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European People's Party
European People's Party
from Wikipedia

The European People's Party (EPP) is a European political party with Christian democratic,[4] liberal-conservative,[4] and conservative[5][6] member parties. A transnational organisation, it is composed of other political parties. Founded by primarily Christian-democratic parties in 1976, it has since broadened its membership to include liberal-conservative parties and parties with other centre-right political perspectives.[6][7][8][9][10] On 31 May 2022, the party elected as its President Manfred Weber, who was also EPP's Spitzenkandidat in 2019.

Key Information

The EPP has been the largest party in the European Parliament since 1999 and in the European Council since 2002. It is also the largest party in the current European Commission. The President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen and the President of the European Parliament Roberta Metsola are from the EPP. Many of the founding fathers of the European Union were also from parties that later formed the EPP.

The EPP includes major centre-right parties such as the CDU/CSU of Germany, the Nationalist Party of Malta, the People's Party (PP) of Spain, Forza Italia of Italy, ÖVP of Austria, HDZ of Croatia, PNL of Romania, Fine Gael of Ireland, National Coalition Party of Finland, New Democracy of Greece, the Moderates of Sweden, the Civic Platform of Poland, the Social Democratic Party of Portugal, and the Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria.

History

[edit]
Logo of European People's Party from 2005 to 2015
President Manfred Weber, 2022 Rotterdam EPP Congress
From left to right: Tindemans, Bukman and Santer, former presidents of the EPP
Bonn EPP Congress in 2009

According to its website, the EPP is "the family of the political centre-right, whose roots run deep in the history and civilisation of the European continent, and [which] has pioneered the European project from its inception".[11]

The EPP was founded in Luxembourg on 8 July 1976 on the initiative of Jean Seitlinger; Leo Tindemans, then Prime Minister of Belgium, who became the first President of the EPP; and Wilfried Martens, who later became both President of the EPP and Prime Minister of Belgium. It had been preceded by the Secretariat International des partis démocratiques d'inspiration chrétienne, founded in 1925,[12] the Nouvelles Equipes Internationales, founded in 1946[13] (or 1948),[12] and the European Union of Christian Democrats, founded in 1965.[13]

In the late 1990s, the Finnish politician Sauli Niinistö negotiated the merger of the European Democrat Union (EDU), of which he was president, into the EPP. In October 2002, the EDU ceased its activities after being formally absorbed by the EPP at a special event in Estoril, Portugal. In recognition of his efforts, Niinistö was elected Honorary President of the EPP the same year.

The EPP has had seven Presidents:

No. Image Name Tenure Party Member state
1 Leo Tindemans
(1922–2014)
1976–1985 CVP Belgium
2 Piet Bukman
(1934–2022)
1985–1987 CDA Netherlands
3 Jacques Santer
(born 1937)
1987–1990 CSV Luxembourg
4 Wilfried Martens
(1936–2013)
1990–2013
[Died]
CD&V Belgium
5 Joseph Daul
(born 1947)
2013–2019 The Republicans France
6 Donald Tusk
(born 1957)
2019–2022 Civic Platform Poland
7 Manfred Weber
(born 1972)
2022– CSU Germany


Platform and manifesto

[edit]
Leo Varadkar, Angela Merkel and Jean-Claude Juncker at an EPP summit in June 2018

Political manifesto and platform

[edit]

During its Congress in Bucharest in 2012, the EPP updated its political platform after 20 years (since its Congress in Athens in 1992) and approved a political manifesto in which it summarised its main values and policies.[14][failed verification]

The manifesto highlights:

  • Freedom as a central human right, coupled with responsibility
  • Respect for traditions and associations
  • Solidarity to help those in need, who in turn should also make an effort to improve their situation
  • Ensuring solid public finances
  • Preserving a healthy environment
  • Subsidiarity
  • Pluralist democracy and a social market economy

The manifesto also describes the EPP's priorities for the EU, including:

  • European Political Union
  • Direct election of the President of the European Commission
  • Completion of the European Single Market
  • Promotion of the family, improvements in education and health
  • Strengthening of the common immigration and asylum policy, and integrating immigrants
  • Continuation of enlargement of the EU, enhancement of the European Neighbourhood Policy and special relationship frameworks for countries that cannot, or do not want to, join the EU
  • Defining a truly common EU energy policy
  • Strengthening European political parties

Electoral manifesto

[edit]

As a central part of its campaign for the European elections in 2009, the EPP approved its election manifesto at its Congress in Warsaw in April that year. The manifesto called for:[15]

  • Creation of new jobs, continuing reforms and investment in education, lifelong learning, and employment to create opportunities for everyone.
  • Avoidance of protectionism, and coordination of fiscal and monetary policies.
  • Increased transparency and surveillance in financial markets.
  • Making Europe the market leader in green technology.
  • Increasing the share of renewable energy to at least 20 percent of the energy mix by 2020.
  • Family-friendly flexibility for working parents, better child care and housing, family-friendly fiscal policies, encouragement of parental leave.
  • A new strategy to attract skilled workers from the rest of the world to make Europe's economy more competitive, more dynamic and more knowledge-driven.
At its Congress in Warsaw in 2009 the EPP endorsed Barroso for a second term as President of the Commission.

The Fidesz crisis

[edit]

Concerns that the Hungarian ruling party Fidesz[a] and its leader Viktor Orbán were undermining the rule of law in Hungary caused a split in the EPP in the run-up of the 2019 European Parliament election.[19] On one hand, the EPP had been reluctant for years to address Fidesz's stance against the rule of law, expressed by the Article 7 proceedings of the European Parliament. On the other hand, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, a prominent EPP-member, stated "I believe his [Fidesz's] place is not in the European People's Party".[20] Orbán's campaigns targeting billionaire George Soros[21] and Jean-Claude Juncker[22] carried wide reverberations for Europe questioning the EPP's effort to install its lead candidate Manfred Weber as the next President of the European Commission.[23]

After years of deferring a decision about the Fidesz issue,[24] the EPP was eventually compelled to address the problem two months before the 2019 European elections, as 13 outraged member parties requested the Hungarian party's exclusion from the EPP due to its billboard campaign featuring Jean-Claude Juncker. 190 of the 193 EPP delegates supported the common agreement with Fidesz on 20 March 2019 to partially suspend its membership. According to it, Fidesz was "until further notice" excluded from EPP meetings and internal elections, but remained in the European People's Party Group of the European Parliament. Fidesz did not deliver on its earlier promise to leave the EPP in case of a penalty.[25]

In February 2020, the EPP extended the suspension of Fidesz indefinitely.[26]

On 2 April 2020, thirteen parties within the EPP issued a joint statement aimed at Donald Tusk, asking him to expunge Fidesz from the party.[27] Three days before this, the Hungarian Parliament had passed a law, declaring a state of emergency within Hungary, granting Prime Minister Viktor Orbán the right to rule by decree.[28]

On 3 March 2021, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán announced that Fidesz would leave the EPP group after it changed its internal rules (to allow suspension and expulsion of multiple deputies and their groups), although Fidesz remained a suspended member of the EPP itself.[29] On 18 March 2021, Fidesz decided to leave the European People's Party.[30]

In June 2024, The Hungarian Christian Democratic People's Party (KDNP), who serve in government with Fidesz, left the European People's Party.[31][32][33][34] That same month, members of the newly elected Hungarian Tisza Party led by Peter Magyar, a former Fidesz insider, applied to join EPP.[35]

German investigation

[edit]

In April 2023, Belgian police and German investigators carried out a raid at the EPP headquarters in Brussels as part of an investigation in Germany.[36]

Membership

[edit]

Within the EPP there are three kinds of member organisations: full members, associate members and observers. Full members are parties from EU states. They have absolute rights to vote in all the EPP's organs and on all matters. Associate members have the same voting rights as full members except for matters concerning the EU's structure or policies. These associate members are parties from EU candidate countries and EFTA countries. Observer parties can participate in all the activities of the EPP, and attend the Congresses and Political Assemblies, but they do not have any voting rights.

Special status of "supporting member" is granted by the Presidency to individuals and associations. Although they do not have voting rights, they can be invited by the President to attend meetings of certain organs of the party.

Full members

[edit]
Country Party Abbr. Lower house seats Upper house Seats Status
 Austria Austrian People's Party
Österreichische Volkspartei
ÖVP
51 / 183
23 / 61
Government
 Belgium Christian Democratic and Flemish
Christen-Democratisch en Vlaams
CD&V
12 / 150
5 / 60
Government
 Bulgaria Citizens for the European Development of Bulgaria
Граждани за европейско развитие на България
Grazhdani za evropeĭsko razvitie na Bŭlgariya
GERB
68 / 240
Government
Democratic Bulgaria
Демократична България
Demokrati za silna Bălgariya
DB
17 / 240
Opposition
Union of Democratic Forces
Съюз на демократичните сили
Sayuz na demokratichnite sili
SDS
5 / 240
Government
Bulgaria for Citizens Movement
Движение „България на гражданите“
Dvizhenie „Bulgariya na grazhdanite“
BCM
0 / 240
Extra-Parliamentary
 Croatia Croatian Democratic Union
Hrvatska demokratska zajednica
HDZ
55 / 151
Government
Croatian Demochristian Party
Hrvatska demokršćanska stranka
HDS
1 / 151
Government
 Cyprus Democratic Rally
Δημοκρατικός Συναγερμός
Dimokratikós Sinagermós
DISY
17 / 56
Opposition
 Czech Republic Christian and Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People's Party
Křesťanská a demokratická unie – Československá strana lidová
KDU–ČSL
23 / 200
12 / 81
Government
TOP 09 TOP 09
14 / 200
6 / 81
Government
 Denmark Conservative People's Party
Det Konservative Folkeparti
C
10 / 179
Opposition
Christian Democrats
Kristendemokraterne
KD
0 / 179
Extra-parliamentary
 Estonia Isamaa I
11 / 101
Opposition
 Finland National Coalition Party
Kansallinen Kokoomus
Samlingspartiet
KOK
48 / 200
Government
Christian Democrats
Kristillisdemokraatit
Kristdemokraterna
KD
5 / 200
Government
 France The Republicans
Les Républicains
LR
52 / 577
139 / 348
Confidence and supply
 Germany Christian Democratic Union of Germany
Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands
CDU
151 / 735
22 / 69
Government
Christian Social Union in Bavaria
Christlich-Soziale Union in Bayern
CSU
45 / 735
4 / 69
Government
 Greece New Democracy
Νέα Δημοκρατία
Nea Dimokratia
ND
158 / 300
Government
 Ireland Fine Gael FG
38 / 174
17 / 60
Government
 Italy Forza Italia FI
49 / 400
20 / 200
Government
Us Moderates
Noi Moderati
NM
7 / 400
2 / 200
Government
South Tyrolean People's Party
Südtiroler Volkspartei
SVP
3 / 400
2 / 200
Opposition
Union of the Centre
Unione di Centro
UdC
1 / 400
1 / 200
Government
Trentino Tyrolean Autonomist Party
Partito Autonomista Trentino Tirolese
PATT
0 / 400
0 / 200
Extra-parliamentary
Popular Alternative
Alternativa Popolare
AP
0 / 400
0 / 200
Extra-parliamentary
Popular Base
Base Popolare
BP
0 / 400
0 / 200
Extra-parliamentary
 Latvia Unity
Vienotība
V
23 / 100
Government
 Lithuania Homeland Union – Lithuanian Christian Democrats
Tėvynės sąjunga – Lietuvos krikščionys demokratai
TS-LKD
28 / 141
Opposition
 Luxembourg Christian Social People's Party
Chrëschtlech Sozial Vollekspartei
Parti populaire chrétien social
Christlich Soziale Volkspartei
CSV/PCS
21 / 60
Government
 Malta Nationalist Party
Partit Nazzjonalista
PN
35 / 79
Opposition
 Netherlands Christian Democratic Appeal
Christen-Democratisch Appèl
CDA
5 / 150
6 / 75
Opposition
 Poland Civic Coalition
Koalicja Obywatelska
KO
153 / 460
36 / 100
Government
Polish People's Party
Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
PSL
28 / 460
4 / 100
Government
 Portugal Social Democratic Party
Partido Social Democrata
PPD/PSD
89 / 230
Government
Democratic and Social Centre – People's Party
Centro Democrático e Social – Partido Popular
CDS-PP
2 / 230
Government
 Romania National Liberal Party
Partidul Național Liberal
PNL
80 / 330
38 / 136
Government
Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania
Romániai Magyar Demokrata Szövetség
Uniunea Democrată Maghiară din România
UDMR
20 / 330
9 / 136
Opposition
People's Movement Party
Partidul Mișcarea Populară
PMP
0 / 330
0 / 136
Extra-parliamentary
 Slovakia Christian Democratic Movement
Kresťanskodemokratické hnutie
KDH
12 / 150
Opposition
Democrats
Demokrati
D
0 / 150
Extra-parliamentary
Hungarian Alliance
Magyar Szövetség
Maďarská Aliancia
MA
0 / 150
Extra-parliamentary
Slovakia
Slovensko
Slovensko
16 / 150
Opposition
 Slovenia Slovenian Democratic Party
Slovenska demokratska stranka
SDS
26 / 90
Opposition
Slovenian People's Party
Slovenska ljudska stranka
SLS
0 / 90
Extra-parliamentary
New Slovenia–Christian Democrats
Nova Slovenija – Krščanski demokrati
NSi
7 / 90
Opposition
 Spain People's Party
Partido Popular
PP
137 / 350
140 / 266
Opposition
 Sweden Moderate Party
Moderata samlingspartiet
M
68 / 349
Government
Christian Democrats
Kristdemokraterna
KD
19 / 349
Government

