports and policy proposals garnered engagement from policy influencers and the public. Gallup polling reflected rising skepticism post-2009, with 41% of Americans viewing global warming concerns as exaggerated by media—up from prior years—and this trend persisted among conservatives, aligning with broader discourse shifts Morano helped propagate. Morano's efforts resonated in policy circles, as evidenced by the Trump administration's promotion of a -skeptical documentary produced with his involvement, informing rollbacks of Obama-era EPA regulations like the Clean Power Plan. These actions, praised by Morano for restoring "climate sanity," drew on aggregated skeptical arguments to justify deregulatory measures, demonstrating how skeptical networks shaped executive priorities during 2017-2021.

Policy and Public Opinion Effects

Morano's Climate Depot platform amplified analyses estimating the Paris Agreement's annual global compliance costs at $1 to $2 , contrasted against projected benefits of less than 0.17°C by 2100, informing skeptical rhetoric that emphasized disproportionate economic burdens on developed nations relative to emissions reductions. This data-driven critique aligned with U.S. policy deliberations, supporting President Donald Trump's withdrawal announcement on June 1, 2017, which referenced potential losses of 2.7 million jobs, $3 in GDP, and 6.5 million industrial jobs by 2040 under the accord's terms. In 2024, Morano, via affiliations with the Committee for a Constructive Tomorrow (CFACT), opposed mandates by highlighting verifiable ecological drawbacks, including U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service estimates of 140,000 to 500,000 deaths and up to 1.17 million fatalities annually from onshore wind turbines alone, alongside disruptions to marine habitats from offshore projects. These arguments informed CFACT's legal challenges against Energy's project, contributing to regulatory scrutiny and delays in mandate expansions amid evidence of localized declines. Over the longer term, Morano's dissemination of empirical cost-benefit disparities has sustained climate skepticism within conservative U.S. demographics, where 2024 Pew Research Center polling indicated only 21% of Republicans consider climate change a very serious problem—compared to 76% of Democrats—correlating with resistance to alarmist policies like net-zero mandates in Republican-led states and platforms. This pattern reflects reduced policy traction for high-cost interventions lacking proportional causal efficacy, as evidenced by Gallup's 2025 findings of 48% overall viewing global warming as a serious threat but with partisan divides persisting amid stable emissions trends decoupled from stringent regulations.

References

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