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For other people named Martin Lee, see Martin Lee (disambiguation).
In this Hong Kong name, the surname is Lee. In accordance with Hong Kong custom, the Western-style name is Martin Lee and the Chinese-style name is Lee Chu-ming.

Key Information

Martin Lee Chu-ming
Traditional Chinese李柱銘
Simplified Chinese李柱铭
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu PinyinLǐ Zhùmíng
Yue: Cantonese
Yale RomanizationLéih Chyúh-mìhng
JyutpingLei5 Cyu5-ming4
IPA[lej˩˧ tsʰy˩˧mɪŋ˩]
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Martin Lee Chu-ming SC (Chinese: 李柱銘; born 8 June 1938) is a Hong Kong politician and barrister. He is the founding chairman of the United Democrats of Hong Kong and its successor, the Democratic Party, Hong Kong's flagship pro-democracy party. He was also a member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong from 1985 to 1997 and from 1998 to 2008. Nicknamed the "Father of Democracy" in Hong Kong, he is recognised as one of the most prominent advocates for democracy and human rights in Hong Kong and China.[1]

A barrister by profession, Lee served as the chairman of the Hong Kong Bar Association from 1980 to 1983. In 1985 he was elected to the Legislative Council, where he advocated strongly for the protection of human rights and democratic reform. He became involved in discussions over Hong Kong's handover to China, and in 1985 he joined the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee to assist in the drafting of Hong Kong's Basic Law, the city's mini-constitution post-handover. He was, however, expelled from the body in the wake of the 1989 Tiananmen Square protests and massacre, due to his condemnation of the Chinese government and his vocal support for the student protestors.

In 1990, he became the founding chairman of the first pro-democracy party in Hong Kong, the United Democrats of Hong Kong, and later its successor, the Democratic Party. Under his leadership, the party won two landslide victories in the direct elections of 1991 and 1995, and emerged as one of the largest political parties in Hong Kong. He worked closely with the last Hong Kong Governor Chris Patten in an attempt to push forward constitutional reform in relation to democratic elections, attracting strong criticism from the Beijing government. In June 1997, he was forced to step down from his office when the colonial legislature was dissolved, alongside a number of other legislators; they later won back their seats in the Legislative Council in 1998.

He resigned as the chairman of the Democratic Party in December 2002, and in 2008 he retired as a member of the Legislative Council. Prior to July 2020 he remained active in advocating and lobbying for the democratic cause both locally and internationally. This ended with the passage of the Hong Kong National Security Law on 1 July 2020.

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A son of Kuomintang Lieutenant General Lee Yin-wo, Lee was born in Hong Kong on 8 June 1938, his mother having journeyed to the British colony on a vacation. His father fought against the Empire of Japan during World War II.[2] In 1949, the family moved to Hong Kong after the Communist takeover of China. Lee's father taught at Wah Yan College, a Jesuit school in Kowloon, for nine years, and then taught part time at the Institute of Chinese Studies.[3] His father maintained a good relationship with the Communist leadership, notably Premier Zhou Enlai, who repeatedly invited him back to the Mainland.[4] Lee Yin-wo's funeral in 1989 was attended by people from both sides of the political spectrum.[3]

Martin Lee studied at Wah Yan College, Kowloon and read English Literature and Philosophy at the University of Hong Kong, sponsored by his mentor, the renowned barrister Dr. Patrick Yu.[5][6] After graduating in 1960, Lee taught for three years before training as a barrister at Lincoln's Inn in England.[7] He was called to the bar and began practising law in Hong Kong in 1966. During the 1967 Hong Kong riots, Lee defended the pro-Beijing Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions at court, thus laying the foundations of his future relationship with the Chinese Communist Party.[8] In 1979, he was made Queen's Counsel. From 1980 to 1983, he was the chairman of the Hong Kong Bar Association.[9]

Political career

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Entry into politics

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Lee began his involvement in politics when the British and Chinese governments began their negotiations over Hong Kong's sovereignty in the early 1980s. Lee was in the delegation consisting of Hong Kong's young professionals led by Allen Lee, a member of the Executive and the Legislative Councils of Hong Kong in Beijing in May 1983. The delegation sought to maintain the status quo in Hong Kong and extend British rule by an additional 15 to 30 years. Their requests were turned down by Beijing officials.[10]

Lee was concerned about the maintenance of judicial independence under Chinese rule and called for the preservation of Hong Kong's legal system. He also suggested the creation of an independent Court of Final Appeal in place of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council after 1997. In December 1984, he was invited as one of the attendees at the signing ceremony of the Sino-British Joint Declaration. In 1985, he was among the 23 Hong Kong representatives invited by Beijing to sit on the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee to draft the mini-constitution of post-1997 Hong Kong, the Basic Law of Hong Kong, where he met another outspoken democrat Szeto Wah.[11] Lee and Szeto became the two lone dissidents in the heavily Beijing-influenced Drafting Committee. Lee's father warned him that the Chinese Communists liked to use people and then get rid of them. Lee said he told his father that "I know the chances of implementing this policy 'One Country, Two Systems' and Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong are not great. But then I know if I don't even try, the chances are zero."[12]

In September 1985, Martin Lee ran in the Legislative Council elections when the Hong Kong government decided to introduce a handful of indirectly elected seats. His surprise victory over another prominent barrister Henry Litton and lawyer Edmund Chow in a three-way contest in the Legal functional constituency, elected by all the lawyers in Hong Kong, catapulted him to the political stage. He retained his seat in the 1988 re-election unopposed.[13] He became the most recognisable and consistent voice pressing for rapid democratic reform. In the debate on the 1988 Green Paper on the Further Development of Representative Government, Lee was at the forefront of a campaign to introduce direct elections in the 1988 election with Szeto Wah, who won a seat in 1985 through the Teaching constituency. He and other liberals formed the Joint Committee on the Promotion of Democratic Government in 1986, which consisted of about 190 organisations who rallied support for direct elections, including the collection of 220,000 signatures (incl. names and identity card numbers).[14] However, the government concluded in the White Paper that direct elections should not be introduced in 1988 based on public opinion. Lee condemned the government for mishandling the consultative exercise, accusing them of backing down on direct elections in the face of Beijing's pressure.[15]

He also campaigned against the construction of the Daya Bay Nuclear Power Plant in 1986 in which the Chernobyl disaster sparked fears over safety among the Hong Kong public. Lee actively sought for public support through meetings and a signature campaign, which collected over one million signatures. He criticised the government for not disclosing information about the project and attempted to force the government to disclose information under the Legislative Council Power and Privilege Ordinance.[16] He again rallied public support against the amendment of the Public Order Ordinance in 1987 in which the government sought to criminalise the "publishing of false news likely to cause public alarm." Lee worked diligently against the provision, moving the amendment "that any prosecution could only be made upon official proof that a report is false and reckless and that the defendant knew that the facts are false or failed to prove the validity of the facts out of rash" but failed.[16] The case was submitted before the United Nations Human Rights Committee in November 1988 and was eventually repealed in January 1989.[17]

From 1988 to 1991, he was appointed chairman of the Hong Kong Consumer Council. He also served as legal adviser to the Hong Kong Journalists Association, the Scout Association of Hong Kong and numerous professional bodies.[18]

Tiananmen Square protests and democracy movements

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In the Hong Kong Basic Law Drafting Committee, Lee also actively lobbied for a democratic post-1997 political system with Szeto Wah. He and the liberals proposed the "Group of 190" proposal which demanded a directly elected government set up as soon as possible. Their view was countered bya number of conservatives in the Drafting and Consultative Committees who rallied under the name of the "Group of 89" backed by big-business interests.[19]