Associate members

[edit]

 Albania

 Bosnia and Herzegovina

 Georgia

 Iceland

 Montenegro

 North Macedonia

 Norway

 Serbia

 Switzerland

 Ukraine

Observer members

[edit]

 Armenia

 Belarus

 Bosnia and Herzegovina

 Georgia

Kosovo

 Moldova

 Norway

 San Marino

 Ukraine

Former members

[edit]

 Armenia

 Belgium

 Belarus

 France

 Croatia

 Hungary

 Italy

 Romania

 Slovakia

 Spain

 Turkey

 Ukraine

Individual members

[edit]

The EPP also includes a number of individual members, although, as most other European parties, it has not sought to develop mass individual membership.[43]

Below is the evolution of individual membership of the EPP since 2019.[44] Individual membersIndividual members of European political parties9121518212427201920202021202220232024EPP

Governance

[edit]

The EPP is governed by the EU Regulation No 1141/2014 on European Political Parties and European Political Foundations and its operations are supervised by the EU Authority for European Political Parties and European Political Foundations.

Presidency

[edit]

The Presidency is the executive body of the party. It decides on the general political guidelines of the EPP and presides over its Political Assembly. The Presidency is composed of the President, ten Vice-Presidents, the Honorary Presidents, the Secretary General and the Treasurer. The Chairperson of the EPP Group in the European Parliament, the Presidents of the Commission, the Parliament and the Council, and the High Representative (if they are a member of an EPP member party) are all ex officio Vice-Presidents.

President of the EPP Manfred Weber

As of 30 April 2025 the Presidency of the EPP is:[45]

EPP Political Assembly

[edit]

The Political Assembly defines the political positions of the EPP between Congresses and decides on membership applications, political guidelines and the budget. The Political Assembly is composed of designated delegates from EPP member parties, associated parties, member associations, and other affiliated groups. The Political Assembly meets at least three times a year.

Congress

[edit]

The Congress is the highest decision-making body of the EPP. It is composed of delegates from member parties, EPP associations, EPP Group MEPs, the EPP Presidency, national heads of party and government, and European Commissioners who belong to a member party, with the numbers of delegates being weighted according to the EPP's share of MEPs, and individual delegates being elected by member parties according to member parties' rules.[46]

Under the EPP's statutes, the Congress must meet once every three years, but it also meets normally during the years of elections for the European Parliament (every five years), and extraordinary Congresses have also been summoned. The Congress elects the EPP Presidency every three years, decides on the main policy documents and electoral programmes, and provides a platform for the EPP's heads of government and party leaders.

Funding

[edit]

As a registered European political party, the EPP is entitled to European public funding, which it has received continuously since 2004.[47]

Below is the evolution of European public funding received by the EPP. Amount (€)Year03,000,0006,000,0009,000,00012,000,00015,000,00018,000,0002004200720102013201620192022Maximum amounts of public fundingAmounts of public funding actually receivedEuropean public funding of European political parties

In line with the Regulation on European political parties and European political foundations, the EPP also raises private funds to co-finance its activities. As of 2025, European parties must raise at least 10% of their reimbursable expenditure from private sources, while the rest can be covered using European public funding.[b]

Below is the evolution of contributions and donations received by the EPP. Amount (€)Year400,000600,000800,0001,000,0001,200,0001,400,0001,600,0001,800,00020042008201220162020EPPContributions raised by European political parties

Amount (€)Year03060901201502004200720102013201620192022EPPDonations raised by European political parties

Activities within the party

[edit]

Summit

[edit]
Reunion Picture at 2011 Summit

EPP leaders meet for the EPP Summit a few hours before each meeting of the European Council in order to formulate common positions. Invitations are sent by the EPP President and attendees include, besides the members of the EPP's presidency, all Presidents and Prime Ministers who are members of the European Council and belong to the EPP; the Presidents of the European Parliament, the European Commission and the European Council, as well as the High Representative for Foreign Affairs, provided that they belong to the EPP; Deputy Prime Ministers or other ministers in those cases where the Prime Minister of a country does not belong to an EPP member party; and, where no EPP member party is part of a government, the leaders of the main EPP opposition party.

Ministerial meetings

[edit]

Following the pattern of the EPP Summit the party also organises regular EPP Ministerial meetings before each meeting of the Council of the European Union, with ministers, deputy ministers, secretaries of state and MEPs in the specific policy field attending:

  • General Affairs
  • Foreign Affairs
  • Economy and Finance
  • Home Affairs
  • Justice
  • Defence
  • Employment and Social Affairs
  • Industry
  • Agriculture
  • Energy
  • Environment[48]

Other activities

[edit]

The EPP also organises working groups on different issues on an ad hoc basis, as well as meetings with its affiliated members in the European Commission. It also invites individual Commissioners to the EPP Summit meetings and to EPP Ministerial meetings.

Following amendments to the EU Regulation that governs European political parties in 2007, the EPP, like the other European parties, was responsible for organising a pan-European campaign for the European elections every five years. According to the Lisbon Treaty, the parties must present candidates for President of the European Commission, but the EPP had already done this by endorsing José Manuel Barroso for a second term in April 2009.

The year 2014 saw the first fully-fledged campaign of the EPP ahead of the European elections of that year. The party nominated former Luxembourgish Prime Minister Jean-Claude Juncker as its candidate for President of the European Commission and led a pan-European campaign in coordination with the national campaigns of all its member parties.

Activities within EU institutions

[edit]

As of 1 December 2019, the EPP holds the Presidency of the European Commission with Ursula von der Leyen (CDU).

Overview of European institutions

[edit]
Organisation Institution Number of seats
 European Union European Parliament
184 / 720 (26%)
[49]
European Commission
11 / 27 (41%)
[50]
European Council
(Heads of Government)
11 / 27 (41%)
[51]
Council of the European Union
(Participation in Government)
Committee of the Regions
118 / 329 (36%)
[52]
Council of Europe (as part of EPP/CD) Parliamentary Assembly
132 / 612 (22%)
[53]

European Commission

[edit]

Following EPP's victory in the 2019 European Parliament election, Ursula von der Leyen was nominated by the EPP as Commission President. She was endorsed by the European Council and elected by an absolute majority in the European Parliament. On 1 December 2019, the von der Leyen Commission officially took office. It includes 11 EPP officeholders out of 27 total Commissioners.

State Commissioner Portfolio Political party Portrait
Germany
Germany
von der LeyenUrsula von der Leyen President CDU
Latvia
Latvia
DombrovskisValdis Dombrovskis Executive Vice President – An Economy that Works for the People, Trade Unity
Croatia
Croatia
ŠuicaDubravka Šuica Vice President – Democracy and Demography HDZ
Greece
Greece
SchinasMargaritis Schinas Vice President – Promoting the European Way of Life ND
Austria
Austria
HahnJohannes Hahn Commissioner for Budget and Administration ÖVP
Netherlands
Netherlands
HoekstraWopke Hoekstra European Commissioner for Climate Action CDA
Republic of Ireland
Ireland
McGuinnessMairead McGuinness Commissioner for Financial Stability, Financial Services and the Capital Markets Union FG
Bulgaria
Bulgaria
GabrielIliana Ivanova Commissioner for Innovation, Research, Culture, Education and Youth GERB
Cyprus
Cyprus
KyriakidesStella Kyriakides Commissioner for Health and Food Safety DISY
Romania
Romania
VăleanAdina-Ioana Vălean Commissioner for Transport PNL
Hungary
Hungary
VárhelyiOlivér Várhelyi Commissioner for Neighbourhood and Enlargement Ind.[c]

European Parliament

[edit]

The EPP has the largest group in the European Parliament: the EPP Group. It currently has 182 Members in the European Parliament and its chairman is the German MEP Manfred Weber.

In every election for the European Parliament candidates elected on lists of member parties of the EPP are obliged to join the EPP Group in the European Parliament.

The EPP Group holds five of the fourteen vice-presidencies of the European Parliament.

