Hubbry Logo
Mufti MehmoodMufti MehmoodMain
Open search
Mufti Mehmood
Community hub
Mufti Mehmood
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Mufti Mehmood
Mufti Mehmood
Mufti Mehmood
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia

Mufti Mehmood-ur-Rehman (Urdu: مفتی محمود الرحمان; 1919–1980) was a Pakistani Islamic scholar and statesman who was one of the founding members of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI).[1] He served as the first elected Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and later on as the Leader of the Opposition in National Assembly.[2][1]

Key Information

He led the opposition movement Pakistan National Alliance against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, which eventually led to Bhutto's downfall. He was among the principal architects of the 1973 Constitution of Pakistan.[3]

Early life and career

[edit]

Born in January 1919, he was born into the ethnic Nasar Pashtun tribe from Panyala, Dera Ismail Khan District, colonial India (now Pakistan). His father, Maulana Khalifa Muhammad Siddiq, was a religious scholar and had permissions in all four orders of the Sufi Tariqa.[4][5]

He received his religious education at Madrasa Shahi, Moradabad, UP and graduated from the Darul Uloom Deoband.[6]

In 1941, he worked as a teacher in Isakhel, Mianwali.[1] On the advice of his teacher Muhammad Miyan Deobandi he settled down in Abdul Khel, a town in Dera Ismail Khan, and married into a Marwat Pashtun family there.[7]

At the time of the Indian independence movement Mufti Mahmud opposed the partition of colonial India with the Indian National Congress and opposed the creation of Pakistan.[8][9][10]

In Pakistan

[edit]

He served as a Muhtamim at Jamia Qasim-ul-Uloom in Multan and later in his career, he also held the positions of Chief Mudarras in charge of education, Chief Mufti, and Sheikh al-Hadith. He issued at least 25,000 Fatwas in his lifetime and his students included Maulana Abdullah Ghazi, Abdul Majeed Ludhianvi and Noor Muhammad.[11]

Mufti Mahmud was a critic of family planning programme of Ayub Khan's government. He participated in the elections for the National Assembly for the first time under Ayub Khan's 'Basic Democracy Program' and defeated all his opponents in 1962.[11]

He also opposed the 'One Unit Scheme'.On 8 January 1968, in Dacca, then in East Pakistan, Mufti Mahmud was one of the key leaders of Jamhoori Majlis-e-Amal that opposed Ayub Khan's regime. In the 1970 general election, Mufti Mahmud had a landslide victory against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in the Dera Ismail Khan constituency.[11]

After the 1970 general election in Pakistan, he became the president of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam founded by Maulana Shabir Ahmed Usmani. His party went into a coalition with the National Awami Party for the 1970 Pakistani general election. In the 1970s, the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam received significant funding from Saudi Arabia.[12]

On 1 March 1972, he was elected as the chief minister of the province of Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa during the Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto government in Pakistan.

During his tenure as chief minister, he instituted many reforms, such as prohibition against alcohol, making Urdu as the official language in government offices, ban on interest in financial transactions and declared Friday as the official holiday in his province.[11]

Mufti Mahmud played a vital role in Tehreek-e-Khatme Nabuwwat, a religious movement which has highlighted the beliefs of the followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in Pakistan, in 1953 and again in 1974. He led a team of Islamic scholars which worked for the declaration of Ahmadis as non-Muslims in 1974.

He and his cabinet resigned in protest at the dismissal of the NAP–JUI coalition government in Balochistan on 14 February 1973.[11] He vowed to launch an anti-government movement, and first formed the UDF (United Democratic Front), and later on Pakistan National Alliance: the largest opposition movement in the history of Pakistan against Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto. In 1977, the Pakistan National Alliance launched nationwide street agitation against the rigging of Bhutto in 1977 General Elections. The same year Bhutto was removed in a Coup d'etat by Zia ul Haq.[13]

Towards the end of his life, he continued his endeavours for democracy, and in 1980 had started negotiations with his arch-rival PPP, for a joint struggle against dictatorship.[13]

He supported the Afghan jihad against the USSR in 1979.

Death and legacy

[edit]

He died on 14 October 1980, in Karachi, Sindh at the age of 61. He was buried in Abdul Khel, Dera Ismail Khan District. His son Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman is a politician who leads the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI) party in Pakistan.[14]

Bibliography

[edit]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Mufti Mehmood

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Mufti Mahmud (1919–1980) was a Pakistani Deobandi Islamic scholar and politician who led the and briefly served as of the . Born in January 1919 in Paniala, , he received traditional Islamic education at institutions including Jamia Qasimiya in Muradabad and , specializing in and , and issued thousands of fatwas throughout his career. Entering politics amid opposition to early Pakistani regimes' secular-leaning policies, Mahmud rose in the , becoming its acting leader in 1962 and deputy leader in 1963, while winning seats in 1962, 1970, and 1977. As from May 1972 to February 1973, he implemented measures to align provincial laws with Islamic principles, including prohibiting alcohol and designating Friday as the weekly holiday, before resigning in protest against federal encroachments. He played a key role in the Pakistan National Alliance's campaign against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's government, advocating for Nizam-e-Mustafa, and later supported General Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization efforts, including issuing a endorsing the Afghan in 1979. Mahmud's tenure was marked by principled stands, such as criticizing Ayub Khan's family planning and the One Unit scheme, contributing to the 1974 constitutional amendment declaring Ahmadis non-Muslims, and opposing mandatory zakat deductions shortly before his death from a heart attack on 14 October 1980 in Karachi. His legacy endures through JUI's evolution into a major Islamist party under his son, Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman, emphasizing clerical influence in Pakistani democracy and resistance to perceived secular dilutions of Islamic governance.