During the Tiananmen Square protests May and June 1989, Martin Lee was an outspoken supporter of the student movement for more democracy and freedom in China. He, Szeto Wah and other liberals formed the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China in May of which he was the vice-chairman, organising multiple rallies in support of the students in Hong Kong which attracted hundreds of thousands of attendees.[20] After the military crackdown, Lee led the Hong Kong demonstration against the Beijing authorities. He told BBC's Jonathan Dimbleby that "handing over 5.5 million people to China who are deemed counter-revolutionary is like handing over 5.5 million Jews to Nazi Germany during the Second World War, when they were born in a British territory."[21] He also said that it could not be presumed that "the Joint Declaration is as inviolable as the Bible. Britain and China should restart talks to reach a better agreement for Hong Kong than the declaration decided in 1984."[22] He also testified before the United States Congress Committee on human rights and aired support to imposing economic sanctions against for the massacre.[16]

In July 1989, he and Szeto Wah were labelled as "counter-revolutionaries" by the state-owned People's Daily. The duo's membership in the Drafting Committee was subsequently stripped by the National People's Congress Standing Committee after they were barred from attending any meetings due to their "anti-China stance". He was then barred from entering mainland China, with the only exception of a brief visit in Guangdong in 2005 as a Legislative Council member, in which he responded: "As a Chinese citizen, I am not allowed back to my own country even though I'm welcome in every country in the world."[1] The strained relationship between Lee and the Communist Party also led to the constant attacks from the pro-Beijing media.

Lee with US Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi in 2009 to discuss the status of democracy in Hong Kong

In response to the worsening crisis of confidence in Hong Kong, he joined hands with many politicians from different spectrum to advocating the granting of the right of abode in Britain to Hong Kong people as a "safety exit". He also called for the rapid introduction of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance and a fully democratically elected Legislative Council before 1997.[16] He also began to lobby the United States to develop a specific policy on Hong Kong's democracy development. However he opposed the US idea of withdrawing "most favoured nation" status from Beijing. Martin Lee's efforts resulted in the adoption of the United States–Hong Kong Policy Act in 1992.[23]

Martin Lee has increasingly been seen as the spokesman for Hong Kong democracy on the international stage. In June 1995, Asiaweek magazine named Lee one of Twenty Great Asians "who have changed the region over the past two decades." In September 1995, ABC TV named Martin Lee its "Person of the Week" for leading Hong Kong's pro-democracy forces to electoral success.[18] Lee was also awarded by a number of international organisations, including the "1995 International Human Rights Award" by the American Bar Association, the Prize For Freedom by the Liberal International in 1996, the "Democracy Award" by the US National Endowment for Democracy in 1997, and the "Schuman Medal" in 2000 which Lee was the first non-European to receive from the European Peoples Party and European Democrats. In November 2004 he was awarded by Rutgers College with the Brennan Human Rights Award.[9]

In preparation for the first direct elections of the Legislative Council in 1991, the liberals gathered themselves on the basis of the Joint Committee on the Promotion of Democratic Government to form a first major political party in Hong Kong, the United Democrats of Hong Kong in April 1990. Martin Lee was elected the party's founding chairman. Under Lee's leadership, the United Democrats won a landslide victory in the election, pocketing 12 of the 18 directly elected seats, out of the total number of 60 seats in the Legislative Council.[7] Martin Lee himself was elected through the Hong Kong Island East constituency, receiving the most votes in the election. After the election, the United Democrats became the largest party in the legislature.

In response to the election, the British government decided to appoint Chris Patten to become the last Hong Kong Governor. Chris Patten announced the constitutional reform package which largely expanded the electorates of the nine newly created functional constituencies. The package was strongly opposed by the Beijing government and alienated the pro-government Liberal Party led by Allen Lee who now became Beijing's allies in the legislature. The United Democrats generally supported the Chris Patten's package and eventually helped it to get passed in the Legislative Council.[24] In response to Patten's proposal, the Beijing government decided to dismantle the "through train" agreement, which allowed the 1995 elected legislature to transition beyond 1997, and replace it with the Provisional Legislative Council in which Lee deemed "an illegal and unconstitutional body".[25]

In preparation for the 1995 three-tier elections, the pro-democracy camp further consolidated themselves by merging the United Democrats and another moderate pro-democracy party Meeting Point into the Democratic Party in 1994 in which Martin Lee was elected the founding chairman. In the 1995 Legislative Council election in which all seats were elected, the Democratic Party scored another landslide victory, winning 12 seats of the 20 directly elected seats and 19 seats out of the total 60 seats, almost double than the second party Liberal Party. With other pro-democracy parties and individuals, the pro-democracy camp commanded about half of the seats in the legislature in the last two years of the colonial rule. On 30 June 1997 the eve of the handover of Hong Kong, the pro-democrats were forced to step down from the Legislative Council as the "through train" was dissolved.

On the eve of the handover of Hong Kong on 1 July 1997, Lee travelled to Europe, Australia and the United States to express his concerns to officials, politicians and business leaders. He met in April with US Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright and later with President Bill Clinton, who had openly voiced out his support in democracy and human rights in China and Hong Kong.[26] However he was dissatisfied with the Clinton administration's unwillingness to take a tough line on the Beijing's policy of Provisional Legislative Council.[27] He met with Clinton again in 1998 during his visit to Hong Kong.[28]

It was widely speculated that whether Martin Lee would become "Martyr Lee", a nickname given by some in the business community, after 1997 given his high-profile pro-democracy and anti-Beijing stance which was seen as "counter-revolutionary" and "subversive" by Beijing. Lee said he would never leave Hong Kong and stressed that he was not anti-China but only opposed the regime in Beijing.[29]

Lee under Chinese rule

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Martin Lee and the Democratic Party was elected back to the Legislative Council in the 1998 first election. Despite winning the most votes, the party seats decreased to 13, as their advantage was undermined by the proportional representation system installed by the Beijing-controlled Provisional Legislative Council. He went on getting re-elected for two more terms in 2000 and 2004.

A major concern about Hong Kong's legal and political autonomy was raised in January 1999 when the government sought to the interpretation of the Basic Law by the National People's Congress Standing Committee after it was defeated in the Court of Final Appeal over the legal challenges over the right of abode of a person with at least one parent was a Hong Kong resident, as the Provisional Legislative Council passed ordinances restricting the right. The Basic Law interpretation sparked outcry from various sectors. Martin Lee accused the government of "giving away" Hong Kong's autonomy and condemned this move as "a dagger striking at the heart of the rule of law" and in symbolic protest walked out of the Legislative Council with 18 other members, all dressed in black, while 600 lawyers dressed in black held a silent protest against the interpretation.[30][31]

Martin Lee during the 2004 Legislative Council election campaign

Martin Lee's Democratic Party chairmanship was also embattled with the intra-party factional struggles, in which he failed to resolve the ideological differences between the party members. The radical "Young Turks" faction launched a coup d'état in the 2000 leadership election by challenging the vice-chairman post held by Anthony Cheung from the moderate faction and eventually ousted Cheung from the vice-chairman post. The factional struggles intensified the "Young Turk" leader Andrew To proposed to put the minimum wage legislation on the 2000 Legislative Council election platform which caused a fierce debate within the party and resulted in great disunity that led to the exodus of the "Young Turks" from the party and created a bad image in front of the public.[30] Martin Lee's decision to support former Bar Association chairman and barrister Audrey Eu over his Democratic Party member in the 2000 Hong Kong Island by-election also received criticism within the party. In 2002, Martin Lee decided to step down as party chairman and was succeeded by Yeung Sum.