European Council

[edit]

The EPP has 11 out of the 27 EU heads of state or government attending the EPP summit meetings in preparation of the European Council (as of May 2025):

Member state Representative Title Political party Member of the Council since Portrait
Austria Christian Stocker Chancellor ÖVP 3 March 2025
Bulgaria Rosen Zhelyazkov Prime Minister GERB 16 January 2025
Croatia Andrej Plenković Prime Minister HDZ 19 October 2016
Germany Friedrich Merz Chancellor CDU 6 May 2025
Finland Petteri Orpo Prime Minister Kok. 20 June 2023
Greece Kyriakos Mitsotakis Prime Minister ND 8 July 2019
Latvia Evika Siliņa Prime Minister Unity 15 September 2023
Luxembourg Luc Frieden Prime Minister CSV 17 November 2023
Poland Donald Tusk Prime Minister KO 13 December 2023
Portugal Luís Montenegro Prime Minister PSD 2 April 2024
Sweden Ulf Kristersson Prime Minister M 18 October 2022

National legislatures

[edit]
Country Institution Number of seats
 Austria National Council
Lower house
71 / 183
Federal Council
Upper house
22 / 61
 Belgium Chamber of Representatives
Lower house
17 / 150
Senate
Upper house
7 / 60
 Bulgaria National Assembly
83 / 240
 Croatia Sabor
62 / 151
 Cyprus House of Representatives
18 / 56
 Czech Republic Chamber of Deputies
Lower house
70 / 200
Senate
Upper house
34 / 81
 Denmark The Folketing
13 / 179
 Estonia Riigikogu
12 / 101
 Finland Parliament
38 / 200
 France National Assembly
Lower house
104 / 577
Senate
Upper house
148 / 348
 Germany Bundestag
196 / 735
 Greece Parliament
158 / 300
 Hungary Országgyűlés
17 / 199
 Ireland Dáil
Lower house
35 / 160
Seanad
Upper house
15 / 60
 Italy Chamber of Deputies
Lower house
88 / 630
Senate
Upper house
55 / 321
 Latvia Saeima
23 / 100
 Lithuania Seimas
50 / 141
 Luxembourg Chamber of Deputies
21 / 60
 Malta House of Representatives
28 / 67
 Netherlands House of Representatives
Lower house
5 / 150
Senate
Upper house
6 / 75
 Poland Sejm
Lower house
155 / 460
Senate
Upper house
45 / 100
 Portugal Assembly of the Republic
91 / 230
 Romania Chamber of Deputies
Lower house
100 / 330
Senate
Upper house
47 / 136
 Slovakia National Council
53 / 150
 Slovenia National Assembly
33 / 90
 Spain Congress of Deputies
Lower house
137 / 350
Senate
Upper house
144 / 266
 Sweden Riksdag
87 / 349

Activities beyond the European Union

[edit]

In third countries

[edit]

Through its associate and observer parties the EPP has six head of state or government in non-EU countries:

State Representative Title Political party In power since Portrait
Bosnia and Herzegovina Borjana Krišto Chairwoman of the Council of Ministers HDZ BiH 25 January 2023
Moldova Maia Sandu President PAS 24 December 2020
North Macedonia Gordana Siljanovska-Davkova President VMRO-DPMNE 12 May 2024
North Macedonia Hristijan Mickoski Prime Minister VMRO-DPMNE 23 June 2024
Serbia Aleksandar Vučić President SNS 31 May 2017

In the Council of Europe

[edit]

The Group of the EPP in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe defends freedom of expression and information, as well as freedom of movement of ideas and religious tolerance. It promotes the principle of subsidiarity and local autonomy, as well as the defence of national, social, and other minorities. The EPP/CD Group is led by Davor Ivo Stier, a member of the Croatian Democratic Union.

The EPP/CD group also includes members from parties that are not related to the EPP itself, including members of the Patriotic Union (Liechtenstein), the Progressive Citizens' Party (Liechtenstein), and the National and Democratic Union (Monaco).[54]

In the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

[edit]

The "EPP and like-minded Group" in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) is the most active political group in that body. The Group meets regularly and promotes the EPP's positions. The members of the EPP Group also participate in the election-monitoring missions of the OSCE.

The Group is chaired by Walburga Habsburg Douglas (Sweden), and its Vice-Presidents are Consiglio Di Nino (Canada), Vilija Aleknaitė Abramikiene (Lithuania), Laura Allegrini (Italy), and George Tsereteli (Georgia).

The Group also includes members of parties not related to the EPP, accounting for the "like-minded" part of its name. Among them are members of the Patriotic Union (Liechtenstein), the Union for the Principality (Monaco), the Conservative Party of the United Kingdom, the Conservative Party of Canada, and the Republican Party of the United States.

In the North Atlantic Treaty Organization

[edit]

The EPP is also present and active in the Parliamentary Assembly of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and forms the "EPP and Associated Members" Group there. It is led by the German CDU politician Karl Lamers, who is also the current President of the Assembly. The Group also included members of the Conservative Party of Canada and the Republican Party of the United States, but now they are members of the Conservative Group

From left to right: López-Istúriz, McCain & Martens

Relations with the United States

[edit]

The EPP has close relations with the International Republican Institute (IRI), an organisation funded by the U.S. government especially to promote democracy and democratisation. The EPP and the IRI cooperate within the framework of the European Partnership Initiative.[55]

The EPP's late President, Wilfried Martens, endorsed Senator John McCain, the Republican nominee for president, in the presidential election in 2008.[56] McCain was also Chairman of the IRI. In 2011 Martens and McCain made joint press statements expressing their concern about the state of democracy in Ukraine.[57][58]

Global networks

[edit]

The EPP is the European wing of two global centre-right organisations, the International Democracy Union (IDU) and the Centrist Democrat International (CDI).

Martens Centre

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Following the revision in 2007 of the EU Regulation that governs European political parties, allowing the creation of affiliated European political foundations, the EPP established in the same year its official foundation/think tank, the Centre for European Studies (CES), which was later renamed as the Martens Centre. It includes as members all the major national think tanks and foundations affiliated to EPP member parties: the Konrad Adenauer Foundation (CDU), the Hanns Seidel Foundation (CSU), the Foundation for Analysis and Social Studies (PP), the Constantinos Karamanlis Institute for Democracy (ND), the Jarl Hjalmarson Foundation (MOD), the Political Academy of the Austrian People's Party (ÖVP) and others. During the European Parliament election campaign in 2009, the Centre launched a web-based campaign module, tellbarroso.eu, to support Jose Manuel Barroso, the EPP's candidate for re-election as Commission President.

In 2014, to honour Wilfried Martens – the late President of the EPP who also founded the CES – changed its name to Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies or simply Martens Centre.

The current President of the Martens Centre is former Slovak Prime Minister Mikuláš Dzurinda.

The Budapest-based Robert Schuman Institute and the Luxembourg-based Robert Schuman Foundation are also affiliated with the European People's Party.[citation needed]

EPP associations

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The EPP is linked to several specific associations that focus on specific groups and organise seminars, forums, publications, and other activities.

Small and Medium Entrepreneurs Europe (SME Europe)

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SME Europe is the official business organisation of the EPP and serves as a network for pro-business politicians and political organisations. Its main objective is to shape EU policy in a more SME-friendly way in close cooperation with the SME Circle of the EPP Group in the European Parliament, the DG Enterprise and the pro-business organisations of the EPP's member parties. Its top priorities are to reform the legal framework for SMEs all over Europe and to promote and support the interests of small and medium-sized enterprises. SME Europe was founded in May 2012 by three Members of the European Parliament, Paul Rübig, Nadezhda Neynsky, and Bendt Bendtsen.

European Democrat Students

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European Democrat Students (EDS) is now the official students' organisation of the EPP, though it was founded in 1961, 15 years before the EPP itself. Led by Virgilio Falco, EDS has 40 member organisations, representing nearly 1,600,000 students and young people[59] in 31 countries, including Belarus and Georgia. Every year EDS hosts Summer and Winter "universities", and several seminars. It also regularly publishes a magazine, Bullseye, and organises topical campaigns.

European Seniors' Union

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Founded in Madrid in 1995 and led by An Hermans of the CD&V, the European Seniors' Union (ESU) is the largest political senior citizens' organisation in Europe. The ESU is represented in 27 countries with 34 organisations and about 500.000 members.

European Union of Christian Democratic Workers

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The European Union of Christian Democratic Workers (EUCDW) is the labour organisation of the EPP, with 24 member organisations in 18 countries. As the officially recognised EPP association of workers, the EUCDW is led by Dennis Radtke, MEP. It aims at the political unification of a democratic Europe, the development of the EPP based on Christian social teaching, and the defence of workers' interests in European policy-making.

Women of the European People's Party

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The Women of the European People's Party (EPP Women) is recognised by the EPP as the official association of women from all like-minded political parties of Europe. EPP Women has more than 40 member organisations from countries of the European Union and beyond. All of them are women's organisations of political parties that are members of the EPP. EPP Women is led by Doris Pack.

Youth of the European People's Party

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The Youth of the European People's Party (YEPP), led by Lídia Pereira, is the EPP's official youth organisation. It has 64 member organisations, bringing together between one and two million young people in 40 countries.

Election results

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European Parliament

Year Lead Candidate Seats % Seats +/- Status Ref
2019 Pre-Brexit Manfred Weber 23.9 (#1) Coalition [60]
Post-Brexit 24.7 (#1) Decrease 6
2024 Ursula von der Leyen 25.9 (#1) [d] Increase 13 Coalition [61][62]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The European People's Party (EPP) is a centre-right, pro- political party founded on 8 July 1976 in , uniting over 80 member and partner parties—primarily Christian democratic, conservative, and liberal-conservative—from 44 countries across . As the largest transnational political formation in the , the EPP's affiliated parliamentary group commands the most seats in the , securing 188 following the June 2024 elections out of 720 total, enabling it to lead key committees and influence legislative majorities. Tracing its roots to post-World War II Christian democratic cooperation among figures like , , and , the EPP evolved from the 1953 Christian-Democratic Group in the European Coal and Steel Community's assembly into a formal party amid preparations for direct parliamentary elections. Its enduring influence stems from producing a succession of EU institutional leaders, including seven Presidents of the —such as , (though ideologically aligned in practice), and the current —as well as multiple Presidents of the and Council heads from member states representing over half of the EU's GDP. The party has championed policies promoting a competitive tempered by social market principles, fiscal responsibility, and to preserve national competencies, while advancing deeper integration in defense, , and migration controls amid geopolitical shifts like Russia's invasion of . Under President since 2019, the EPP has navigated internal tensions over rule-of-law disputes with members like Hungary's —leading to its 2021 suspension—and broader debates on balancing ambitions with sovereignist concerns from Eastern European affiliates, yet it maintains cohesion through pragmatic majorities in the and Commission. This positioning has solidified its role as a pivotal force in EU decision-making, often bridging centrist coalitions to enact reforms in digital regulation, climate adaptation, and economic recovery, though critics from both and nationalist flanks question its accommodations on issues like fiscal transfers and cultural policies.

History

Founding and Early Development (1950s–1970s)

The origins of the European People's Party trace back to the coordination efforts among Christian democratic parties in post-World War II Europe, with early organizational forms emerging in the supranational institutions of European integration. In December 1945, the Nouvelles Équipes Internationales (NEI) was established as a network linking Christian democratic parties across Europe to promote shared values and continental cooperation. This initiative laid groundwork for political alignment amid the formation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC). On 23 June 1953, Christian democratic members formed the Christian Democratic Group in the ECSC's Common Assembly, marking the first transnational parliamentary grouping in European institutions. Comprising delegates from founding member states including , , , , , and the , the group advocated for and supranational authority as means to secure lasting peace. Influenced by key figures such as , , and , it represented the dominant political force in early European assemblies, consistently holding a through the 1950s and 1960s. In 1965, the NEI reorganized into the European Union of Christian Democrats (EUCD), enhancing coordination beyond parliamentary activities to foster deeper European unity among member parties. The EUCD served as a precursor structure, facilitating dialogue and policy alignment for Christian democratic parties in the expanding (EEC). This period saw the group adapt to institutional evolution, including the transition to the in 1958 and the merger of parliamentary assemblies in 1967, maintaining its pro-integration stance amid growing EEC membership. The formal establishment of the European People's Party occurred on 8 July 1976 in , when the EUCD's EEC member parties created the EPP as the European People's Party–Federation of Christian Democratic Parties from the European Community. , then Belgian Prime Minister, was elected its first president, with initial membership drawn from parties in , , , , , , and the . The founding aimed to strengthen transnational party cooperation in anticipation of direct in , building on decades of parliamentary and federative experience to promote Christian democratic principles in European governance.