Early Life and Religious Scholarship

Birth, Family, and Upbringing

Mufti Mahmud was born in 1919 in Paniala, a village near in what was then British India (present-day , ). He belonged to an ethnic Pashtun family from the Abdul Khel tribe. His father, Khalifa Muhammad Sadiq, provided his initial religious instruction, including studies in basic and Persian texts. The family was of (landowning) status, which afforded a stable rural environment conducive to early scholarly pursuits. Mahmud's upbringing emphasized religious learning from a young age, reflecting the Deobandi-influenced traditions prevalent in his Pashtun community, though formal advanced studies followed later. This foundational phase instilled a lifelong commitment to Islamic scholarship amid the socio-political transitions of pre-partition .

Education and Training as a Mufti

Mufti Mehmood completed his from the Government High School in Paniala before turning to , beginning with foundational texts in and logic under private tutelage at home. He then pursued advanced Islamic at Madrasa-e Shahi in , , where he completed the Daura-e curriculum in 1360 AH (corresponding to 1941 CE), a rigorous program covering , prophetic traditions, and central to mufti training. In 1364 AH (approximately October 1945 CE), he enrolled at , a leading seminary in the Deobandi scholarly tradition, and graduated the following year in 1365 AH, focusing on higher levels of Islamic scholarship that prepared scholars for issuing legal opinions (fatwas). His studies there built on prior work at institutions like Jamia Qasimiya in Muradabad, completed around 1941 CE, emphasizing interpretive and applicative skills in (Islamic law) essential for the mufti's role. Under teachers such as Maulana Sayyid Fakhr al-Din at Madrasa-e Shahi, Mufti Mehmood honed expertise in core disciplines including authentication and derivation, which qualified him for status through demonstrated proficiency in resolving complex religious queries. This formal training, rooted in the Deobandi emphasis on textual fidelity and practical ifta, distinguished him as a capable of independent issuance, a credential he later applied in teaching and leadership roles.

Early Religious Activities and Fatwas

Mufti Mahmud commenced his religious career shortly after completing his studies at Jamia Qasimiya in , , where he received training in the of Islamic as a Deobandi scholar. In 1941, he took up teaching duties in Isakhel, , imparting Islamic knowledge to students in the region. By the early 1950s, he had established himself as a , issuing legal rulings (fatwas) on matters of Islamic law, drawing from classical texts and the Deobandi interpretive tradition. His fatwas addressed everyday religious queries faced by Pashtun communities in , emphasizing strict adherence to principles without accommodation to modern secular influences. A pivotal early activity was his involvement in the Tehreek-e-Khatme Nabuwwat movement in 1953, where he contributed scholarly opinions declaring the founder's claims incompatible with Islamic finality of prophethood (khatme nabuwwat). These rulings supported the campaign against Ahmadi recognition as Muslims, influencing public discourse and events including the disturbances that year, though they drew criticism from secular Pakistani authorities for exacerbating sectarian tensions. His early fatwas, often delivered orally or in written responses at local madrasas, covered topics such as ritual purity, contracts, and prohibitions on un-Islamic customs, reflecting a commitment to reviving orthodox Hanafi practices amid post-partition cultural shifts in . Over time, these accumulated into thousands of documented opinions, later compiled for wider dissemination, underscoring his role as a religious before political prominence.

Entry into Politics and Party Formation

Pre-Partition Involvement

Mufti Mehmood's pre-partition political engagement emerged through his affiliation with Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, a Deobandi organization that advocated Muslim support for the against British rule and rejected the Muslim League's demand for partition. Born in January 1919 in Paniala, of the (now ), he completed his at Jamia Islamia in his early twenties, aligning his scholarly pursuits with the Jamiat's anti-colonial stance. In 1942, at age 23, Mehmood actively participated in the , a mass campaign launched by the to expel British authorities, representing the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind in mobilization efforts within the . This involvement reflected the Jamiat's broader commitment to non-cooperation with colonial governance, prioritizing composite over separatist demands. By 1943, Mehmood had risen within the organization, securing election to the Majlis-e-Amila (executive council) of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind's branch and as a to the All-India Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind. He represented the province at key Jamiat conferences, including a significant gathering in , where clerical leaders coordinated opposition to British policies and the . These roles positioned him as an emerging voice in Deobandi political activism, though his later post-partition trajectory diverged from the Jamiat's Indian remnant toward Pakistan-centric Islamist politics.