In 2002 and 2003, Martin Lee and the Democratic Party opposed the proposed national security legislation on the basis of the Hong Kong Basic Law Article 23 which they feared would undermine the Hong Kong people's civil liberties. Martin Lee traveled to the West to rally for international support. Chief Executive Tung Chee-hwa bashed Lee for "bad mouthing" the Special Administrative Region in front of the international audience for six years.[32] Lee replied by saying that they were merely bad-mouthing a law that would be "thoroughly bad for Hong Kong".[33] The protest against the Article 23 legislation eventually drew more than 500,000 people on 1 July 2003 and the government announced to shelve the bill indefinitely knowing that it could not get enough votes in the legislature. In March 2004 when Martin Lee went to Washington to testify on Hong Kong's democracy development at a US Senate Foreign Relations Committee, the Beijing officials took rounds to attack Lee for inviting foreign power meddling in Hong Kong's internal affairs.[34] Lee was called "traitor" upon his return to Hong Kong by pro-Beijing media and supporters.[35]

In the 2004 Legislative Council election, the pro-democracy camp filled two tickets in the Hong Kong Island geographical constituency, the Democratic Party's Yeung Sum and Martin Lee and independent–Frontier joint ticket of Audrey Eu and Cyd Ho in hope of taking four seats out of six seats with the slogan "1+1=4". However the pre-election polls showed that the Eu-Ho ticket had far more support and Lee was in danger of losing, causing the Democratic Party to request all supporters to vote instead for their ticket. As a result, the Yeung-Lee ticket drew too many votes from the Eu-Ho ticket, causing the defeat of Cyd Ho by Choy So-yuk of the pro-Beijing Democratic Alliance for the Betterment of Hong Kong, by a slim margin of 815 votes.[36] When the results were announced in the morning of the following day, Martin Lee said in tears before cameras "I'd rather lose with dignity than win like this", on the "unexpected" defeat of Cyd Ho. It also caused disaffection from the pro-democracy supporters.

In October 2007, Lee published an article named "China's Olympic Opportunity" in The Wall Street Journal criticising Beijing for not living up to its promise to improve its human rights status during the Summer Olympic bid. Lee urged the West, particularly the United States, not to boycott the 2008 Olympic games but to instead take the opportunity while China is opening itself up to the world to "engage" China directly to bring China closer to the international community in terms of its human rights.[37] His article received rounds of criticism from the pro-Beijing media for asking the West to "intervene" China's internal affairs. Some media even claimed that Lee asked United States to boycott the games. That immediately stirred backlash from Beijing loyalists, who virtually accused Lee of being a hanjian, traitor of the Han people.[38] On 27 October, the Democratic Party issued an announcement to newspapers setting out the party's position regarding the article Lee published. Chairman Albert Ho reiterated, "It is not an apology, but a clear declaration of what we stand for."[39]

After being a member of the Legislative Council for 23 years, Lee announced on 27 March 2008 that he would not seek re-election when his term ended in September of that year.[40]

After Legislative Council

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Martin Lee attended the "Five Constituencies Referendum" rally with Civic Party leader Audrey Eu and League of Social Democrats chairman Wong Yuk-man.

Martin Lee remained active in commenting politics and his legal practise after his retirement from the Legislative Council, especially taking cases of defending the pro-democracy activists who were charged for obstructing public order among other offences.

In 2009, he was marginalised by his party when he held different stance on the "Five Constituencies Referendum" proposed by the radical League of Social Democrats to press the government to implement the universal suffrage of the Chief Executive and the Legislative Council in 2012 by launching a territory-wide by-election after five pro-democracy Legislative Councillor resigned from their offices at the same time, while the majority wing of the party led by Szeto Wah openly opposed the plan who criticised Lee for "not quite understanding politics". Lee attended the rally in support of the five resigned Legislative Councillors. Meanwhile, the Democratic Party began to negotiate with the Beijing authorities and reached an agreement with the government. After the agreement, Lee expressed his disappointment and his consideration of quitting the party.[41]

Martin Lee being arrested on the last day of the 2014 Hong Kong protests

Martin Lee actively lobbied in the West with former Chief Secretary for Administration and Hong Kong 2020 convenor Anson Chan for the support in the Hong Kong's democracy movement during the debate on the 2017/2020 electoral reform in 2014. The duo went to the United States and met Joe Biden, US vice-president, Nancy Pelosi, minority leader of the House of Representatives, and members of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China and spoke out against Beijing increasing control over Hong Kong and their fear of only candidates picked by Beijing would be allowed to take part in the 2017 Chief Executive election.[citation needed] In July 2014, Martin Lee and Anson Chan visited the United Kingdom and met with Deputy Prime Minister and the leader of the Liberal Democrats Nick Clegg and attended a Foreign Affairs Select Committee hearing, speaking out that they were "concerned that neither of the two signatories to the Joint Declaration – that is, China and Britain – is adequately fulfilling their respective responsibilities on the terms of this internationally binding treaty." Liu Xiaoming, Chinese ambassador to Britain, described Martin Lee and Anson Chan as "bent on undermining the stability of Hong Kong".[42]

In the massive pro-democracy Occupy protests from October to December 2014, he was among the pro-democracy activists staging a final sit-in and arrested, putting an end to a 75-day street occupation.[43]

Small House Policy

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In December 2018, Lee represented Kwok Cheuk-kin and Hendrick Lui Chi-hang in an attempt to repeal the Small House Policy, a policy which Lee said discriminates against the majority of people in Hong Kong by discriminating based on descent and gender.[44]

In his arguments, Lee said that Qing dynasty laws did not forbid women or outsiders to buy land in the New Territories.[44] Lee mentioned that the policy for villagers to build homes without paying land fees was only implemented after the British began to rule the New Territories in 1898, and that before then, there was no mention of such a policy under Qing dynasty rule.[44] Therefore, Lee said that the right for male villagers to build homes without paying land fees are based on British policies and were never part of the indigenous traditions that the Basic Law protects under Article 40,[44] which does not specifically mention small houses and only says "The lawful traditional rights and interests of the indigenous inhabitants of the 'New Territories' shall be protected by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region."[45]

Finally, Lee also argued that the policy is based on a person's descent and sex (women are excluded), which is "unconstitutional" as it was against Basic Law Article 25,[44] which states "All Hong Kong residents shall be equal before the law."[45]

In response, Kenneth Lau Ip-keung of the Heung Yee Kuk, an organization that supports the small house policy, said that villagers "firmly believe" that the small house policy is protected under Article 40.[44]

Short arrest

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On 18 April 2020, Martin Lee was arrested as one of 15 Hong Kong high-profile democracy figures, on suspicion of organizing, publicizing or taking part in several unauthorized assemblies between August and October 2019 in the course of the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests. Following protocol, the police statement did not disclose the names of the accused.[46][47] He was freed the same day on bail. After, Martin Lee said that he was arrested for the first time in his life but has no regrets and is proud of his democratic work: "Over the months and years, I've felt bad to see so many outstanding youngsters being arrested and prosecuted, but I was not charged. Now I've finally become a defendant. I feel proud that I have a chance to walk this path of democracy together with them."[48]

On 1 April 2021, district judge Amanda Jane Woodcock (胡雅文) convicted Martin Lee of "holding an unauthorised assembly".[49] On 16 April, Lee received a sentence of 11 months in jail, suspended for 24 months, for his part in the 2019 unauthorised assemblies.[50]