Expansion During European Integration (1980s–1990s)

During the 1980s, the pursued strategic expansion to consolidate center-right influence as deepened, particularly through the adoption of the on February 28, 1986, which aimed to create a single internal market by 1992. This period saw the EPP incorporate parties from newly acceding member states, including Spain's Alianza Popular (later rebranded as the Partido Popular) and Portugal's Social Democratic Party (PSD), following their countries' entry into the on January 1, 1986. These additions aligned with the EPP's pro-integration stance, enabling it to represent broader national interests in institutions like the , where direct elections since 1979 had amplified party groups' roles. The EPP also began broadening beyond its strictly Christian democratic origins by opening to conservative parties, a shift driven by the need to counter socialist dominance and unify pro-market, integrationist forces amid economic liberalization debates. This process accelerated under Belgian Prime Minister Wilfried Martens, elected EPP president on March 30, 1990, who emphasized maintaining Christian democratic principles while accommodating ideological diversity. On April 13, 1991, EPP leaders resolved to admit "people's parties" from Scandinavia and the British Isles, explicitly welcoming conservative affiliates like Denmark's Conservative People's Party and preparing for potential Nordic integrations, though full British Conservative Party membership remained elusive due to sovereignty concerns. By the mid-1990s, this expansion supported the EPP's advocacy for the , signed on February 7, 1992, which institutionalized and a common —milestones the party viewed as extensions of and national sovereignty within a federal framework. The 1995 EU enlargement to , , and further grew membership, with Finland's and Sweden's affiliating as center-right partners, enhancing the EPP's geographical reach to 15 member states' ruling or opposition parties. Martens' long tenure facilitated these changes, positioning the EPP as the largest European party federation by the decade's end, with over 50 member parties emphasizing market-oriented reforms and integration without eroding cultural roots.

Post-Cold War Reorientation and Growth (2000s)

In the early 2000s, the European People's Party undertook a strategic reorientation by merging with the European Democrats Union (EDU) in 2002, incorporating additional conservative-leaning parties and broadening its ideological base beyond traditional to include more liberal-conservative elements from non-EU European states. This merger, negotiated under President —who had led the EPP since 1990—facilitated the party's adaptation to post-Cold War geopolitical shifts, emphasizing support for center-right reformist movements in amid preparations for EU enlargement. Martens' leadership focused on political guidance for emerging parties in accession countries, aligning them with EPP principles of market-oriented economics and pro-European integration while accommodating diverse national contexts. The 2004 enlargement of the European Union on May 1, integrating ten new member states including Poland, , and the Baltic republics, propelled significant growth for the EPP as numerous governing center-right parties from these nations affiliated with the group. This expansion added substantial representation, with the EPP-ED Group securing 268 seats in the following the June 2004 elections, consolidating its position as the largest out of 732 total seats. The influx reinforced the EPP's dominance in EU institutions, particularly during the tenure of as Commission President from 2004 to 2014, an EPP affiliate whose appointment reflected the party's strengthened influence in the . By 2007, Joseph Daul, a French MEP from the Republicans (then UMP), was elected chairman of the EPP Group in the , succeeding Hans-Gert Pöttering and steering the party through ongoing integration challenges. The decade's efforts culminated in expanded membership, with the EPP comprising 72 parties from 39 countries by 2010, underscoring its growth as Europe's preeminent center-right federation. This period solidified the EPP's role in shaping EU policies on economic competitiveness and enlargement, though it also introduced internal tensions from integrating ideologically varied Eastern members.

Contemporary Challenges and Adaptations (2010s–2025)

The European People's Party navigated the aftermath of the in the early by prioritizing fiscal discipline, structural reforms, and market-oriented policies to mitigate sovereign debt risks and promote long-term economic recovery across member states. This approach aligned with the party's emphasis on responsibility, contrasting with criticisms of prior expansionary policies that exacerbated imbalances. The 2015 migration crisis, marked by over 1.3 million irregular arrivals primarily via the Mediterranean, posed a profound test to EPP unity and public support, as divergent national responses highlighted tensions between humanitarian obligations and security imperatives. The party advocated for strengthened external borders, enhanced operations, and partnerships with third countries to curb illegal flows, while rejecting mandatory quotas that disregarded national capacities and integration challenges. This stance reflected causal links between uncontrolled inflows and rising , prompting adaptations toward a securitized framework that influenced subsequent EU pacts on migration and asylum. Under , who assumed leadership of the EPP Group in the on June 4, 2014, the party confronted the surge of Eurosceptic and populist forces, which eroded centrist dominance in national and European contests. Internal divisions intensified over rule-of-law backsliding in , culminating in Fidesz's suspension from the group in March 2019 and its voluntary exit on March 3, 2021, after procedural changes threatened further restrictions amid accusations of undermining and . These measures underscored the EPP's prioritization of core democratic principles over ideological affinity, though they strained relations with conservative allies and fueled debates on proportionality. In the 2020s, exogenous shocks including the and Russia's full-scale invasion of in February 2022 compelled further adaptations, with the EPP backing the EU's €750 billion NextGenerationEU recovery instrument and advocating sustained military and financial aid to to deter aggression and uphold transatlantic security. , reaffirmed as party president in May 2022 and April 2025, involved organizational reforms to centralize and counter fragmentation, including a harder line on irregular migration via deals like the EU-Tunisia agreement. Yet, tensions persisted, as evidenced by Polish EPP members critiquing perceived rightward drifts toward far-right influences on issues like and rule-of-law enforcement. Despite these pressures, the EPP retained its status as the largest post-2024 elections, adapting electoral strategies to emphasize security, competitiveness, and resistance to amid rising challenger parties.

Ideology and Political Positions

Core Principles and Christian Democratic Roots

The European People's Party (EPP) originated from Christian democratic movements that sought to apply Catholic social teachings to postwar European reconstruction, emphasizing human dignity, subsidiarity, and a balanced social order amid the ideological contests of the Cold War era. These roots trace back to the Nouvelles Équipes Internationales (NEI), established in December 1945 at a conference of the French Popular Republican Movement, which facilitated coordination among Christian democratic parties. This evolved into the European Union of Christian Democrats (EUCD) in December 1965, culminating in the EPP's founding on 8 July 1976 as a federation primarily of Christian democratic parties from founding EU member states, including Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg, and the Netherlands. The EPP's early statutes explicitly preserved Christian democracy as the cornerstone of its identity, distinguishing it from purely confessional parties by integrating ethical principles derived from Judeo-Christian traditions into secular political practice. Central to the EPP's ideology are six core values codified in its 2012 Platform: the dignity of human life in every stage of existence, and responsibility, equality and , truth, , and . These principles draw directly from Christian philosophical sources, such as biblical references to human creation in God's image (Genesis) and Thomistic , which posit an objective moral order underpinning social institutions. , formalized in Catholic encyclicals like (1891) and (1931), mandates that authority resides at the lowest competent level—family, community, or state—preventing undue centralization and fostering voluntary cooperation over coercive state expansion. This causal framework views societal flourishing as emerging from autonomous spheres (e.g., family and ) rather than top-down imposition, influencing EPP advocacy for EU competence limits in sensitive domains like and . In policy terms, these roots manifest in the EPP's endorsement of a social market economy, which combines competitive markets with protections for workers and families to promote both efficiency and equity without eroding personal initiative. Solidarity, interpreted as mutual aid grounded in shared moral obligations, supports welfare systems that prioritize the vulnerable—such as families and the unborn—while rejecting redistributive models that undermine self-reliance. The EPP's parliamentary group reaffirms this heritage by upholding Judeo-Christian values alongside subsidiarity and human rights, applying them to contemporary challenges like demographic decline through pro-natalist measures and ethical bio-policy boundaries. Although the EPP expanded post-2002 to incorporate conservative and liberal elements via mergers with groups like the European Democrats, its foundational Christian democratic ethos persists, as evidenced in ongoing commitments to religious freedom and cultural heritage preservation against secularist pressures.

Economic and Market-Oriented Policies

The European People's Party (EPP) champions the as its foundational economic model, originating from Christian democratic principles and credited with delivering , , and social cohesion across for over 75 years. This approach integrates dynamics with social safeguards, prioritizing competition, innovation, and individual initiative while countering excessive state intervention or unchecked globalization's downsides, such as Europe's declining global GDP share from 20% to 15% over the past half-century amid rising competition from . In pursuit of market-oriented reforms, the EPP advocates deepening the single market to eliminate barriers in goods, services, capital, and labor, alongside establishing a and to enhance capital flows and investment efficiency. It proposes a "competitiveness deal" featuring measures, including a "one in, two out" rule for new regulations and a 25% reduction in administrative burdens overall—rising to 35% for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which employ over 100 million Europeans—to foster and without compromising essential protections. The party emphasizes shielding strategic sectors through EU state aid for common-interest projects and ensuring a level playing field against unfair foreign practices, such as those from , where the EU recorded a €390 billion trade deficit in 2022. On trade, the EPP supports "free and fair" policies grounded in reciprocity, opposing while pushing for new agreements with regions like , the , and to expand aligned with European standards. Fiscal positions stress discipline, adherence to the criteria for debt and deficits, and robust enforcement of the to maintain and credible public finances, critiquing prior lax application by the that eroded rule effectiveness. Innovation drives growth targets, including 4% of GDP allocated to by 2030, doubled EU research funding for 2024–2027, and investments in AI, digital infrastructure, and technology-neutral energy solutions like nuclear and hydrogen to lower costs and support industrial competitiveness.

Social, Family, and Migration Stances

The promotes -oriented policies to counter demographic decline, including low birth rates and aging, through measures such as incentives for families with children, affordable childcare, and schemes. In its 2024 election , the EPP pledged support for families as part of a "citizens-oriented " that fosters solidarity and equality between women and men, while emphasizing work-life balance and opportunities for all demographics. On broader social issues, the EPP's Christian democratic foundation prioritizes human dignity and in policy-making, with member parties often advocating protection of life and traditional family structures amid national variations; however, the group avoids uniform mandates on divisive topics like or , focusing instead on where social policy respects proportionality and shared competences. Regarding migration, the EPP endorses a controlled, unified framework to manage flows, prioritizing external border security, prevention of irregular entries, and efficient asylum processing. The party backed the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, finalized in May 2024 and entering force thereafter, which mandates pre-entry screening, accelerated border procedures for asylum claims, mandatory solidarity in relocating asylum seekers or financial contributions among member states, and swift returns for rejected applicants—aiming to reduce secondary movements and enhance identification via updated Eurodac regulations. In response to rising pressures, the EPP Group adopted a 9-point in April 2025 to combat uncontrolled migration, advocating stricter enforcement, disruption of smuggling networks, and expanded returns. The supports negotiating binding agreements with origin and transit countries—building on models like the 2016 EU-Turkey deal—to address root causes and limit illegal migration, while promoting legal pathways for skilled workers and integration for those granted . A April 2025 further hardened the stance, proposing potential suspension of asylum rights during crises, scrutiny of rules, and a "firm, fair, and future-oriented" harnessing of migration to align with Europe's labor needs and imperatives. This approach reflects a shift toward , driven by empirical surges in arrivals—over 1 million irregular crossings detected in 2023 alone—and critiques of prior lax enforcement.