Founding of Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI)

The was formed in 1945 by Deobandi scholars who endorsed the All-India Muslim League's campaign for a separate Muslim-majority state, distinguishing themselves from the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind, which largely opposed partition on grounds of territorial and communal unity under British India. This reflected deeper ideological divides among South Asian ulema, with JUI proponents prioritizing the realization of an Islamic polity over anti-colonial alliances with the . Maulana Shabbir Ahmed , a key intellectual supporter of , assumed leadership of the nascent group, emphasizing constitutional safeguards for implementation in the prospective state of . Mufti Mahmood, then a 26-year-old graduate of , emerged as one of the party's early organizers in the (now ), leveraging his local influence in to build grassroots support among and networks. His involvement marked his transition from religious scholarship to political activism, focusing on countering secular influences in the new republic and advocating for ulema oversight in . By 1947, following Pakistan's independence on , JUI had formalized its structure to lobby for Islamic provisions in the interim constitution, though it remained a marginal force amid dominant secular and modernist currents. The party's activities were curtailed under General Ayub Khan's regime, which banned political organizations from October 1958 until their legalization on July 1, 1962. Upon reinstatement, Mahmood was appointed acting amir (caretaker leader) of JUI after the death of incumbent Maulana Abdul Rahim Lahori, effectively revitalizing the organization under his direction and expanding its platform against Ayub's pro-Western, developmentalist policies. This phase solidified JUI's identity as a vehicle for orthodox Deobandi resistance to state , with Mahmood prioritizing anti-usury campaigns and protections as foundational objectives.

Initial Political Positions Against Ayub Khan

Mufti Mahmud assumed leadership of (JUI) as Qaim Maqam Ameer on July 14, 1962, following the lifting of the ban on under Ayub Khan's regime, positioning the party as a counter to the government's secular-leaning modernizing agenda. He had previously revived JUI activities in the early explicitly to challenge Ayub's policies, emphasizing strict adherence to Islamic principles over state-imposed reforms. A core element of his opposition centered on the , which amalgamated West Pakistan's provinces in and was retained by Ayub until its eventual dissolution; Mahmud viewed it as undermining regional identities and rooted in Islamic governance ideals, leading to his in 1956 for public protests against it. This stance persisted into the 1960s, with JUI under his guidance criticizing the scheme's centralizing effects as antithetical to provincial autonomy and sharia-based provincial rights. Mahmud also launched sharp critiques of Ayub's initiatives, launched around 1960 to curb population growth through state-promoted contraception; in the after his election, he denounced these as un-Islamic interventions in divine will, initiating public campaigns and fatwas against them in March of an unspecified year during his tenure. He argued such policies prioritized economic metrics over religious doctrine, framing them as part of broader modernist encroachments on traditional family structures. By 1968, amid mounting anti-regime sentiment, Mahmud emerged as a central figure in the Jamhoori Majlis-e-Amal, formed on January 8 in by opposition parties to demand democratic restoration and end Ayub's authoritarian rule; JUI's involvement under his direction amplified calls for Islamic against the regime's controlled . This coalition effort highlighted his shift toward unified fronts, though he withheld support from Jinnah's 1965 presidential bid against Ayub, citing prohibitions on female leadership in Islamic jurisprudence.

Major Political Roles and Achievements

1970 Elections and Defeat of PPP

In the 1970 Pakistani general elections, held on 7 December 1970, Mufti Mahmud served as the leader of , directing the party's campaign primarily in the and . The JUI positioned itself against the 's socialist-oriented platform, which included land reforms and nationalization policies perceived by religious parties as conflicting with Islamic economic principles and governance. Mufti Mahmud emphasized the establishment of an Islamic system, critiquing PPP's secular populism as a deviation from Pakistan's founding ideological basis. This religious framing resonated in conservative Pashtun and tribal constituencies, where JUI mobilized ulema networks and students to counter PPP's appeal to urban and rural laborers. A pivotal outcome was Mufti Mahmud's direct electoral victory over , the PPP chairman, in the constituency (National Assembly seat NA-33). Bhutto, contesting personally to bolster PPP's western provincial foothold, secured fewer votes amid JUI's strong local organizational base and anti-socialist messaging, resulting in a decisive loss that underscored the limits of PPP's expansion into religiously influenced regions. This personal defeat symbolized broader resistance to PPP dominance, as the party failed to secure meaningful seats in NWFP despite national gains elsewhere. JUI's performance, alongside the National Awami Party (NAP)'s ethnic-nationalist surge, ensured PPP obtained no seats in NWFP, blocking its path to provincial control. JUI captured several seats in the province, emerging as a key player in a fragmented assembly where religious and regional parties collectively marginalized PPP's influence. This electoral configuration reflected voter preferences for Islamic orthodoxy and Pashtun over centralized socialist reforms, contributing to post-election instability as Bhutto's federal ambitions clashed with provincial majorities.

Chief Minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (1972–1973)

Following political negotiations after the restoration of democracy under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's government, 's (JUI) formed a coalition with the (NAP) to establish provincial administration in the (NWFP), countering the Peoples Party's limited influence in the region. This accord, reached amid post-1971 instability, enabled to secure election as on 1 March 1972, with NAP leader Abdul Wali Khan's support ensuring a legislative . His cabinet was sworn in shortly thereafter, marking the first JUI-led executive in the province and emphasizing Islamist governance over secular alternatives. Mufti Mahmud's administration, lasting approximately 11 months, focused on aligning state policies with Islamic precepts amid broader calls for Sharia implementation. Key initiatives included enforcing on alcohol sales and consumption to curb social vices, designating as the primary language for official government correspondence to standardize administration, and advancing reforms by integrating Quranic studies into public curricula and supporting madrasas. These measures reflected JUI's ideological commitment to Nizam-e-Mustafa, though implementation faced logistical challenges in a Pashtun-majority province with ongoing linguistic debates favoring . Social policies also targeted moral upliftment, such as restricting and promoting collection, while educational efforts aimed to counter perceived secular influences from prior regimes. Tensions with the federal government escalated over provincial autonomy, culminating in the dismissal of the NAP-JUI coalition in on 14 February 1973 by , citing alleged foreign interference. In solidarity, Mufti Mahmud tendered his cabinet's resignation the following day, 15 February 1973, protesting central overreach and refusing to legitimize the Balochistan action. This principled stand dissolved the NWFP government, leading to governor's rule and highlighting Mufti Mahmud's prioritization of coalition integrity over prolonged power.