On 12 April 2024 Martin Lee (then aged 86) received from the Hong Kong Court of Final Appeal a suspended sentence following conviction for taking part in an unauthorised procession in August 2019.[51] The appeal generated considerable adverse publicity for Lord Neuberger (former President of the UK Supreme Court) for his participation in the decision.[52]

On 27 December 2024, the Hong Kong Government stripped Lee of his title as a Justice of the Peace.[53]

National Security Law

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Lee stopped his public activism as a result of the Hong Kong National Security Law which went into effect on 1 July 2020. He stopped granting interviews to media organisations.[54]

Recognition

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Lee was nominated for the 2021 Nobel Peace Prize by multiple Norwegian members of parliament.[55][56]

Personal life

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Lee is a devoted Roman Catholic and a close friend with Cardinal Joseph Zen. Lee's wife is Amelia Lee Fong Yee-ngor (方綺娥). They have one son, Joseph Lee, also a barrister.[18]

See also

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Martin Lee

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Martin Lee Chu-ming (born 8 June 1938) is a barrister and recognized as a leading figure in the territory's pro-democracy movement. He founded the United Democrats of Hong Kong in 1990, the first political party in the territory, and served as the inaugural chairman of the Democratic Party from 1994 to 2002. Elected to the in 1985 and re-elected in subsequent polls, Lee contributed to drafting the , 's post-handover constitutional document, though he was expelled from the drafting committee following the 1989 events. As chairman of the Bar Association from 1980 to 1983 and appointed Queen's Counsel in 1979, he built a distinguished legal career before pivoting to political advocacy for , , and . Lee's efforts earned international recognition, including the National Endowment for Democracy's Democracy Award in 1997, the Prize for Freedom in 1996, and the American Bar Association's Award in 1995. Under his leadership, the Democratic Party secured 19 seats in the 1995 legislative elections, capturing over 85% of the popular vote in contested districts. His persistent push for democratic reforms, including lobbying Western governments, positioned him as a target for authorities, culminating in his 2020 arrest under the national security law for alleged unauthorized assembly and collusion with foreign forces; he was convicted and received a . In December 2024, the government revoked his title, a move reflecting escalating pressures on pro-democracy advocates. Despite these challenges, Lee's work underscores a commitment to institutional evolution through electoral and legal channels rather than confrontation.

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Childhood

Martin Lee was born in in 1938 to Lee Yin-wo, a in the army, and his wife; the family originated from province. As the sixth of seven children, Lee spent his early childhood primarily on the mainland in , including time in a village during the final stages of . In 1949, amid the Communist victory on the mainland, Lee's family fled to when he was 11 years old, seeking refuge from the new regime. His father's affiliations shaped the family's displacement, instilling in Lee early lessons in political pragmatism and wariness toward communist authorities. Lee earned a degree from the in 1960. Following his undergraduate studies, he pursued legal training at , one of the in , where aspiring undertake professional education and qualification under the English . Upon completing his training, Lee was called to the Bar, enabling him to practice as a barrister in , which maintains a legal derived from English . He was appointed Queen's (now ) in 1979, recognizing his standing and expertise in the profession. This elevation typically follows years of distinguished practice and peer acknowledgment of skills, though specific details of his or early bar examinations are not publicly detailed in primary sources.

Professional Career as Barrister

Martin Lee was called to the English Bar at in 1966 and commenced practice as a in in the same year. His practice encompassed civil and constitutional matters, with a focus on advocacy. Lee built a reputation as one of Hong Kong's highest-paid lawyers during this period, handling cases at various court levels. In 1979, Lee was appointed Queen's Counsel (now ), recognizing his standing in the . He served as Chairman of the Hong Kong from 1980 to 1983, during which he addressed professional standards and the bar's role in upholding the amid Hong Kong's political transition. This leadership position underscored his influence in shaping ethical practices and advocating for . While specific client representations remain less documented publicly, Lee's lifelong commitment to defense earned him the International Bar Association's Human Rights Award for distinguished service. His work often intersected with emerging constitutional challenges, laying groundwork for his later involvement, though he maintained an active role alongside until entering electoral politics in 1985.

Public Service Roles Prior to Politics

Lee served as chairman of the from 1980 to 1983, a position in which he represented the interests of barristers and advocated for the maintenance of and the in the British colonial administration. This role positioned him as a prominent figure in Hong Kong's legal community, where he addressed professional standards and ethical issues amid the territory's evolving legal framework. Prior to his chairmanship, Lee had been appointed Queen's Counsel in 1979, enhancing his stature for public-facing legal leadership, though his tenure focused on bar governance rather than partisan activity. No other formal public service appointments are recorded before his entry into electoral politics in 1985, reflecting his primary orientation toward private legal practice during this era.

Entry into Politics

Motivations and 1985 District Board Election

Lee's entry into electoral politics was driven by growing concerns over Hong Kong's political future following the announcement of the Sino-British negotiations in 1982, which culminated in the Joint Declaration signed on December 19, 1984, promising the territory's handover to in 1997 under a "" framework. As a prominent and former chairman of the from 1980 to 1983, Lee sought to advocate for the preservation of the , , and the introduction of democratic mechanisms to safeguard against potential erosion post-handover. He viewed active participation in governance as essential to influencing the transitional arrangements, including the drafting of the , and to counter the dominance of pro-business and pro-establishment elites who prioritized stability over electoral reforms. In the context of expanding limited electoral opportunities under Governor Sir Edward Youde, Lee contested the inaugural indirect elections for the (LegCo) held on September 26, 1985, representing the legal functional constituency, which encompassed approximately 3,000 barristers and solicitors. This election marked the first time functional constituencies elected members to LegCo via professional bodies, replacing appointments, and Lee secured victory in the seat, defeating challengers through a campaign emphasizing legal professionalism and reform advocacy. His win positioned him to serve from October 30, 1985, to 1988, where he immediately pushed for greater transparency in governance and protections for , aligning with broader public anxieties about Beijing's influence. Concurrently, the March 1985 District Board elections introduced direct popular voting for local advisory bodies, fostering nascent , though Lee's focus remained on higher-level legislative influence rather than local contests.

Involvement in Sino-British Joint Declaration Negotiations

Martin Lee, serving as an unofficial appointed member of Hong Kong's Legislative Council since 1978, attended the signing ceremony of the on 19 December 1984 in as one of the invited Hong Kong dignitaries. The bilateral agreement between the and committed to transferring sovereignty over to the on 1 July 1997, under the "" framework that preserved the territory's capitalist economy, legal system, and high degree of autonomy for 50 years, excluding matters of defense and foreign affairs. The negotiations, conducted primarily between British Prime Minister and Chinese Premier from 1982 to 1984, involved limited consultation with Hong Kong's colonial administration but no formal participation from local politicians like Lee. As a and reform-minded , Lee had publicly urged greater democratic safeguards during the negotiation period, arguing that the agreement should include explicit provisions for elected government to ensure post-handover. The declaration's Annex I specified that the chief executive would be selected by an election committee and the legislature by "elections," but omitted details on or direct elections, deferring such matters to Hong Kong's forthcoming . Lee viewed this vagueness as a shortfall, contending it failed to bind future Chinese authorities to progressive democratization despite references to representative government in the document's preamble and related letters exchanged between Thatcher and Zhao. Lee's exposure to the negotiations' outcomes intensified his push for electoral reforms, prompting him to forgo reappointment to the and contest the inaugural direct District Board elections in March 1985 as an independent candidate in the South constituency, where he won with strong support from pro-reform voters. This marked his shift toward advocacy, as he criticized the colonial government's acquiescence to Beijing's preferences on governance structures without broader input. British negotiators, including Foreign Secretary , later acknowledged informal soundings with leaders like Lee but prioritized securing economic stability over immediate democratic concessions amid China's firm stance on sovereignty.