Foreign Policy and Security Priorities

The European People's Party (EPP) prioritizes a strong transatlantic alliance anchored in as the cornerstone of European , while advocating for enhanced capabilities to complement rather than supplant it. The party calls for member states to align national defense budgets with prevailing threats, including a proposed -aligned target of 3.5% of GDP on direct spending plus 1.5% on defense-related investments such as infrastructure and innovation. This approach reflects a shift from reliance on "" toward credible deterrence, emphasizing mobility across borders and the revival of a competitive European to reduce dependencies on external suppliers. In confronting Russian aggression, the EPP maintains an unwavering commitment to , providing comprehensive support including arms deliveries, sanctions enforcement, and accelerated EU accession processes to counter Moscow's expansionism. It has repeatedly condemned Russia's 2022 invasion—and subsequent escalations—as an unprovoked, illegal act of war, urging the EU to constrain Russia's military capacity through sustained aid to and bolstering ammunition production within . This stance underscores the EPP's view of Eastern European stability as integral to continental security, with calls for the EU to assume a guarantor role amid potential shifts in U.S. policy. Globally, the EPP seeks to position the as a unified actor in , proposing institutional reforms like a dedicated EU foreign minister to streamline decision-making and project a single voice on issues from the to partnerships. Priorities include deepening ties with democratic allies beyond , countering authoritarian influences such as China's economic coercion, and promoting value-based rooted in and , while avoiding naive that dilutes strategic interests.

Organizational Structure and Governance

Leadership and Key Figures

The European People's Party's leadership is directed by its President, a position currently held by , a German from the Christian Social Union (CSU), since 31 May 2022. Weber, who has served as a since 2004 and chaired the EPP Group there since 2014, was re-elected to the presidency for a second three-year term on 29 April 2025 with 502 out of 563 valid votes at the EPP Congress in . The Secretary General, responsible for the party's day-to-day operations, is Dolors Montserrat, a Spanish MEP from the People's Party (PP), appointed on 30 April 2025 as the first woman in the role. Montserrat previously served as a Vice-President of the EPP and has extensive experience in the , including as chair of committees on industry and internal market affairs. The EPP Presidency, which sets political guidelines and oversees the Political Assembly, comprises the President, the Secretary General, a , and up to ten Vice-Presidents drawn from leading member parties across Europe. As of 2025, Vice-Presidents include , and leader of the ; Antonio Tajani, Italy's Foreign Minister from Forza Italia; , a German MEP chairing the Foreign Affairs Committee; Siegfried Mureșan from Romania's PNL; Dubravka Šuica from Croatia's HDZ; and Magnus Brunner from Austria's ÖVP, among others. Historically, the presidency has been marked by long-serving figures who steered the party's evolution. , Belgian , founded and led the EPP from its inception in 1976 until 1985, emphasizing Christian democratic principles during early . , later from 1995 to 1999, served from 1987 to 1990. , who was Belgian multiple times, held the presidency from 1990 until his death in 2013, the longest tenure, during which he navigated post-Cold War expansion and ideological consolidation. Joseph Daul, a French MEP, succeeded Martens in November 2013 and led until 2019, focusing on electoral strategies amid rising . , former Polish and President, bridged 2019 to 2022, prioritizing unity on rule-of-law issues.

Decision-Making Bodies

The serves as the supreme decision-making body of the European People's Party (EPP), convening every three years or extraordinarily upon request by the Political Assembly or one-third of member parties. It determines the EPP's political program, amends statutes and internal regulations, elects the President, Vice-Presidents, General, and Treasurer, selects the EPP's candidate for , and holds authority to dissolve the party. Decisions require a simple majority of votes cast, except for by-law modifications (simple majority) or overriding Political Assembly decisions and dissolution (two-thirds majority). Composition includes voting delegates from ordinary and associated member parties, proportional to their representation in the European Parliament's EPP Group, alongside ex officio and non-voting members. Between Congress sessions, the Political Assembly functions as the primary strategic and decision-making organ, meeting at least four times annually to ensure policy coherence across member parties and EU institutions. It approves budgets and accounts, handles membership applications, suspensions, and exclusions, elects members to the , and endorses the ; quorum is a simple majority unless contested. Composition comprises ex officio members (such as members and EPP Group leaders), delegates allocated proportionally to EPP Members of the , and non-voting observers from partner entities. Reforms adopted on April 30, 2025, in emphasized its role by mandating focused agendas with programmatic papers on key topics proposed by member parties, enhancing its influence on EU policymaking. The Presidency acts as the executive body, directing daily operations, implementing Political Assembly resolutions, preparing budgets, issuing political statements, and proposing membership actions. It convenes at least eight times per year, with decisions by simple majority of attending members and the President holding a in ties. Elected by for three-year terms, it includes the EPP President, affiliated presidents of EU institutions (e.g., , , High Representative), the EPP Group Chair in the , honorary presidents, ten Vice-Presidents, Treasurer, and Secretary General. The Secretary General, elected by Congress, manages administrative functions and represents the EPP in operational matters under the Presidency's oversight. The Ethics Committee, comprising five members appointed by the Political Assembly for three-year terms, develops and enforces the , recommending sanctions but lacking direct expulsion powers. Advisory structures like the EPP Summit (preparing European Council positions) and Ministerial Meetings (coordinating sector-specific EU policies) provide recommendations but hold no binding decision-making authority. Working groups, appointed by the Political Assembly or Presidency, develop policy but defer final decisions to core bodies.

Membership Composition and Dynamics

The European People's Party (EPP) encompasses 82 member parties and partners spanning 43 countries, with full membership reserved for political parties from European Union (EU) member states that align with its centre-right, pro-European orientation rooted in Christian democratic principles. Associated membership extends to like-minded parties outside the EU but within Europe, granting partial participation rights such as attendance at congresses without full voting privileges, while observer status provides even more limited involvement for prospective or affiliated entities. This structure facilitates coordination among national parties on EU policy, though full members from EU states hold primary influence in decision-making bodies like the Political Assembly and Congress. Key full member parties dominate the EPP's composition, particularly those from larger nations contributing significantly to its representation in the . The following table highlights major full members as of 2024:
CountryPartyNotes
Christian Democratic Union (CDU) / Christian Social Union (CSU)Largest bloc, providing over 20% of EPP MEPs; traditional Christian democratic core.
(PO)Centre-right, pro-EU; key Eastern European member post-2004 enlargement.
People's Party (PP)Conservative, governs at national level; focuses on .
New Democracy (ND)Centre-right, in government; emphasizes security and fiscal discipline.
Forza Italia (FI)Liberal-conservative; rejoined EPP mainstream after earlier associations.
The Republicans (LR)Gaullist-conservative; full member despite national challenges.
(HDZ)Socially conservative; influential in context.
These parties, alongside smaller ones from countries like Sweden's Moderate Party and Latvia's New Unity, form the backbone, with Western European members historically emphasizing federalist integration and market economics, contrasted by Eastern counterparts prioritizing national sovereignty and cultural conservatism. Membership dynamics reflect ideological tensions within the centre-right spectrum, from liberal-conservative to more traditionalist positions, often manifesting in debates over migration, rule of law, and EU deepening. The EPP's post-2004 expansion incorporated Central and Eastern European parties, broadening its base but introducing friction, as seen in the suspension of Hungary's Fidesz party on March 20, 2019, by a 190-3 vote in the Political Assembly, citing breaches of fundamental values like judicial independence and media freedom. Fidesz, admitted in 2000 as a conservative ally, faced ongoing scrutiny for policies diverging from EPP norms, leading its MEPs to exit the parliamentary group on March 3, 2021, amid expulsion threats. This episode underscores causal pressures from EU institutional accountability and internal cohesion efforts, with the EPP prioritizing verifiable adherence to democratic standards over expansive inclusion, though it continues to navigate similar challenges with other Eastern members on issues like judicial reforms. Recent congresses, such as the 2025 Valencia gathering, highlight efforts to unify around shared priorities like security and economic competitiveness amid such diversity.

Electoral Successes and Performance

Results in European Parliament Elections

The European People's Party (EPP) group has formed the largest bloc in the following every since their inception in , reflecting the electoral strength of its Christian democratic and conservative member parties across member states. This dominance stems from consistent performance in core countries such as , , , and , bolstered by EU enlargements that added seats from aligned parties in post-2004. Absolute seat totals have fluctuated due to changes in size, national vote shifts, and occasional internal realignments, such as the 2019 suspension debates over Hungary's affiliation, but the EPP has retained over 25% of seats in recent terms, enabling it to lead majorities with centre-left and liberal groups.
Election YearDatesEPP SeatsTotal MEPsPercentage
20094–7 June 200926573636.0%
201422–25 May 201422175129.4%
201923–26 May 2019182705*25.8%
20246–9 June 202418872026.1%
*Adjusted post-Brexit from initial 751 seats. In the 2009 election, the EPP peaked at 265 seats amid economic crisis conditions favoring incumbents in several states, including strong showings by Germany's CDU/CSU (42 seats) and Poland's Civic Platform (28 seats). The 2014 results, with 221 seats, capitalized on anti-crisis sentiment and led to EPP Spitzenkandidat Jean-Claude Juncker's selection as Commission President via the lead candidate process. A decline to 182 seats in 2019 reflected losses in France, the Netherlands, and Sweden, offset by gains in Poland and Romania, yet preserved EPP primacy. The 2024 election yielded modest gains to 188 seats, driven by robust performances from Germany's CDU/CSU (30 seats), Spain's PP (22 seats), and Poland's Civic Coalition (20 seats), amid a rightward shift in voter preferences that reinforced EPP-led pro-EU majorities. This outcome facilitated Ursula von der Leyen's re-election as Commission President on 18 July 2024 with 401 votes, supported by EPP, S&D, Renew, and Greens/EFA.

Influence on National Governments

The European People's Party wields considerable influence on national governments across the through its member parties, which often lead or participate in ruling coalitions. As of September 2025, eleven of the twenty-seven heads of state or government in the EU belong to EPP-affiliated parties, representing the largest bloc in the and enabling the promotion of center-right policies at the domestic level. This presence facilitates the alignment of national agendas with EPP priorities, such as and support for traditional family structures, while providing a platform for cross-border policy coordination. EPP summits, held ahead of meetings, allow heads of government from member parties to harmonize positions on issues like economic and , which subsequently shape implementation in their respective countries. A notable example is , where the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU)—founding EPP members—won the February 23, 2025, federal election with 28.5% of the vote, paving the way for to form a and restore center-right leadership in the bloc's economic powerhouse. In countries like and , EPP parties such as the and continue to head governments, emphasizing stability and EU integration over nationalist alternatives. The EPP's organizational support, including policy expertise from affiliated think tanks, further bolsters these governments' capacity to enact reforms aligned with market-oriented and pro-European principles, countering left-leaning or populist pressures in domestic politics. This influence has historically contributed to sustained in EPP-led states, though critics from progressive circles argue it entrenches establishment priorities over .

Strategic Alliances and Coalitions

The European People's Party (EPP) principally forms strategic coalitions in the European Parliament to sustain pro-integration majorities, relying on partnerships with the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) and Renew Europe. This centrist arrangement, formalized after the 2019 elections and reaffirmed following the 2024 vote, supported the re-election of Ursula von der Leyen as European Commission President on July 18, 2024, with 401 votes in the Parliament. The coalition has facilitated legislative progress on priorities like single market reforms and defense enhancement but has encountered strains, including S&D resistance to EPP demands for deregulation in the 2025 "omnibus" package negotiations. Such alliances reflect pragmatic necessities in a fragmented Parliament, where the EPP's 188 seats (as of July 2024) require cross-group support to govern. Tactically, the EPP has expanded cooperation with the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) on select issues, recording a 72% voting alignment in the 2024-2029 term, particularly on bolstering commitments, aid, and curbing perceived overreach in environmental policies. This includes joint resolutions on NGO transparency and threats to pivot rightward during deadlocks, as when EPP leaders warned of ECR collaboration to override S&D vetoes on green rule simplifications in October 2025. Nonetheless, EPP leadership, under , has rebuffed structural ties with eurosceptic formations like Patriots for Europe, prioritizing rule-of-law adherence and pro- stances as preconditions for any engagement. At the supranational level, EPP member parties engage in national coalitions varying by context, such as Germany's partnering with SPD in grand coalitions or Finland's aligning with conservatives post-2023 elections, amplifying EPP influence on EU-wide agendas through dynamics. Internationally, the EPP extends alliances via its 82 member and partner parties across 43 countries, including non-EU entities, and participates in the to coordinate center-right policies globally. These ties underscore the EPP's role in bridging with broader democratic networks, though they remain secondary to intra-EU parliamentary strategies.