Leadership in Pakistan National Alliance (PNA)

Mufti Mahmood was elected president of the Pakistan National Alliance (PNA) on January 16, 1977, leading a coalition of nine opposition parties—including his Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI), Jamaat-e-Islami, Pakistan Muslim League, and others—formed to contest the March 1977 general elections against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP). Under his leadership, the PNA campaigned on a platform emphasizing electoral integrity, anti-corruption measures, and restoration of democratic norms, drawing on JUI's influence in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa to mobilize support among religious and conservative voters. Mahmood's presidency focused on unifying disparate factions, as he publicly stressed that the alliance would maintain cohesion even after elections to ensure accountability. In the elections held on March 7, 1977, the PNA won approximately 36 seats in the , far short of the PPP's 155, prompting immediate allegations of widespread vote rigging and manipulation by the ruling party. Mahmood spearheaded the PNA's response, launching a nationwide movement starting in late March, which included protests, strikes, and calls for fresh polls; this escalated into violent clashes, resulting in hundreds of deaths and the arrest of key leaders, including himself on March 25, 1977. Despite crackdowns, he directed negotiations with Bhutto's government, culminating in a June 15, 1977, agreement for judicial inquiries into rigging and new elections within 90 days, though implementation faltered amid mutual distrust. Mahmood's strategic oversight sustained the PNA's momentum, framing the agitation as a quest for electoral justice rather than partisan gain, which pressured and indirectly facilitated General Zia-ul-Haq's military coup on July 5, 1977. Post-coup, as PNA president, he represented the in talks with Zia, authorizing direct negotiations on July 13, 1977, to secure commitments for prompt elections and power-sharing, though internal PNA wrangling over ministries later emerged. His role underscored JUI's pivotal position in bridging religious and secular opposition elements, amplifying the coalition's challenge to PPP dominance.

Ideological Commitments and Controversies

Advocacy for Nizam-e-Mustafa and Sharia Implementation

Mufti Mahmud, as leader of (JUI), consistently advocated for the establishment of Nizam-e-Mustafa, a governance system modeled on the Muhammad's practices, emphasizing comprehensive implementation across Pakistan's legal, social, and economic spheres. This ideological stance positioned JUI in opposition to secular or socialist policies, viewing them as deviations from Islamic principles, and framed political participation as a means to enforce divine law. During his tenure as from May 1972 to April 1973, Mahmud enacted preliminary -aligned reforms, including prohibitions on alcohol consumption, bans on (interest-based transactions), enforcement of purdah (veiling for women), elimination of betting and , and mandates for Quranic recitation as a prerequisite for public . He also established a provincial board to oversee Islamic legislation, reflecting an early institutional push toward governance despite limited central authority. Mahmud's most prominent advocacy occurred through the 1977 Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Nizam-e-Mustafa, a mass movement led by the (PNA), of which he served as president representing JUI. Launched after the disputed March 1977 elections, the campaign demanded Bhutto's resignation, fresh polls, and—critically—the full enforcement of Nizam-e-Mustafa to replace perceived un-Islamic governance with Sharia-based rule, mobilizing religious sentiment against electoral rigging and socialist policies. While negotiations compromised on immediate Sharia demands in favor of political concessions like new elections by October 1977, the slogan galvanized public protests and highlighted Mahmud's insistence on Islamic primacy, though analyses note religious appeals served partly to amplify anti-Bhutto mobilization. Post-martial law under Zia-ul-Haq, Mahmud continued supporting Nizam-e-Mustafa efforts, expressing confidence in Zia's Islamization agenda by 1980, which included Hudood Ordinances and courts, aligning with his vision despite prior imprisonments under . His fatwas, such as the 1979 declaration of against Soviet invasion of , reinforced broader commitments to Islamic defense and governance, though direct fatwas focused more on specific prohibitions like deductions from salaries.

Role in Tehreek-e-Khatme Nabuwwat

Mufti Mahmud actively participated in the Tehreek-e-Khatme Nabuwwat movement during its early phase in 1953, which sought to challenge the community's claim that was a prophet subordinate to , thereby affirming the orthodox Islamic tenet of the finality of prophethood (khatam an-nabuwwat). As a Deobandi and emerging leader within , he opposed the Ahmadi (Qadiani) sect's positions, contributing to the broader clerical mobilization that included protests and demands for governmental action against perceived deviations from Sunni doctrine. The movement's resurgence in the 1970s saw Mufti Mahmud emerge as a pivotal figure, particularly in 1974 amid escalating public and parliamentary pressure under Zulfikar Bhutto's administration. On 30 June 1974, his name topped a resolution signed by 137 members of the , explicitly demanding that Ahmadis and the Lahori group be declared non-Muslims. In August and September of that year, he led a of Islamic scholars appointed to a special parliamentary committee, where they presented theological arguments substantiating the incompatibility of Ahmadi beliefs with Islam's core finality doctrine. This leadership culminated in the passage of the Second Constitutional Amendment on 7 September 1974, which constitutionally defined non-Muslims as those not believing in the absolute finality of Muhammad's prophethood and explicitly declared Ahmadis as such, marking a significant legal victory for the movement. Mufti Mahmud's role enhanced his stature among Islamist circles, positioning as a key proponent of doctrinal , though the amendment's enforcement later involved ongoing tensions and legal restrictions on Ahmadi practices.