Advocacy During Transitional Period

Drafting of the Basic Law

In 1985, Martin Lee was appointed by the Chinese government to the Drafting Committee (BLDC), a 59-member body tasked with preparing Hong Kong's post-1997 constitution under the framework outlined in the . Of the committee's members, 23 were from , with Lee representing pro-democracy perspectives alongside figures like Szeto Wah, marking a rare inclusion of reformist voices amid a majority of pro-Beijing appointees. The drafting process formally began with the committee's inaugural meeting in on 24 July 1985, where Lee participated in initial deliberations on the 's structure, aiming to enshrine protections for Hong Kong's legal system, , and eventual democratic elections. Lee actively advocated for provisions ensuring judicial independence and democratic accountability, arguing that the power of interpretation should reside with Hong Kong courts rather than the National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC), as initially proposed in drafts, to safeguard local autonomy. He also opposed inclusions like broad "" clauses, contending they lacked grounding in Hong Kong's tradition and could undermine freedoms, though such arguments faced resistance from the committee's Beijing-aligned majority. Through sub-group consultations and public input mechanisms tied to the parallel Basic Law Consultative Committee, Lee pushed for clearer timelines toward for the Chief Executive and , emphasizing Article 45's implicit promise of election by " upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee." These efforts reflected his legal expertise as a , focusing on causal links between institutional design and sustained post-handover. Despite Lee's contributions to debate and amendments—such as strengthening language on and an independent —the final draft, submitted in 1989, prioritized Beijing's oversight, with ultimate interpretation vested in the NPCSC under Article 158, limiting the democratic reforms he sought. Lee's role highlighted tensions in the process, where input was consultative rather than decisive, as evidenced by the committee's structure under guidance. He continued serving until mid-1989, contributing to the consultative consultations that gathered over 100,000 public submissions, though empirical analysis later showed pro-Beijing influences dominating outcomes.

Response to Tiananmen Square Massacre

Martin Lee publicly condemned the Chinese government's violent crackdown on pro-democracy protesters in on June 4, 1989, which resulted in the deaths of hundreds to thousands of civilians according to eyewitness accounts and subsequent investigations. In the immediate aftermath, Lee, alongside trade unionist Szeto Wah, organized and led massive marches in , drawing hundreds of thousands of participants in solidarity with the demonstrators and against the People's Liberation Army's use of tanks and live ammunition to suppress the protests. These demonstrations, one of the largest in Hong Kong's history at the time, reflected widespread local fears over 's intentions ahead of the 1997 handover and galvanized Lee's commitment to democratic reforms. As a member of the Basic Law Drafting Committee formed in 1985 to outline Hong Kong's post-handover constitution, Lee had advocated for provisions ensuring universal suffrage and civil liberties. However, in response to the massacre, he resigned from the committee in July 1989, citing the Chinese Communist Party's rejection of democratic principles as evidenced by the bloodshed in Beijing. Beijing reciprocated by expelling him from the body, marking the first public rift between Hong Kong's emerging democrats and mainland authorities. This expulsion, along with Lee's vocal support for the Tiananmen victims, led to a de facto ban on his travel to mainland China for the subsequent two decades. Lee's actions post-Tiananmen intensified his advocacy for safeguards against authoritarian overreach, including annual vigils in to commemorate the event—traditions he helped sustain despite pressure from pro-Beijing factions. He argued that the massacre underscored the need for Hong Kong to enshrine independent judiciary and electoral freedoms in the , independent of Beijing's direct control, a stance that positioned him as a leading voice for amid rising fears in the territory. These efforts, rooted in Lee's legal background, shifted public discourse toward prioritizing verifiable democratic mechanisms over assurances from an unaccountable central government.

Founding and Leadership of Democratic Party

Establishment in 1994

The Democratic Party was formed on October 4, 1994, through the merger of the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK), established in 1990, and the group, which had advocated for gradual democratic reforms. The merger aimed to consolidate pro-democracy forces ahead of the 1995 Legislative Council elections under the last British-appointed governor, , whose reforms had expanded direct elections but provoked opposition from . Martin Lee, a and founding chairman of the UDHK, became the inaugural chairman of the new party, serving until 2002. Co-founded with figures like Szeto Wah, the party positioned itself as a broad liberal alliance emphasizing full democracy post-1997 handover, including for the chief executive and legislature, protections, and resistance to erosion of under the anticipated framework. The establishment reflected strategic unification amid Beijing's preparations to dissolve the elected and install a provisional body, signaling intent to curb democratic gains; the party manifesto underscored commitment to the Sino-British Joint Declaration's promises of autonomy and , while critiquing pro-Beijing factions for prioritizing stability over electoral . This formation marked the Democratic Party as Hong Kong's largest opposition entity at inception, with over 1,000 members initially, focused on bridging moderate reformers and radicals to maximize electoral viability before sovereignty transfer.

Electoral Strategies and Internal Dynamics

The Democratic Party, established in 1994 through the merger of Martin Lee's United Democrats of Hong Kong and the group, pursued electoral strategies that prioritized contesting direct s in geographical constituencies to build a mandate for democratic reforms, including and enhanced autonomy under the . Under Lee's chairmanship from 1994 to 2002, the party emphasized grassroots mobilization and high to demonstrate widespread public backing for its platform of , anti-corruption measures, and protections, as evidenced by its strong performance in the 1995 where it captured a majority of directly elected seats. In response to Beijing's dissolution of the elected legislature, the party boycotted the Provisional installed in 1997, framing participation as a principled rejection of undemocratic interference, before re-engaging in the post-handover , which saw a record turnout of 53.29% and the party's securing of over 40% of the popular vote in direct contests. This selective engagement aimed to pressure authorities by highlighting electoral legitimacy while avoiding legitimization of pro-Beijing structures. Internal dynamics during Lee's reflected the challenges of unifying diverse factions from the merger: the United Democrats' activist-oriented professionals and lawyers, including Lee himself, alongside Meeting Point's more pragmatic, policy-driven moderates from business and academic circles. This coalition maintained cohesion through shared commitment to non-violent advocacy and international for Hong Kong's freedoms, with Lee serving as a stabilizing figure who balanced uncompromising rhetoric on with pragmatic electoral focus. However, early tensions emerged over tactics toward , such as the degree of compromise in transitional negotiations, though these were contained without major schisms until post-2000 declines in electoral support prompted transitions. By 2000, the party's vote share dropped to around 35% amid voter fatigue and Beijing's influence campaigns, underscoring internal debates on adapting strategies amid shrinking space for opposition. Lee's tenure thus marked a period of relative unity, leveraging the party's broad appeal to position it as Hong Kong's primary democratic force before factional strains intensified in subsequent years.

Legislative Council Tenure

Elections and Representation

Martin Lee was first elected to the on 30 October as the representative for the Legal functional constituency through , serving until 25 August 1988. This election involved professional bodies voting for their sector's representative under the colonial system's functional constituencies. During this tenure, he represented the interests of the legal profession, focusing on issues like and . Lee returned to the following the introduction of direct elections in 1991, winning the seat for the geographical constituency as a candidate of the United Democrats of Hong Kong (UDHK). The UDHK, which Lee co-founded, achieved a by securing 12 of the 18 directly elected geographical seats, reflecting strong public support for pro-democracy candidates amid concerns over the 1997 handover. He was re-elected in this constituency in the 1995 election under the newly formed Democratic Party, where the pro-democracy alliance captured over 60% of the popular vote in geographical constituencies, underscoring Lee's prominence as a democratic . After the 1997 handover, the elected was dissolved and replaced by the Beijing-appointed Provisional Legislative Council, from which pro-democracy figures like Lee were excluded. Lee was re-elected in the 1998 Legislative Council election for the multi-seat geographical constituency, where the Democratic Party won 9 of the 20 directly elected seats overall, maintaining significant opposition representation. He continued to represent in the and 2004 elections, with the Democratic Party securing 12 and 9 seats respectively in those cycles, though facing challenges from pro-Beijing forces and electoral system changes favoring functional constituencies. Throughout his geographical representation from 1991 to 2008, Lee focused on advancing and scrutinizing government policies, often leading debates on constitutional reforms. He retired from the at the end of his term on 30 September 2008, citing the need for younger leaders to carry the democratic torch.