Role in European Union Institutions

Presence in the European Commission

The European People's Party (EPP) has exerted substantial influence over the through its continuous provision of the presidency since 2004. , from Portugal's Social Democratic Party (an EPP affiliate), served as president from 22 November 2004 to 1 November 2014, overseeing expansions in EU competencies including the Lisbon Treaty ratification amid the . This period marked a consolidation of EPP-led executive direction, prioritizing market liberalization and enlargement to include and in 2007. Jean-Claude Juncker, from Luxembourg's (EPP member), succeeded Barroso, holding office from 1 November 2014 to 1 December 2019. His tenure focused on post-crisis recovery measures, such as the Investment Plan for Europe launched in 2014 to mobilize €315 billion in investments by 2019. The EPP's role extended beyond the presidency, with 9 of 28 commissioners in the 2014-2019 college affiliated to EPP parties, enabling alignment on and reforms. Ursula von der Leyen, from Germany's Christian Democratic Union (EPP member), assumed the presidency on 1 December 2019 for a term extended to 2024, and was re-elected on 18 July 2024 for the 2024-2029 mandate, taking effect 1 December 2024. Under her leadership, the Commission advanced the €750 billion NextGenerationEU recovery instrument in 2020, with EPP influence evident in its emphasis on green and digital transitions balanced against economic resilience. In the 2019-2024 college, 11 of 27 commissioners hailed from EPP-affiliated national parties, facilitating coordination on priorities like the while navigating dependencies on coalition dynamics in the . For the 2024-2029 Commission, EPP-affiliated parties contribute 10 of 27 commissioners, including figures such as Henna Virkkunen (, ) for technology sovereignty and Valdis Dombrovskis (, ) for economy, reflecting the party's leverage from governing coalitions in 12 member states as of 2024. The EPP maintains structured engagement via regular meetings with these commissioners, ensuring alignment on center-right objectives like competitiveness and security amid geopolitical shifts. This presence, while not conferring formal bloc control—given commissioners' obligation to act independently—has historically amplified EPP priorities in legislative proposals and enforcement, as evidenced by the party's role in negotiating portfolios post-2024 European elections where it secured the largest .

Dominance in the European Parliament

The European People's Party (EPP) Group has consistently been the largest political grouping in the European Parliament since the 1994 elections, when it overtook the Party of European Socialists (PES, now S&D) in seat numbers, a position it has retained through subsequent legislatures despite fluctuations in overall composition. This dominance stems from the broad national party affiliations across EU member states, particularly from centre-right Christian democratic and conservative parties in countries like Germany, Poland, and France, enabling the group to secure the plurality in proportional representation systems. In the 2019-2024 term, the EPP held 182 seats out of 705, forming the core of legislative majorities often in coalition with the S&D and Renew groups. Following the June 2024 European Parliament elections, the EPP Group secured 188 seats out of 720, reaffirming its status as the preeminent force amid a fragmented where far-right and eurosceptic groups gained ground but lacked the cohesion to challenge centrist blocs. This outcome, driven by strong performances from affiliates like Germany's (29 seats) and Poland's (20 seats), allowed the EPP to dictate key agenda items, including economic recovery, security policy, and migration controls, often aligning with S&D and Renew to pass legislation while selectively cooperating with the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) on issues like rule-of-law enforcement against outliers such as Hungary's (expelled from EPP in 2021). The group's influence is amplified by chairing 13 of 27 standing committees, including and budgets, which shapes assignments and amendments. Leadership positions underscore this preeminence: , EPP Group Chairman since 2014 and re-elected in June 2024 with broad support, coordinates strategy and negotiations, leveraging the group's size to broker deals on plenary votes. Similarly, , a Maltese EPP affiliate, has served as Parliament President since January 2022, re-elected in July 2024 with 562 of 699 votes, granting her authority over procedural matters, debate scheduling, and diplomatic representation. This structural edge, combined with the EPP's role in nominating candidates for high offices like the President (, re-elected in 2024), ensures veto power over treaty changes and appointments, though internal debates over engaging national conservatives occasionally test unity. The EPP's parliamentary leverage has historically facilitated causal policy impacts, such as advancing single-market deepening in the 2000s and post-2022 energy diversification amid the Russia-Ukraine war, grounded in empirical assessments of dependencies rather than ideological purity. Critics from left-leaning sources argue this dominance entrenches neoliberal priorities, but data on legislative throughput shows EPP-led initiatives passing at higher rates due to cross-group arithmetic, not undue obstructionism. As of October 2025, with ongoing sessions, the group's ability to navigate rising —evident in 2024's seat shifts—will determine sustained control, potentially requiring pragmatic pacts beyond traditional allies.
European Parliament TermEPP SeatsTotal MEPsNotes
2014-2019221751Peak post-Lisbon expansion; majority core with ALDE.
2019-2024182705Retained largest despite adjustments.
2024-2029188720Plurality amid rightward shift; coalition with S&D/Renew.

Impact on the European Council and Summits

![EPP Summit in Brussels](./assets/EPP_Summit%252C_24_March_2022%252C_Brussels_5195715584751957155847 The exerts considerable influence on the through its affiliated heads of state and government, who as of June 2025 comprise 11 of the 27 members, forming the largest political bloc. This representation stems from the EPP's strong performance in national elections across key member states, enabling it to steer discussions on strategic priorities. To maximize cohesion, the EPP organizes pre-summit Political Summits, where leaders align positions ahead of meetings, fostering unified approaches to agenda items. These summits have directly shaped outcomes on security and economic policy. For instance, at the October 2025 EPP Summit, leaders endorsed enhanced defence measures, including a commitment to protect all European territory by 2030, influencing subsequent Council deliberations on military readiness amid geopolitical tensions. Similarly, EPP coordination contributed to the June 2025 focus on bolstering defence capabilities and competitiveness, reflecting the party's emphasis on reducing regulatory burdens while maintaining market-oriented reforms. On migration and enlargement, EPP leaders have advocated for stricter controls and accelerated EU expansion, leveraging their numerical edge to temper more progressive proposals from other groups. This was evident in preparations addressing irregular migration flows and candidate countries' integration, where EPP positions prioritized and rule-of-law compliance. The party's mechanism thus serves as a causal conduit for translating national-level electoral mandates into supranational decisions, often moderating left-leaning impulses in the toward .

International Relations and Global Outreach

Engagement with Non-EU European Bodies

The European People's Party (EPP) extends its influence beyond the through affiliated political groups in pan-European institutions, particularly the Parliamentary Assembly of the (PACE) and the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly, which encompass non-EU states such as the , , , , and others. These engagements allow EPP-aligned parliamentarians to promote centre-right priorities like democratic governance, , and security cooperation in forums that include 47 members and 57 OSCE participating states, respectively. In the PACE, the EPP/CD Group constitutes the largest political formation, with 138 members drawn from national parliaments across the Council's 47 member states, including numerous non-EU participants. The group, chaired by figures such as Pablo Hispán, focuses on defending , social cohesion, and prosperity, participating in quarterly sessions to shape resolutions on issues like migration and ; it has historically coordinated over 168 members in periods such as 2018, reflecting its dominant position. This presence enables EPP to bridge EU and non-EU perspectives, as seen in advocacy for reforms in non-EU states like and . The EPP Group in the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly comprises parliamentarians from EPP parties and aligned conservatives across 38 member states, incorporating non-EU European actors alongside broader participants like the Conservative Party. It contributes to OSCE priorities such as —deploying observers to polls in non-EU countries including (2023), , , and —and efforts, aligning with the EPP's emphasis on comprehensive security encompassing political, economic, and human dimensions. These activities, conducted via biannual sessions and ad hoc missions, extend EPP's network to non-EU contexts without formal EU integration. Complementing institutional ties, the EPP grants associate membership to centre-right parties from non-EU entities, including EFTA states (, , , ) and EU candidates like and , totaling contributions from over 82 parties across 43 countries overall. This status facilitates policy dialogue and joint initiatives, such as scrutiny of governance in associates like Serbia's SNS party, reviewed in 2025 amid rule-of-law concerns, thereby sustaining a pan-European conservative outside structures.

Transatlantic and Broader International Ties

The European People's Party (EPP) prioritizes robust as a of Western and , consistently advocating for deepened EU-US on , defense, and geopolitical challenges. In October 2025, the EPP Group issued a urging swift renewal of the transatlantic alliance, emphasizing balanced partnerships that leverage Europe's strengths in offering contributions and market access to the amid shifting global dynamics. This stance builds on a historical framework of over 75 years of collaboration, rooted in shared commitments to , , and mutual defense, including support for integrated and a common internal defense market in coordination with US partners. The EPP's transatlantic engagement extends through its role as the European regional organization within the (IDU), a global alliance of center-right parties formed in to exchange policy ideas, organizational strategies, and electoral tactics among like-minded groups. IDU membership links the EPP to major conservative entities such as the US Republican Party and the Canadian Conservative Party, fostering ideological alignment on free markets, , and anti-totalitarian stances without formal bilateral mergers. This network has enabled joint advocacy on issues like countering authoritarian influences, though direct EPP-Republican coordination remains channeled through multilateral forums rather than exclusive pacts. Beyond the transatlantic sphere, the EPP cultivates broader international ties via associate and partner parties in non-European regions, including the , where the acceded as a full member in February 2012 following EPP congress deliberations. With 82 member parties and partners across 43 countries as of 2025, the EPP extends its center-right model to entities outside the and , promoting democratic governance and market-oriented reforms through observer statuses and collaborative initiatives, though these connections are less formalized than European integrations.

Cooperation with Third Countries and Networks

The European People's Party (EPP) extends its political network to non-EU countries primarily through partner and observer statuses, as outlined in its statutes, which allow such affiliations for parties aligned with EPP values and represented in international bodies like the . These arrangements enable participation in EPP activities, including congresses and assemblies, without voting rights, fostering ideological alignment and policy exchange in regions aspiring to EU integration. As of 2024, the EPP includes parties from 43 countries, with non-EU partners concentrated in and the . In the Eastern Partnership region, the EPP maintains active cooperation with pro-reform parties, such as Georgia's United National Movement and European Georgia, which it supported in forming coalitions for elections in 2020 and beyond to advance democratic standards and EU-oriented reforms. Similar engagement occurs in Ukraine, where EPP-linked parties like European Solidarity receive support for aligning domestic policies with European norms amid geopolitical challenges. In Serbia, the EPP has pursued ties with the Serbian Progressive Party as a potential partner, viewing it as a bridge for EU enlargement influence, though this has prompted internal reviews since 2023 over rule-of-law concerns. These relationships emphasize capacity-building and shared advocacy for market economies and anti-corruption measures, despite varying national contexts. On a global scale, the EPP collaborates through the (IDU), established in 1983 as a forum for centre-right parties worldwide, enabling policy dialogue with non-European affiliates on issues like trade liberalization and democratic governance. This network complements EPP's European focus by promoting conservative principles in third countries, including and , without formal membership reciprocity. Post-Brexit, direct party links with the United Kingdom's Conservative Party have waned, as the latter operates outside EU structures, though ad hoc transatlantic exchanges persist via IDU channels. Additionally, the EPP's group in the (EPP/CD) integrates non-EU parliamentarians from partner democracies, reinforcing multilateral cooperation on and security.