Criticisms of Secularism, Socialism, and Modernist Policies

Mufti Mahmood, as a leading figure in (JUI), openly rejected , arguing it undermined the sovereignty of Islamic law in and society. He contended that Pakistan's founding as an necessitated the integration of into all state functions, opposing any framework that prioritized human-made laws over divine injunctions derived from the and . This stance positioned him against modernist interpretations of that sought to accommodate , which he viewed as a form of cultural erosion influenced by Western ideologies. His critique extended to , particularly Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's "," which Mahmood and JUI leaders dismissed as an incompatible fusion of atheistic materialism with religious rhetoric. Mahmood argued that true relied on voluntary charity like , private property rights protected under , and prohibitions on , rather than state and wealth redistribution that echoed Marxist principles. JUI's participation in the (PNA) against Bhutto's (PPP) in the 1970s highlighted this opposition, with Mahmood personally defeating Bhutto in the 1970 elections in , framing the contest as a defense of Islamic orthodoxy against socialist . Mahmood also targeted modernist policies under Ayub Khan's regime (1958–1969), criticizing initiatives like programs as assaults on Islamic teachings on procreation and family size. He viewed these as part of a broader agenda to impose Western developmental models that prioritized economic progress over religious ethics, leading to his active resistance against Ayub's " and other centralizing reforms perceived as diluting provincial Islamic autonomy. Such policies, in his assessment, fostered moral decay by sidelining ulema input in favor of technocratic elites.

Opposition Politics and Imprisonments

Challenges to the 1973 Constitution

Mufti Mehmood, as leader of (JUI), actively participated in the 1972–1973 constitutional assembly debates but raised significant challenges to the draft provisions, arguing they fell short of establishing a fully Islamic framework aligned with . Representing the opposition United Democratic Front (UDF), he and allied parties tabled approximately 300 amendments to the first 40 articles, aiming to eliminate any perceived un-Islamic elements and prioritize Quranic and -based governance over secular influences. These demands reflected JUI's ideological commitment to supplanting modernist policies with comprehensive , critiquing the draft's limited Islamic clauses—such as Article 2 declaring the and Article 227 mandating laws not repugnant to Quran and —as insufficient for true enforcement. Upon taking oath as a Member of the (MNA) in 1973, Mehmood explicitly vowed to pursue amendments ensuring the constitution conformed strictly to the , , and democratic traditions rooted in principles, signaling his dissatisfaction with the final document passed on April 10, 1973. This stance stemmed from first-hand observations in the assembly, where he advocated for explicit supremacy despite personal beliefs on issues like prohibitions in , yet found the compromise—yielding symbolic rather than operational Islamization—inadequate. His critiques highlighted tensions between Bhutto's (PPP)-dominated assembly and religious opposition, foreshadowing broader confrontations over constitutional implementation. These challenges extended beyond drafting to post-adoption scrutiny, as Mehmood's JUI joined the (PNA) in demanding "Nizam-e-Mustafa" (rule of the Prophet Muhammad), implicitly contesting the 1973 Constitution's secular undertones and lax enforcement of Islamic objectives. By 1974, this escalated into pushing for the Second Constitutional Amendment on September 7, 1974, which declared Ahmadis non-Muslims—a measure Mehmood demanded to resolve what he viewed as a constitutional on Muslim identity under the existing framework. Such actions underscored his causal view that partial Islamization perpetuated deviations from , prioritizing empirical alignment with religious texts over political consensus.

Imprisonment Under Bhutto and Zia

Mufti Mahmud, serving as president of the (PNA), faced arrest on March 25, 1977, amid escalating protests against alleged electoral irregularities in the March general elections won by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's (PPP). The Bhutto government targeted PNA leadership, including Mahmud alongside Professor Ghafoor Ahmed and Sherbaz Mazari, to curb opposition demands for fresh polls and accusations of rigging. This detention occurred during a period of violent unrest, with PNA alleging systemic fraud by the ruling PPP, which had secured a two-thirds majority despite widespread reports of ballot stuffing and voter intimidation. Mahmud's (JUI) had boycotted the polls initially but joined the PNA coalition to challenge Bhutto's mandate, framing the movement as a defense of Islamic principles against secular authoritarianism. The July 5, 1977, military coup by General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, which deposed Bhutto, initially positioned the PNA—including —as allies against the ousted regime, with Zia promising elections within 90 days and consultations on . However, and other PNA figures like Mian Tufail Muhammad of remained imprisoned for several months post-coup, as Zia prioritized regime stabilization over immediate releases, delaying polls indefinitely and enacting orders that suspended political activity. This extended detention reflected Zia's tactical use of opposition leaders' captivity to negotiate power-sharing while sidelining broader democratic restoration, leading to PNA disillusionment. By late 1977, engaged in talks with Zia on provincial administrations but grew critical of partial Islamization measures, such as , which he viewed as insufficient without comprehensive enforcement (Nizam-e-Mustafa). Mahmud's imprisonments underscored his consistent opposition to executive overreach, whether or , rooted in demands for constitutional adherence and . Under Bhutto, the arrests aimed to quash PNA's non-violent civil disobedience; under Zia, prolonged detention facilitated the general's consolidation, though Mahmud later issued fatwas supporting Afghan jihad against Soviet invasion in 1979 while pressing for electoral accountability until his death in 1980. These episodes highlighted tensions between Islamist political activism and state control in , with Mahmud's stance prioritizing first-principles Islamic over pragmatic alliances.