Key Positions on Governance and Reforms

Lee advocated for the implementation of in elections for the Chief Executive and all seats in the , interpreting Articles 45 and 68 of the as mandating eventual direct elections by "one person, one vote" without restrictions imposed by . He emphasized that such reforms were essential to realize the 's promise of gradual democratic progress, as agreed in the 1984 . During his Legislative Council tenure, Lee supported bills to expand direct elections, including the 1994 legislation that increased elected seats despite opposition from Chinese authorities, aiming to enhance accountability and reduce appointed or functional constituencies. He called for a comprehensive review of the to eliminate undemocratic elements like corporate voting in functional constituencies, arguing that true autonomy under "" required people to govern without external vetting of candidates. On governance, Lee positioned democracy, , and the as foundational to Hong Kong's prosperity, advocating an with and to prevent executive overreach. He proposed amending the to strengthen protections for these principles, while maintaining that "one country, two systems" could succeed only through high autonomy and non-interference from the central government. In public statements, he rejected " with Chinese characteristics" in favor of genuine to ensure representative and accountable leadership.

Post-Handover Political Activities

Adaptation to SAR Framework

Following the handover on July 1, 1997, Martin Lee and the Democratic Party initially rejected participation in the Beijing-appointed Provisional Legislative Council, which replaced Hong Kong's democratically elected body, viewing it as an undermining of local autonomy under the . This boycott reflected Lee's commitment to preserving electoral legitimacy while signaling intent to engage with SAR institutions on principled terms. The party positioned itself as a loyal opposition within the "" framework, emphasizing adherence to the 's provisions for gradual democratic development, including eventual for the Chief Executive as outlined in Article 45. Lee adapted by leading the Democratic Party into the first post-handover election on May 24, , contesting geographical constituencies to capitalize on direct popular support. The party secured 12 seats overall, including nine from the 20 directly elected geographical seats, capturing approximately 43% of the popular vote in those constituencies amid a 53.3% turnout—the highest recorded at the time. Lee himself was re-elected in the constituency, enabling the Democrats to form the largest bloc in LegCo despite the chamber's hybrid structure favoring pro-Beijing functional constituencies. This electoral strategy demonstrated adaptation to the SAR's constrained , using popular mandates to scrutinize the administration and advocate for reforms without resorting to extra-legal means. In LegCo, Lee focused on pressing for Basic Law-compliant governance, criticizing early deviations such as the Chief Executive's appointment process and limited electoral reforms as contrary to the document's intent for high-degree . He argued that true implementation required to honor commitments to and , warning that failures eroded public confidence in the SAR framework. Through speeches and motions, Lee urged alignment with Articles 26, 45, and 68, which he interpreted as pathways to full , while engaging international forums to highlight implementation gaps without direct confrontation. This approach sustained pro-democracy influence amid 's oversight, though Lee later noted in 1999 that constitutional fidelity demanded over political expediency. By 2000, re-elected again, Lee's tenure underscored a pragmatic adaptation: leveraging LegCo's oversight role to challenge policies like national security legislation precursors, fostering incremental pressure for promised electoral evolution.

Campaigns Against Specific Policies

Following the 1997 handover, Martin Lee actively campaigned against the (HKSAR) government's request for a Standing Committee (NPCSC) interpretation of Article 24 on the in 1999, arguing that it contravened the spirit of Article 158 by bypassing local judicial processes after the Court of Final Appeal's ruling. In a June 1999 , he described the NPCSC's reinterpretation as inflicting a "mortal wound" on Hong Kong's , asserting that it allowed to override the HKSAR's in interpreting its own without exhaustion of local remedies. This stance aligned with broader pro-democracy concerns that such interventions eroded promised under "." Lee played a prominent role in opposing the HKSAR's proposed national security legislation under Article 23, introduced in 2002–2003, which aimed to prohibit , , , and but was criticized for vague definitions that could suppress . As Democratic Party founder, he participated in mass mobilization efforts, including overseas advocacy to highlight risks to freedoms, emphasizing in May 2003 that such discussions were not "bad-mouthing" but defending its core values. The campaign culminated in the July 1, 2003, protest march, estimated at over 500,000 participants, which pressured the government to indefinitely shelve the bill on July 6, 2003, marking a rare post-handover policy reversal amid public outcry over threats to . In the 2010s, Lee campaigned against Beijing's restrictive frameworks for , particularly the NPCSC's , 2014, decision limiting Chief Executive nominations to candidates vetted by a pro-Beijing , which he argued violated Basic Law promises of by enabling undue influence over candidate selection. He publicly critiqued the decision as self-contradictory under the NPCSC's own prior interpretations, fueling pan-democratic resistance that contributed to the Occupy Central movement and 79-day Umbrella protests starting September 26, 2014. Similarly, in November 2016, Lee led a silent march of over 1,000 lawyers protesting the NPCSC's interpretation of Article 104 on legislators' oath-taking, which disqualified pro-independence lawmakers; he asserted lacked to intervene proactively without a HKSAR request, framing it as overreach undermining local autonomy. These efforts targeted policies perceived as eroding Hong Kong's promised high degree of , with Lee consistently advocating within legal and public channels while attributing opposition to empirical threats to rights enshrined in the and , rather than abstract ideology.

Involvement in 2019 Protests and Aftermath

Participation in Assemblies and Vigils

Martin Lee, then aged 81, joined prominent pro-democracy figures in key assemblies during the early stages of the 2019 anti-extradition law protests. On 31 March 2019, he participated alongside longstanding activists in a march opposing the government's proposed bill, which would have allowed extraditions to , reflecting broader concerns over erosion of Hong Kong's . Lee's involvement intensified in August amid escalating demonstrations against police handling of protests and demands for bill withdrawal. On 12 August 2019, he attended an unauthorized assembly in response to ongoing unrest, part of a series of gatherings that defied police notifications restricting activities. The following week, on 18 August 2019, Lee marched in one of the largest demonstrations of the movement, with organizers estimating 1.7 million participants in a procession from Victoria Park aimed at protesting police brutality. Although police had approved only a stationary rally, the event evolved into a mobile assembly, drawing widespread participation from despite warnings of potential illegality. As a veteran of annual candlelight vigils commemorating the 1989 Tiananmen Square events—events he had helped organize for decades—Lee's presence in 2019 assemblies underscored continuity with Hong Kong's tradition of public mourning and dissent, though the protests' focus shifted toward immediate governance grievances rather than historical reflection.