Affiliated Groups and Supporting Organizations

Youth, Women, and Sectoral Associations

The Youth of the European People's Party (YEPP) functions as the official of the EPP, serving as an for 63 centre-right youth political organizations across 39 countries, making it Europe's largest political . Founded to promote , democratic values, and youth leadership through policy advocacy, training programs, and events, YEPP organizes statutory congresses, working groups on issues like digital policy and , and collaborations with the EPP Group in the . As of 2025, YEPP engages over 1 million young members indirectly through its affiliates, focusing on empowering participants aged 18-35 in political decision-making. EPP Women operates as the dedicated association for advancing women's roles within the EPP and broader , supporting national member organizations to enhance gender awareness, justice, and female participation in decision-making processes. Established to promote equality in labor markets, , and political leadership, it conducts events such as assemblies and academies, including discussions on security and future EU policies, while advocating for policies addressing and economic empowerment. In 2025, EPP Women participated in high-level forums like the , emphasizing women's contributions to and defense strategies. Sectoral associations affiliated with the EPP include the European Union of Christian Democratic Workers (EUCDW), which represents labor interests from a centre-right perspective, and the European Democrat Students (EDS), focusing on higher education and youth policy from a student viewpoint. These groups, recognized in the EPP's statutes approved at the April 2025 Congress in , facilitate sector-specific input into EPP platforms, such as workers' rights aligned with market economies and student mobility within EU frameworks. EUCDW emphasizes Christian democratic principles in employment policies, while EDS advocates for reforms in and research funding, both integrating into EPP's broader network without dominating general party structures.

Think Tanks and Policy Institutes

The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, established in 2007, functions as the official political foundation and of the European People's Party (EPP). Named after , who led the EPP as president from 1990 until his death in 2013 and served as Belgian for over 12 years across multiple terms from 1979 to 1992, the Centre conducts research, organizes seminars, and contributes to EPP policy formulation on topics including EU integration, , and security challenges. It operates as a hub for generating actionable ideas, hosting events such as the European Academy for political training, and producing reports that influence EPP manifestos and congressional debates, with a staff drawn from across emphasizing centre-right perspectives on and market-oriented reforms. The European Ideas Network (EIN), sponsored and operated by the EPP Group in the since its inception in the early , serves as an independent yet aligned fostering centre-right policy innovation. Based in , EIN convenes politicians, academics, business leaders, policy advisors, journalists, and representatives to deliberate on pressing European issues such as competitiveness, , and geopolitical strategy, producing position papers and facilitating networks that inform EPP parliamentary initiatives. Unlike more partisan foundations, EIN maintains an open platform to integrate diverse viewpoints while advancing pro-European, liberal-conservative ideas, with activities including annual summits and thematic working groups that have shaped EPP responses to crises like the financial downturn and post-2022 energy dependencies. These institutes complement each other by bridging the EPP's party-level strategy with parliamentary operations: the Martens Centre focuses on long-term ideological groundwork and training, while EIN emphasizes agile, cross-sectoral ideation directly tied to legislative agendas. Both entities receive partial funding from grants under the European Political Foundations regulation, enabling operations with annual budgets in the range of €5-10 million as of recent disclosures, though they prioritize donor transparency to mitigate influence concerns. Their outputs, including over 100 publications annually from the Martens Centre alone, underscore the EPP's emphasis on evidence-based rooted in empirical and historical precedents of Christian-democratic , rather than unsubstantiated ideological assertions. The European People's Party maintains extensive ties with a network of 82 member and partner spanning 43 countries, encompassing both EU member states and non-EU nations such as those in the Western Balkans, , and beyond, to promote shared center-right, pro-European values. These partnerships facilitate coordination on policy issues like and democratic governance, with examples including for parties from candidate countries aspiring to EU accession. Globally, the EPP is affiliated with the Centrist Democrat International (CDI), an organization uniting Christian-democratic and centrist parties worldwide to advance liberal democracy, market economics, and human rights, tracing its roots to the former Christian Democrat International founded in 1965. This connection underscores the EPP's role in bridging European center-right politics with international counterparts, including parties in Latin America, Africa, and Asia. Within European institutions, the EPP engages with related entities beyond its core group, such as the Group of the European People's Party (EPP/CD) in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, which represents similar ideological delegations from 47 member states and promotes rule-of-law standards and regional stability. In the European Parliament, the EPP Group collaborates selectively with the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) on issues like Ukraine support and rule-of-law enforcement, as evidenced by pre-2024 electoral overtures from EPP leadership toward ECR's pro-European factions. Additionally, the EPP has formed legislative pacts with Renew Europe and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) for initiatives including EU treaty reform agreed upon in November 2024. These alliances reflect pragmatic inter-group dynamics rather than ideological merger, often prioritizing majority-building on economic and security dossiers amid fragmented parliamentary majorities.

Controversies, Criticisms, and Internal Debates

Rule of Law Disputes and Fidesz Expulsion

The European People's Party (EPP) encountered significant internal tensions with Hungary's party, primarily over allegations of under Viktor Orbán's government, including judicial reforms enacted in 2011–2018 that centralized control over courts and prosecutors, media laws consolidating ownership in government-aligned entities, and restrictions on NGOs via the 2017 "Stop Soros" legislation. These measures were criticized by EPP members, particularly from Western European parties, as eroding , press freedom, and —core EPP values outlined in its 2017 party program emphasizing democratic accountability and . Fidesz countered that such reforms countered external threats like and foreign-funded interference, framing EU and EPP critiques as encroachments on national rather than genuine rule-of-law concerns. Tensions escalated after Hungary's 2018 election, when Fidesz's billboard campaigns targeting philanthropist and EU leaders were seen by EPP figures like Joseph Daul as personal attacks violating party decorum. This prompted calls for action from Nordic and EPP affiliates, culminating in the initiation of Article 7 TEU proceedings by the in September 2018 against for "clear risk of a serious breach" of EU values, including rule of law. In response, the EPP leadership formed a three-member panel in 2019, comprising , Hans-Gert Pöttering, and , to assess Fidesz's compliance with EPP statutes on democracy and fundamental rights; the panel's deliberations highlighted ongoing disputes over Hungary's constitutional amendments expanding parliamentary powers and electoral laws favoring incumbents. On March 20, 2019, at the EPP Political Assembly in Brussels, members voted 190–3 to suspend Fidesz's party membership indefinitely, barring its participation in EPP decision-making bodies while allowing its 13 MEPs to remain in the European Parliament's EPP Group pending further review. The decision followed reports of Fidesz's alleged interference in academic freedom, such as the 2018 closure of Central European University in Budapest, and was positioned by EPP President Joseph Daul as upholding "the unity of values" amid broader EU sanctions debates. Fidesz accepted the suspension but decried it as yielding to "liberal pressure," with Orbán emphasizing Hungary's defense of Christian democracy against "Brussels bureaucrats." Despite the measure, Fidesz retained influence through EPP Group votes on migration and budget issues, where its positions aligned with Orbán's emphasis on border security. Disputes persisted into 2020–2021, fueled by the European Commission's conditional withholding of €7.2 billion in cohesion funds from Hungary in 2022 (retroactively linked to earlier rule-of-law audits) and EPP support for the 2020 Rule of Law Regulation tying EU recovery funds to compliance benchmarks. Internal EPP divisions surfaced, with Eastern members like Poland's Civic Platform defending Fidesz's sovereignty claims, while Western leaders pushed for expulsion to preempt reputational damage ahead of the 2024 European elections. On February 24, 2021, the EPP Group amended its Rules of Procedure by 79–12, enabling the suspension or expulsion of national party MEPs for "systematic infringement" of values, explicitly targeting Fidesz. Anticipating a March 2021 vote on MEP suspension, Fidesz preemptively announced its withdrawal from the EPP Group on March 3, , with Orbán stating the move preserved Hungary's policy autonomy amid "ideological irreconcilability." The 13 Fidesz MEPs then sat as non-attached before affiliating with the Patriots for Europe group in July 2024. This effective end to the EPP-Fidesz partnership marked a shift for the EPP toward stricter enforcement of rule-of-law standards, though critics, including Orbán allies, attributed the rift to geopolitical pressures from U.S. and progressive networks rather than objective legal failings in . The episode underscored causal tensions between the EPP's federalist core and sovereignist outliers, with 's GDP growth averaging 3.5% annually from 2010–2020 cited by Fidesz as evidence of effective governance despite disputes.

Funding Scrutiny and Investigations

The European People's Party (EPP), as the largest political group in the , derives approximately 85-90% of its funding from the through public allocations to Europarties and parliamentary groups, with the remainder from member party contributions and capped private donations, all governed by Regulation (EU, Euratom) No 1141/2014 and subsequent transparency mandates. These funds support operational costs, campaigns, and policy work, with annual financial reports audited by the 's authority and published for public scrutiny. In late October 2024, the (EPPO) initiated an investigation into allegations of fraud, corruption, and misuse of EU funds by the EPP parliamentary group related to expenditures for the 2019 elections. The probe focuses on suspected irregularities, including over-invoicing for services, fictitious contracts with external providers, and diversion of allocated campaign budgets exceeding permissible limits, potentially involving sums in the millions of euros. The EPP leadership, including group chair , has denied wrongdoing, asserting full cooperation with investigators and noting that the examined activities occurred under prior management structures. As of October 2025, the EPPO investigation remains active without formal charges, indictments, or recovered assets publicly announced, amid broader EPPO efforts targeting misuse of funds across parliamentary groups. No prior major funding scandals have implicated the EPP at the Europarty level, though routine audits by the have occasionally flagged administrative compliance issues in EU party financing generally, without singling out the EPP for systemic abuse. In response to rising concerns over foreign influence and opacity in political funding, the and adopted revised regulations on 17 June 2025, mandating enhanced , full donor identification for contributions over €1,500, and prohibitions on funding from non-EU states or entities exceeding 10% of total income, applying uniformly to parties like the EPP. These measures aim to fortify causal safeguards against undue external sway, building on of vulnerabilities exposed in prior EPPO cases involving other groups.