Final Years and Death in 1980

In the years following General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq's military coup on July 5, 1977, which ousted Prime Minister amid the Pakistan National Alliance's (PNA) agitation against alleged election rigging, Mufti Mahmud maintained his position as a key opposition figure and leader of (JUI). Initially supportive of Zia's promises to implement Islamic reforms and hold fresh elections, Mahmud engaged in dialogues with the regime, including meetings in March 1978 and June 1979 to discuss political and religious matters. However, as Zia delayed elections indefinitely and consolidated power, Mahmud voiced criticisms, particularly regarding deviations from strict principles. By 1980, Mahmud expressed qualified confidence in Zia's Islamization efforts, such as , but issued a opposing the compulsory deduction of from bank accounts, arguing it lacked proper Islamic authorization and infringed on individual religious obligations. He continued advocating for Nizam-e-Mustafa, emphasizing electoral restoration and opposition to secular encroachments, while JUI navigated alliances within the framework. These stances reflected his consistent prioritization of Deobandi orthodoxy over unconditional regime support, amid broader divisions on Zia's policies. Mufti Mahmud died on October 14, 1980, at the age of 61, while delivering a speech to scholars at in , . He was buried in his hometown of Abdul Khel, Paniala, . His death prompted a split in JUI, with his son Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman leading one faction that continued oppositional politics.

Legacy and Influence

Impact on Islamist Politics and JUI

Mufti Mehmood's leadership from 1957 to 1980 elevated (JUI) from a regional Deobandi clerical group into a formidable national political entity, emphasizing orthodox Sunni jurisprudence in electoral and oppositional politics. Under his stewardship, JUI secured significant representation, including his own tenure as from 1972 to 1973, where he implemented policies like introducing teachers in primary schools and prohibiting interest-based banking, thereby institutionalizing Islamist priorities within provincial . His strategy of allying with secular parties in the (PNA) against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's government in 1977 demonstrated pragmatic coalition-building to advance Sharia-oriented demands, culminating in mass protests and that contributed to Bhutto's ouster. This approach entrenched JUI's role as a of Islamist resistance to perceived secular encroachments, influencing subsequent party dynamics after his death on October 23, 1980, when it splintered into factions like JUI-F under his son Maulana Fazl-ur-Rehman, which retained his focus on parliamentary leverage and agitation. Mehmood's endorsement of General Zia-ul-Haq's regime post-1977 coup facilitated the partial Islamization of laws, including ordinances tied to his Tehreek-e-Khatme Nabuwwat , setting precedents for JUI's selective support for military-backed while critiquing authoritarian overreach. His model of integrating fatwa-based opposition with electoral participation inspired JUI's enduring influence in Pashtun belt politics, where it mobilized rural clerics against socialist policies, though critics attribute this to reinforcing clerical power over democratic reforms. In broader Islamist politics, Mehmood's uncompromising stance against influence and modernist dilutions of galvanized Deobandi networks, fostering alliances that amplified demands for Nizam-e-Mustafa (Prophetic order) in the 1970s constitutional debates, yet his death fragmented unified Islamist fronts, as evidenced by JUI's later divergences with . His legacy persists in JUI-F's navigation of coalitions, such as supporting Khan's ouster in 2022, reflecting his blend of ideological purity with tactical flexibility, though some analyses highlight how this entrenched sectarian mobilization over socioeconomic priorities.

Family Succession and Enduring Principles

Following Mufti Mahmud's death on October 14, 1980, at age 61, the leadership of transitioned to his son, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, establishing a pattern of familial succession within the party. Fazlur Rehman, the eldest son among Mufti Mahmud's three sons—including Atta ur Rehman and Lutuf ur Rehman—had been actively involved in party affairs under his father's guidance, enabling a smooth handover that preserved organizational continuity amid Pakistan's turbulent political landscape. This dynastic element extended JUI's Deobandi clerical influence into subsequent generations, with Fazlur Rehman steering the party through factional splits, notably forming Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam Fazl (JUI-F) in the 1980s after ideological disputes with other leaders who rejected hereditary elements. By the 1990s, under Fazlur Rehman's tenure, JUI-F had solidified as a key player in coalitions advocating Islamic legislation, reflecting the founder's model of blending religious scholarship with electoral politics. Mufti Mahmud's core principles—principally the demand for Nizam-e-Mustafa (governance by prophetic example) and resistance to secular, socialist, or modernist dilutions of —endured as JUI's ideological bedrock, with successors prioritizing Islamization bills and alliances against perceived un-Islamic regimes. These tenets manifested in JUI-F's sustained opposition to mandates and Western-influenced reforms, echoing Mufti Mahmud's earlier critiques during Ayub Khan's era, while adapting to parliamentary maneuvers for provincial in . The party's persistence in Tehreek-e-Khatme Nabuwwat advocacy against claims further upheld doctrinal purity, ensuring clerical oversight in politics despite criticisms of dynastic entrenchment limiting internal democracy.