Unlawful Assembly Convictions

In August 2019, amid widespread protests against a proposed extradition bill, Martin Lee participated in a large public assembly on Hong Kong Island originating from Victoria Park, which police had prohibited via notice due to concerns over public order. The event drew over 1.7 million participants by organizer estimates and proceeded peacefully without reported violence from the charged individuals. Lee, then 81, was among those accused of playing a role in its organization and execution, leading to charges under Hong Kong's Public Order Ordinance for organizing and participating in an unauthorized assembly. Lee was arrested on April 18, 2020, as part of a broader enforcement action against pro-democracy figures for 2019 protest-related activities. His , held at the West Kowloon Magistrates' Court and later escalated to District Court, proceeded alongside six co-defendants, including media proprietor , lawyer Margaret Ng, and activist . On April 1, 2021, District Court Judge Amanda Woodcock convicted all seven, ruling that they had knowingly breached the prohibition by promoting and joining , marking Lee's first criminal conviction despite decades in politics. The court acknowledged the assembly's non-violent nature but emphasized the legal requirement for prior notification and authorization under section 17A(3)(b) of the ordinance. Sentencing occurred on April 16, 2021, with Lee receiving 11 months' imprisonment, suspended for 24 months, citing his advanced age, lack of prior offenses, and contributions to society as mitigating factors. Co-defendants received varying terms, some immediate custody, reflecting the court's view of their respective roles. The defendants appealed, arguing that the prohibition notice was unlawfully issued and that peaceful assemblies warranted greater protection under Hong Kong's and . In August 2023, the Court of Appeal quashed convictions on incitement charges for some but upheld the core findings. The case reached Hong Kong's Court of Final Appeal, which on August 12, 2024, unanimously dismissed the remaining appeal, affirming the convictions and sentences as proportionate responses to breaches of public order laws amid the unrest. No further convictions against Lee have been recorded outside this incident.

National Security Law Proceedings

2020 Arrest and Charges

On April 18, 2020, police arrested Martin Lee, then 82, at his home in the early morning hours, along with 14 other prominent pro-democracy figures including media tycoon , lawyer Margaret Ng, and activist Albert Ho. The operation involved coordinated raids, with seven officers entering Lee's residence to detain him on suspicion of organizing, publicizing, and participating in unauthorized assemblies linked to 2019 anti-extradition protests. The specific charges against Lee centered on his alleged role in an August 18, 2019, rally on , which authorities had prohibited citing public order risks amid the ongoing protest movement; the event drew an estimated 1.7 million participants protesting a proposed extradition bill that would enable transfers to for trial. Prosecutors cited evidence such as a Lee wore at the gathering and data from his cellphone as indicating his involvement in promoting and joining the banned activity, which violated Hong Kong's Public Order Ordinance. These arrests occurred during the , when public gatherings were restricted, and followed U.S. statements criticizing erosion of Hong Kong's autonomy under the "one country, two systems" framework. Lee was released on later that day after appearing in , with conditions including a reporting requirement and travel restrictions. The charges carried a potential maximum penalty of five years' per count, reflecting authorities' escalation against veteran democrats amid preparations for Beijing's impending legislation. Lee described the in an as part of China's systematic effort to dismantle Hong Kong's freedoms, noting the irony of targeting non-violent figures like himself who had advocated for .

Trial Outcomes and Recent Revocations

Martin Lee was charged on February 28, 2021, alongside 46 other pro-democracy figures with conspiracy to commit under the Hong Kong National Security Law for his alleged role in organizing unofficial primary elections in July 2020 aimed at selecting candidates to maximize the opposition's seats in the . The charges stemmed from the authorities' assertion that the primaries constituted an attempt to paralyze government functions by targeting a of seats, though Lee and others maintained the exercise was a legitimate democratic strategy to consolidate votes and challenge pro-establishment dominance. Due to his advanced age of 82 at the time of charging and health considerations, Lee was granted bail shortly after and has not been remanded or brought to in the case as of October 2025, distinguishing his proceedings from those of younger co-defendants who faced extended detention and convictions in the broader "" , where 14 were found guilty of in May 2024. No conviction has been secured against Lee under the , with his case remaining unresolved amid criticisms from international observers that the law's application to electoral primaries reflects an expansive interpretation prioritizing state stability over protected political expression. The absence of a trial outcome for Lee contrasts with the severe sentences—up to 10 years—imposed on convicted peers, raising questions about based on age or perceived threat level, though authorities have not publicly elaborated on the delay. On December 27, 2024, the Hong Kong government revoked Lee's appointment as a Justice of the Peace, a honorary role typically held by community leaders to attest documents and promote civic duties, with the official gazette citing "public interest" as the rationale without specifying further details. This action followed the upholding of his unrelated 2021 conviction for unlawful assembly related to a 2019 protest by Hong Kong's Court of Final Appeal on August 12, 2024, though the NSL charge appears to have factored into the revocation decision amid broader efforts to disqualify figures associated with pro-democracy activities. The move has been decried by supporters as punitive targeting of dissent but aligns with similar revocations against other opposition veterans, signaling a pattern of administrative measures to marginalize perceived adversaries post-NSL enactment.

Controversies and Criticisms

Divisions Within Pro-Democracy Movement

Within Hong Kong's pro-democracy movement, tensions have long existed between moderate pan-democrats, who prioritize incremental reforms through institutional channels and dialogue with authorities, and radical localists or younger activists advocating confrontational strategies, including and calls for . Martin Lee, as founding chairman of the Democratic Party, embodied the moderate faction, emphasizing non-violence, adherence to the , and sustained international advocacy over disruptive tactics. This approach drew criticism from radicals who viewed pan-democrats like Lee as overly compromising and insufficiently responsive to Beijing's encroachments, particularly after the 2014 failed to yield . During the 2019 anti-extradition protests, Lee's public calls for peaceful demonstrations—even in the face of escalating violence and the impending national security law—intensified rifts, with some protesters and localist groups dismissing him as and wedded to futile negotiations. Younger activists, influenced by localism's rise, distrusted his optimistic , seeing it as a betrayal of the movement's momentum toward more assertive resistance. The Democratic Party's moderate stance, under Lee's long influence, faced internal and external rebukes for not pushing harder against , contributing to electoral shifts where localist candidates gained ground in 2016 Legislative Council elections. Lee reciprocated by cautioning against radicalism, arguing in November 2016 that localist lawmakers from groups like Youngspiration had played into Beijing's hands by provoking disqualifications and deepening polarization, rather than building sustainable democratic gains. He maintained that such actions undermined the pan-democratic coalition's credibility and invited crackdowns that weakened the overall push for autonomy under "." These mutual critiques highlighted broader fractures, where moderates like Lee prioritized long-term legal and diplomatic leverage, while radicals favored immediate, high-stakes confrontation, ultimately fragmenting opposition unity amid Beijing's tightening control.

Perspectives from Pro-Beijing Establishment

Pro-Beijing establishment figures and state media have consistently portrayed Martin Lee as a central architect of subversion against China's sovereignty over Hong Kong, accusing him of colluding with foreign forces to incite chaos and undermine the "one country, two systems" framework. Xinhua described Lee as a "diehard proxy for foreign anti-China forces" whose actions reflect hypocrisy and an obsession with stirring unrest, citing his long history of lobbying Western governments and participating in activities deemed seditious. This view frames Lee's founding of the Democratic Party in 1994 and his advocacy for universal suffrage as deliberate efforts to alter Hong Kong's political system in ways that challenge Beijing's authority, including alleged pushes toward independence. Lee is frequently grouped with figures like , , and Albert Ho as the "Hong Kong four-person gang" (亂港四人幫), blamed for betraying the nation through sustained campaigns to "seize power" and harm . Pro-Beijing outlets such as Wen Wei Po and assert that this group has long conspired with external actors, including U.S. entities, to promote color revolutions and destabilize the , with Lee's meetings—such as those with U.S. consular officials in 2019—cited as evidence of inviting foreign intervention. reports link Lee to the U.S. (NED), portraying his engagements as part of a broader "" strategy to fund and orchestrate riots, including the 2019 protests. In the context of the 2020 National Security Law, Lee's on April 18, 2020, for alleged and —stemming from his role in the pro-democracy primaries—was hailed by as a necessary measure to curb his "subversive" influence. Xinhua highlighted his involvement alongside other "major instigators" in unlawful assemblies that escalated social disorder, arguing that such actions justified the law's enforcement to restore stability. Critics within the establishment, including commentators in Wen Wei Po, further accuse Lee of exploiting court proceedings, such as his 2023 appeal, as a political platform to the and rally anti-China sentiment. These perspectives emphasize that Lee's moderate democratic masks a deeper intent to erode Hong Kong's integration with the mainland, prioritizing foreign-aligned disruption over local prosperity.