Ideological Tensions with Left and Far-Right

The European People's Party (EPP) experiences ongoing ideological frictions with left-wing groups in the European Parliament, primarily over the balance between economic regulation and market liberalization. In October 2025, the EPP clashed with the Socialists & Democrats (S&D) and Renew Europe on revisions to the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive, where EPP leaders demanded the removal of civil liability provisions for companies, threatening to align with right-wing groups instead; this pressure led S&D to concede, diluting stricter environmental and human rights accountability measures originally proposed by left-leaning advocates. Such disputes reflect deeper divides, with the EPP advocating for a "competitiveness check" on new EU policies to prioritize business investment and capital markets union, contrasting S&D's emphasis on redistributive fiscal policies and enhanced regulatory oversight. These tensions have intensified since the 2024 European Parliament elections, enabling the EPP— as the largest group— to leverage alternative majorities, prompting S&D accusations of the EPP undermining progressive agendas on climate and social standards. Further conflicts arise in areas like housing policy and institutional reforms. In September 2025, S&D rejected an EPP draft report on the EU housing crisis as "unacceptable" for insufficiently addressing affordability through public intervention, highlighting EPP preferences for market-driven solutions over expansive state programs. Similarly, in parliamentary power-sharing negotiations, EPP President Manfred Weber warned in October 2025 of potentially derailing agreements with S&D and Renew over the presidency distribution, underscoring strains in the traditional centrist coalition amid diverging views on EU governance priorities. These episodes illustrate causal dynamics where the EPP's center-right orientation—rooted in Christian democratic principles favoring subsidiarity and fiscal restraint—clashes with left-wing pushes for supranational harmonization and equity-focused interventions, often resolved through pragmatic compromises rather than ideological convergence. Relations with far-right groups, such as those in the (ID) and European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) blocs, are marked by official rejection of formal alliances, driven by the EPP's commitment to pro-European integration and rule-of-law standards incompatible with far-right and . In April 2025, Weber explicitly pledged no cooperation with parties like France's , positioning populists and extremists as the EPP's primary electoral competitors rather than partners. This stance echoes the EPP's expulsion of Hungary's in 2021 over governance concerns, reinforcing a cordon sanitaire against groups perceived as undermining democratic norms. However, pragmatic vote alignments on specific issues like migration controls and have fueled left-wing critiques of blurring lines; for instance, in September 2025 analyses showed occasional EPP-ECR-ID overlaps exceeding those with S&D on certain files, though data indicates these remain and below alliance thresholds. The EPP's strategic use of far-right proximity as leverage—without endorsing their platforms—has heightened tensions, as seen in May 2024 when the group declined to join a cross-party letter condemning far-right , prioritizing internal cohesion over unified anti-extremist signaling. Ideologically, the EPP's federalist-leaning contrasts with far-right emphases on restoration and cultural homogeneity, limiting to shared pragmatic interests like security enhancements, while avoiding the ECR/ID's systemic opposition to deeper enlargement or fiscal transfers. This dynamic underscores the EPP's positioning as a moderating center-right force, navigating post-2024 fragmentation by balancing rejection of extremes with policy-specific flexibility.

Responses to Migration and Regulatory Pressures

The European People's Party (EPP) has advocated for stricter border controls and accelerated returns of irregular migrants in response to ongoing migration pressures, emphasizing external partnerships to curb inflows. In a 2023 policy paper, the EPP proposed negotiating agreements with origin and transit countries to prevent illegal migration, modeled on the EU-Turkey deal, while accelerating implementation of the Migration and Asylum Pact's screening and management regulations. Following the 2023 adoption of the Pact—which introduced mandatory border screenings, solidarity mechanisms for relocations or financial contributions, and enhanced Eurodac fingerprinting for identification—the EPP endorsed its rules to facilitate proper identification and prevent unauthorized movements within the . By April 2024, the , led by EPP influence, approved the Pact's ten legislative texts, reforming asylum procedures to prioritize protection for Geneva Convention qualifiers while enabling faster returns for others. In April 2025, amid rising irregular arrivals exceeding 1 million in 2023 and continued pressures, the EPP adopted a endorsing temporary suspension of asylum rights during mass influxes, stricter scrutiny of claims, and a nine-point to halt uncontrolled migration through enhanced external s and deportations. This shift reflected public and electoral demands for securitization, with the EPP pledging expanded operations and better migrant screening at external borders. In October 2024, the group called for overhauling EU return policies to expedite deportations of those without legal stay rights, addressing low return rates below 20% for rejected asylum seekers in prior years. These measures aimed to balance humanitarian obligations with , though critics from left-leaning institutions argued they undermined international protections, a view the EPP countered by prioritizing empirical over ideological commitments. On regulatory pressures, the EPP has pushed to alleviate burdens on businesses, particularly in response to complaints over EU rules impeding competitiveness amid . In its 2024 , the party committed to a "one in, two out" rule for new regulations, targeting a one-third reduction in overall regulatory burden to foster growth and jobs. This included opposing excessive in sectors like , where EU directives had increased compliance costs by up to 20% for farmers in recent assessments. By October 2025, EPP-led initiatives drove simplifications in reporting, reducing duplicative requirements and delaying implementations to ease administrative loads estimated at billions in annual EU-wide costs. The EPP also influenced rollbacks of green regulations, such as weakening the EU Deforestation Regulation in November 2024 amendments and securing Socialist concessions in October 2025 to slash and rules, prioritizing business viability over stringent environmental mandates amid energy crises. These efforts responded to industry pressures, with the EPP advocating a two-year pause on new rules to boost competitiveness, though they drew accusations from environmental groups of from corporate lobbies—a charge the party rebutted by citing data on regulatory overreach stifling innovation and employment. Internally, such positions aligned the EPP's center-right core but sparked tensions with more pro-regulation members, reflecting broader debates on balancing market freedoms against supranational oversight.

Achievements, Policy Impacts, and Legacy

Contributions to EU Economic Stability

The European People's Party (EPP) has advocated for robust fiscal frameworks as essential to economic stability since the inception of (EMU). EPP-affiliated leaders, including German Chancellor , were instrumental in negotiating the signed on February 7, 1992, which established convergence criteria limiting government deficits to 3% of GDP and public debt to 60% of GDP, alongside requirements for low and stable exchange rates, to ensure the euro's viability upon its launch in 1999. The subsequent (SGP), agreed in 1997 and formalized through EU Council resolutions in on December 17, 1997, built on these criteria by introducing multilateral surveillance and sanctions for excessive deficits, with EPP members in national governments and the emphasizing enforcement to prevent fiscal imbalances from undermining monetary union. This approach prioritized causal links between national fiscal profligacy and eurozone vulnerabilities, contrasting with critiques from left-leaning sources that later highlighted the pact's rigidity during downturns. During the 2009-2012 sovereign crisis, which saw Greek public exceed 170% of GDP by 2011 and prompted bailouts totaling over €500 billion from the and Mechanism, the EPP championed the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance (Fiscal Compact) signed on March 2, 2012, by 25 member states. EPP parliamentary groups secured provisions integrating the compact with law, mandating balanced budgets via automatic correction mechanisms and brakes, while safeguarding the European Commission's monitoring role to enhance compliance. This reinforced SGP penalties, contributing to deficit reductions in crisis-hit states—such as Ireland's from 32% of GDP in 2010 to near balance by 2015—and eventual GDP growth resumption to 2.5% by 2017, as EPP analyses attribute to disciplined responses over expansive spending. The EPP also supported the Banking Union framework initiated in 2012 under EPP-led European Commission President , comprising the Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM) operationalized on November 4, 2014, under the , and the (SRM) effective January 1, 2016, to sever sovereign-bank loops exposed in the crisis. EPP policy documents stress completing the third pillar, a European deposit insurance scheme, alongside stricter capital requirements under implementations, to bolster resilience against shocks, as evidenced by the union's role in managing 2023 banking stresses at and without systemic contagion. In recent reforms, the EPP has pushed for SGP updates adopted in 2024, insisting on "teeth" through binding debt reduction trajectories and medium-term fiscal-structural plans, rejecting softer interpretations amid post-COVID debt averaging 83% of GDP in 2023, to sustain stability without reverting to pre-crisis laxity. This stance aligns with linking fiscal rules to lower default risks and growth volatility in peer-reviewed studies of states.

Advancements in Security and Enlargement

The European People's Party played a pivotal role in advocating for the EU's 2004 Eastern enlargement, which integrated ten countries—Cyprus, , , , , , , , , and —on May 1, 2004, adding approximately 74 million people and expanding the EU's territory eastward. This process, championed by EPP-affiliated leaders and parliamentarians, facilitated economic reforms and in post-communist states, contributing to continental stability without new dividing lines. The EPP's integration of centre-right parties from these nations strengthened its influence, aligning enlargement with pro-market and pro-integration policies. In the Western Balkans and beyond, the EPP has sustained momentum for accession, conducting study visits such as the March 2025 session in to reinforce reform commitments and merit-based progress. Following Russia's full-scale invasion, EPP leaders, including , urged granting candidate status in June 2022, framing it as a geostrategic imperative for European security and democratic expansion, with subsequent advocacy for opening accession negotiations. On security, the EPP has advanced a comprehensive agenda, proposing a European Security Pact in February 2025 to embed in law and coordinate strategies against threats like Russian aggression. The party supports evolving the into a Defence Union, emphasizing strategic alignment, fortification, and joint capabilities, as reiterated in the March 2025 EPP Summit statement. Under EPP-nominated Commission President , initiatives like the Readiness 2030 roadmap, launched in 2025, target up to €800 billion in defence investments to enhance autonomy and deterrence. EPP parliamentarians have also backed expanding the European Defence Industry Programme to boost manufacturing and interoperability among member states.

Long-Term Influence on European Integration

The European People's Party (EPP), as the dominant center-right force in European institutions since the late , has exerted enduring influence on by balancing deepening institutional ties with and national competences. Through its control of majorities in the (EP) and frequent leadership in the , the EPP has championed the completion of the , monetary union, and eastward enlargement, while advocating to limit supranational overreach. This approach, rooted in Christian democratic traditions, has prioritized a "social market economy" model over more federalist visions, shaping the EU's trajectory toward pragmatic, market-oriented integration rather than unchecked centralization. A cornerstone of the EPP's long-term impact lies in its support for foundational treaties that expanded EU competences. During ' presidency of the EPP from 1990 to 2013, the party actively backed the 1992 , which formalized the , instituted (leading to the euro's launch in 1999), and created pillars for foreign policy cooperation, reflecting the EPP's vision of integration as a means to stability amid post-Cold War transitions. The EPP's parliamentary group, as the largest at the time, influenced negotiations to embed fiscal discipline and qualified majority voting, mitigating risks of unchecked spending. Similarly, in the lead-up to the 1997 Amsterdam Treaty, EPP representatives emphasized employment policies and institutional reforms to prepare for enlargement, though internal debates highlighted concerns over sovereignty erosion. The EPP's endorsement of EU widening has profoundly altered the Union's geography and dynamics, with the 2004 enlargement—adding ten Central and Eastern European states—representing a high-water mark of its influence. As the leading proponent among Europarties, the EPP facilitated this "" expansion under Commission President (2004–2014, an EPP affiliate), integrating over 100 million citizens and boosting intra-EU trade by fostering and regulatory alignment. This policy, pursued despite domestic opposition in some member states, enhanced the EU's geopolitical weight but also strained cohesion, prompting EPP-led reforms like the 2009 Lisbon Treaty, which strengthened EP co-decision powers while reinforcing rule-of-law conditionality for future accessions. Over decades, the EPP's integration strategy has emphasized economic resilience, as seen in its defense of the single market's services directive (aiming for 0.8% GDP growth and 600,000 jobs per estimates) and resistance to over-regulation, countering slower productivity gains post-enlargement. By providing consistent majorities—holding 184 of 720 EP seats as of 2024—the EPP has steered the EU toward hybrid deepening (e.g., enhanced Commission roles under EPP figures like Ursula von der Leyen since 2019) without fully endorsing intergovernmental alternatives, ensuring integration advances amid crises like the eurozone debt turmoil of 2010–2012, where it imposed austerity frameworks. This enduring framework has embedded center-right priorities, such as competitiveness and security, into the EU's core, though critics from more integrationist quarters argue it has occasionally delayed bolder federal steps.

References

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