Modern Commemorations and Assessments

and affiliated groups organize annual commemorations on Mufti Mahmud's death anniversary, observed on October 14, marking his passing in 1980 after a prolonged illness. These events typically feature speeches by political and religious figures emphasizing his role in Islamist opposition movements and principled stance against perceived un-Islamic policies. In October 2025, JUI leaders held gatherings in to remember Mahmud as a "visionary and multifaceted leader" who resigned as provincial in 1972 over disagreements with federal policies, prioritizing ideological consistency over power. Speakers highlighted his initiatives, such as introducing theology teachers into government primary schools during his tenure, which they credit with sustaining amid modernist reforms. A related on October 17, 2025, served explicitly as a to his political legacy, linking his anti-secularism efforts to contemporary parliamentary critiques. Assessments of Mahmud's legacy portray him as a foundational figure in Pakistan's Deobandi Islamist politics, having revitalized JUI in the as an electoral force against Ayub Khan's regime and later Bhutto's . Political analysts note his enduring influence on JUI-Fazl (JUI-F), led by his son Maulana Fazlur Rehman since the 1980s, which continues to advocate implementation and forms alliances in national assemblies, though critics argue it has adopted pragmatic shifts diverging from Mahmud's rigid opposition to compromise. His emphasis on Nizam-e-Mustafa remains a rallying point for JUI's voter base in Pashtun areas, sustaining the party's relevance in post-Arab Spring Islamist dynamics despite electoral fluctuations. Scholarly works assess his leadership as ideologically driven but limited by JUI's regional focus, contrasting it with more urban-oriented groups like .

Bibliography

Key Works Authored by Mufti Mehmood

Mufti Mehmood produced scholarly works primarily in , emphasizing Quranic interpretation, Islamic , and religious exhortations, reflecting his role as a Deobandi-trained and political Islamist. His writings drew from Hanafi traditions and addressed contemporary issues through scriptural analysis, often compiled posthumously from lectures, fatwas, and manuscripts. His principal exegetical contribution is Tafsīr-i Maḥmūd, a three-volume translation and commentary on the Qur'an that integrates tafsir bil-ma'thur (tradition-based ) with practical applications for modern Muslim society. First serialized in journals during his lifetime and later published in full, it prioritizes literalist interpretations over allegorical ones, critiquing deviations in modernist reforms. Another major work is Fatāvā Muftī Maḥmūd, an 11-volume compilation of his legal opinions (fatwas) issued over decades, covering topics from ritual purity and to and responses to secular legislation in . These rulings, rooted in Deobandi scholarship, frequently opposed state-imposed policies like land reforms and emphasized supremacy, influencing JUI's ideological stance. Volumes were edited and published by his students and successors at institutions like Jamia Qasmiyyah. Compilations of his sermons, such as Azān-i saḥar (Call at Dawn), preserve khutbas delivered at mosques and rallies, urging moral revival and resistance to un-Islamic governance; these were transcribed from recordings and writings, highlighting his oratorical style that blended with anti-colonial and anti-secular rhetoric.

Scholarly and Biographical Works on Him

One prominent biographical work is Maulana Mufti Mehmood: Hayat-o-Khidmat, published in 1977 by Muslim Academy in , which chronicles his religious scholarship, political activism, and contributions to the (JUI). The book, spanning 180 pages, emphasizes his efforts in educational reforms and opposition to secular policies, drawing from primary accounts of his life in and leadership in constitutional debates. Another Urdu-language biography, Mufti Mehmood ka Dor-e-Hukumat by Ishfaq Hashmi, examines his brief tenure as (then ) in the 1970s, focusing on governance challenges under Zulfikar Ali Bhutto's administration and his advocacy for Islamic provisions in provincial policy. This work highlights specific instances of policy implementation, such as resistance to land reforms perceived as anti-Islamic, based on archival records and contemporary newspaper reports from outlets like . Scholarly analyses of Mufti Mahmud often appear within broader studies of Islamist politics in . For instance, the thesis Ideology and Politics of Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (1947-1973) details his pivotal role in the 1972 debates, where he mobilized clerical opposition to rename the country the "" and incorporate principles, citing parliamentary records and JUI manifestos as evidence. Similarly, Sayyid A. S. Pirzada's The Politics of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam Pakistan: 1971-1977, published by in 2000, evaluates JUI's electoral strategies under his leadership post-1971 Bangladesh separation, attributing the party's resurgence to his alliances with other opposition groups against Bhutto's . These English-language works, grounded in declassified documents and party archives, provide causal analysis of how Mahmud's Deobandi orthodoxy influenced JUI's rigidity, though they note potential partisan sourcing from JUI insiders. English biographical monographs remain scarce, with most detailed treatments embedded in Urdu hagiographies or regional political histories that may reflect JUI-affiliated perspectives.