Evaluations of Long-Term Impact on Hong Kong Stability

Pro-Beijing commentators have evaluated Martin Lee's decades-long advocacy for and democratic reforms as a catalyst for escalating political tensions that undermined Hong Kong's stability, arguing that his persistent challenges to Beijing's authority fueled cycles of unrest culminating in the 2019 protests. State-affiliated outlets portrayed Lee's involvement in assemblies and international lobbying as exploitative tactics that prioritized confrontation over pragmatic governance, contributing to social divisions and economic volatility rather than incremental progress under the framework. Empirically, the pro-democracy mobilizations associated with Lee's leadership, including the 2014 and 2019 demonstrations, correlated with immediate disruptions: Hong Kong's GDP contracted by 2.25% in 2019, marking its first recession in a amid declines of over 40% and retail sales drops exceeding 10% year-on-year during peak protest periods. These events prompted Beijing's 2020 National Security Law, which officials credit with restoring order by curtailing unauthorized assemblies and reducing violent incidents to near zero post-enactment. However, this enforced stability has exacted long-term costs, including a brain drain with net of approximately 140,000 workers from 2021 to 2022 and cumulative losses surpassing 300,000 since 2020, straining sectors like and where skilled professionals comprised a disproportionate share of departures. From a causal perspective, Lee's emphasis on full electoral democracy—despite Beijing's insistence on "patriots administering "—intensified zero-sum dynamics, arguably accelerating the erosion of the city's semi-autonomous institutions rather than fostering adaptive stability through compromise. Pro-democracy analysts counter that such preserved 's rule-of-law foundations, which underpinned its pre-1997 prosperity, and that the central government's non-fulfillment of promises for progressive democratization bears primary responsibility for the resultant impasse and demographic hemorrhage. Longitudinal data suggest that while short-term unrest abated, the exodus risks irreversible declines in innovation and , potentially diminishing 's global financial edge by 2030 if inflows fail to offset outflows.

Recognition and International Profile

Domestic and Global Awards

In recognition of his longstanding advocacy for democratic reforms and , Martin Lee received the International Human Rights Award from the in 1995, honoring his "extraordinary contributions to the promotion of the and ." The following year, in 1996, —representing over 70 political parties worldwide—presented him with the Prize for Freedom at its World Council meeting in , , for his leadership in Hong Kong's pro-democracy movement. Lee's efforts earned further international acclaim in April 1997 when the bestowed its Democracy Award upon him, citing his pivotal role in advancing democratic institutions amid 's transition to Chinese sovereignty. In October 2019, he shared the International Bar Association's Human Rights Award with fellow barrister Margaret Ng, acknowledging their combined work in defending against eroding freedoms in . While Lee's honors have predominantly come from global institutions aligned with liberal democratic values, domestic recognition within Hong Kong remains limited, reflecting the polarized political landscape where pro-Beijing authorities have increasingly curtailed acknowledgments of opposition figures. No major awards from Hong Kong governmental or mainland Chinese bodies are documented, consistent with his status as a critic of Beijing's influence.

Influence on Human Rights Discourse

Martin Lee's advocacy elevated Hong Kong's struggle for autonomy and democratic reforms into a prominent element of international discourse, consistently framing Beijing's interventions as violations of the 1984 and the 's provisions for . As founding chairman of the Democratic Party of Hong Kong, he testified before the U.S. Foreign Relations Committee in 2004, urging support for Hong Kong's democratization in line with international commitments and highlighting Beijing's interference as undermining and . His statements linked local electoral reforms to broader freedoms, criticizing the 1989 crackdown and advocating for direct elections by 2007 for the Chief Executive and 2008 for legislators, as promised under Articles 45 and 68 of the . Lee's testimonies before U.S. congressional bodies, including the in 2017 and 2019, directly influenced legislative responses, with Senator citing his 2014 remarks to reintroduce the Human Rights and Democracy Act, enacted in November 2019 to assess Hong Kong's autonomy and authorize sanctions for abuses. This act institutionalized annual reviews of conditions, amplifying global scrutiny of post-handover erosions in press freedom and . In these forums, Lee emphasized the moral obligation of democratic nations to defend Hong Kong's "high degree of autonomy" against mainland encroachments, positioning the territory's fate as a litmus test for China's adherence to international covenants. Beyond policy impact, Lee's public addresses reshaped narratives by connecting Hong Kong's protests to universal struggles, as in his September 24, 2014, speech to boycotting students, where he declared the fight against the Standing Committee's restrictive electoral framework was "not only for Hong Kong itself" but for 1.3 billion Chinese, invoking Deng Xiaoping's vision of and freedoms under "." This framing influenced activist rhetoric and international commentary, portraying Hong Kong as a vanguard for broader Chinese liberalization rather than isolated , while underscoring empirical failures like unfulfilled promises despite mass demonstrations of over 500,000 in 2003. His emphasis on legalistic, covenant-based arguments, drawn from his background, countered Beijing's claims with first-principles appeals to verifiable obligations, sustaining discourse amid escalating measures.

Personal Life and Later Years

Family and Personal Relationships

Martin Lee married Amelia Lee in 1969, shortly after meeting her while studying law at in ; the couple's wedding photograph appeared in the South China Morning Post on August 10 of that year. They have one son, born around 1981, who accompanied his parents to a during the 1991 election. The family has maintained a low public profile regarding personal details beyond these facts. A devout Roman Catholic, Lee draws personal strength from his faith, which has informed his commitment to democratic principles and advocacy. He shares a close friendship with Cardinal Joseph Zen Ze-kiun, the retired bishop of , with whom he has collaborated on public statements regarding religious freedom and political developments in the region.

Health Challenges and Ongoing Advocacy

Lee, born on June 8, 1938, has navigated the physical limitations of advanced age—reaching 86 in 2024 and 87 in 2025—while sustaining his role as a vocal proponent of 's democratic aspirations amid escalating legal and political constraints. Despite these pressures, he granted a March 2024 interview in which he warned that Beijing's policies risked transforming into "just another Chinese city," devoid of its promised under the . This reflects his unwavering commitment, even as the Democratic Party, which he co-founded, announced its disbandment in April 2025 following years of governmental crackdowns that eroded its operational viability. In August 2023, Lee joined other pro-democracy figures in a partial legal victory, with 's Court of Appeal quashing parts of their convictions for organizing an unauthorized assembly during the 2019 protests, though the overall subversion charges stood; this outcome highlighted ongoing judicial battles that tested his endurance. The government's December 2024 revocation of his title—bestowed in 2002—drew international condemnation as an attempt to marginalize veteran advocates, yet Lee remained a symbolic figurehead for the movement. His persistence, undeterred by age-related frailties or prior detentions like the 2020 arrest at age 82, underscores a style rooted in principled opposition rather than frontline activism.

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