References

  1. https://hayatalulama.wordpress.com/2014/04/07/mawlana-mufti-ma%E1%B8%A5mud-of-pakistan/
  2. http://thepukhtunkhwa.blogspot.com/2013/06/mufti-mehmood-sab.html
  3. https://hayatalulama.wordpress.com/2014/04/07/mawlana-mufti-ma%25E1%25B8%25A5mud-of-pakistan/
  4. https://kufarooq.blogspot.com/2013/02/mulana-mufti-mahmud-history.html
  5. https://rahatulquloob.com/index.php/rahat/article/view/403
  6. https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/571040-jamiat-ulema-e-hind-is-turning-100-today
  7. https://www.facebook.com/HazratMolanaMuftiMehmoodRa/photos/mufti-mehmood-was-born-on-january-1919-in-paniala-district-dera-ismail-khan-nwfp/880920352003242/
  8. https://criterion-quarterly.com/deobandi-radicalization/
  9. https://pakteahouse.wordpress.com/2008/11/23/tariq-ali-is-wrong-on-the-taliban-and-hezbollah/
  10. https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/jamiyat-e-ulama-e-islam
  11. https://www.dawn.com/news/800484/jamiat-ulema-i-islam-fazl-jui-f
  12. https://www.dawn.com/news/1811979
  13. https://www.thenews.com.pk/tns/detail/563291-disarming-past
  14. http://www.ajssh.leena-luna.co.jp/AJSSHPDFs/Vol.3%284%29/AJSSH2014%283.4-20%29.pdf
  15. https://pdfs.semanticscholar.org/a389/2f2d41e247135fcd3ff1e354d47894f9cc70.pdf
  16. https://www.dawn.com/news/1025540/gunning-for-the-religious-vote
  17. https://www.al-idah.pk/index.php/al-idah/article/download/432/334
  18. https://www.dawn.com/news/62608/religious-parties-to-rule-nwfp-a-second-time
  19. https://doaj.org/article/c3f2e3fd3de6456e9fc3c7fcd9e4c791
  20. https://bolanvoice.wordpress.com/2023/04/06/how-the-1973-dislodging-of-an-elected-government-in-balochistan-sowed-the-seeds-of-discontent/
  21. http://www.dawn.com/news/1032515
  22. https://www.cia.gov/readingroom/docs/CIA-RDP79B00457A000400100001-8.pdf
  23. https://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/HistoryPStudies/PDF_Files/04_V-31-No1-Jan18.pdf
  24. https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft9j49p32d&chunk.id=s1.8.22&toc.depth=1&toc.id=ch8&brand=ucpress
  25. https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1977-80v19/d239
  26. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2643305
  27. http://www.dawn.com/news/1141376
  28. http://www.dawn.com/news/1145733
  29. https://ciaotest.cc.columbia.edu/olj/sa/sa_may01kus01.html
  30. https://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/studies/PDF-FILES/Article_8_2018_07_12.pdf
  31. https://www.pakistantoday.com.pk/2024/01/20/religious-manipulation-in-pakistans-politics/
  32. https://soontimes.pk/7-september-1974-khatm-e-nabuwat-day/
  33. https://www.mdpi.com/2077-1444/14/3/416
  34. https://www.mdpi-res.com/bookfiles/book/7542/Political_Secularism_and_Religion.pdf
  35. https://dailytimes.com.pk/947741/the-degeneration-of-political-discourse-part-i/
  36. https://ojs.tahdhibalafkar.com/index.php/taa/article/view/150
  37. http://www.dawn.com/news/1057427
  38. https://www.pakpips.com/web/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Politics-of-Exclusion-A-case-study-of-2nd-Constitutional-Amendment.pdf
  39. https://www.nytimes.com/1977/03/13/archives/pakistani-opposition-hardens-its-demands-it-calls-for-bhuttos.html
  40. https://dailytimes.com.pk/784914/since-july-5-1977/
  41. http://www.dawn.com/news/1147242
  42. https://academic.oup.com/book/2982/chapter/143681459
  43. https://thepukhtunkhwa.blogspot.com/2013/06/mufti-mehmood-sab.html
  44. https://www.urdupoint.com/en/pakistan/pakistan-post-to-issue-commemorative-stamp-on-194141.html
  45. https://www.dawn.com/news/1948935
  46. https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Pakistan_Nelson-FINALE.pdf
  47. https://jrss.numl.edu.pk/index.php/jrss/article/download/97/35/205
  48. https://ideapublishers.org/index.php/jhsms/article/download/731/308/5224
  49. https://www.dawn.com/news/1949366
  50. https://journalppw.com/index.php/jpsp/article/download/17557/11065/22168
  51. https://www.myheritage.com/names/mufti_mahmud
  52. http://beta.dawn.com/news/843299/leaders-by-inheritance
  53. https://dailytimes.com.pk/109756/politics-of-inheritance/
  54. https://india-seminar.com/2011/622/622_raza_ahmad_rumi.htm
  55. https://tribune.com.pk/story/614730/why-dynasties-are-bad-for-you
  56. https://journalppw.com/index.php/jpsp/article/view/17055/10796
  57. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/388667736_Internal_Democracy_in_Pakistani_Religious_Parties_A_Comparative_Analysis_of_Jamiat-e-Ulema_Islam_and_Jamaat-e-Islami
  58. https://www.brookings.edu/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Pakistan_Nelson-FINAL_2.pdf
  59. https://archive.org/details/TafseerEMahmood
  60. https://www.thriftbooks.com/a/mufti-mahmood/12602902/
  61. https://www.scribd.com/document/857176356/432-Article-Text-538-1-10-20190821
  62. https://books.google.com/books/about/The_Politics_of_the_Jamiat_Ulema_i_Islam.html?id=NdHXAAAAMAAJ
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.