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Polygraph
Polygraph
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American inventor Leonarde Keeler testing his improved polygraph on Arthur Koehler, a former witness for the prosecution at the 1935 trial of Richard Hauptmann

A polygraph, often incorrectly referred to as a lie detector test,[1][2][3] is a pseudoscientific[4][5][6] device or procedure that measures and records several physiological indicators such as blood pressure, pulse, respiration, and skin conductivity while a person is asked and answers a series of questions.[7] The belief underpinning the use of the polygraph is that deceptive answers will produce physiological responses that can be differentiated from those associated with non-deceptive answers; however, there are no specific physiological reactions associated with lying, making it difficult to identify factors that separate those who are lying from those who are telling the truth.[8]

In some countries, polygraphs are used as an interrogation tool with criminal suspects or candidates for sensitive public or private sector employment. Some United States law enforcement and federal government agencies,[9][10] as well as many police departments, use polygraph examinations to interrogate suspects and screen new employees. Within the US federal government, a polygraph examination is also referred to as a psychophysiological detection of deception examination.[11]

Assessments of polygraphy by scientific and government bodies generally suggest that polygraphs are highly inaccurate, may easily be defeated by countermeasures, and are an imperfect or invalid means of assessing truthfulness.[12][13][6][14] A comprehensive 2003 review by the National Academy of Sciences of existing research concluded that there was "little basis for the expectation that a polygraph test could have extremely high accuracy",[6] while the American Psychological Association has stated that "most psychologists agree that there is little evidence that polygraph tests can accurately detect lies."[8] For this reason, the use of polygraphs to detect lies is considered a form of either pseudoscience or junk science.[15]

Testing procedure

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The examiner typically begins polygraph test sessions with a pre-test interview to gain some preliminary information which will later be used to develop diagnostic questions. Then the tester will explain how the polygraph is supposed to work, emphasizing that it can detect lies and that it is important to answer truthfully. Then a "stim test" is often conducted: the subject is asked to deliberately lie and then the tester reports that he was able to detect this lie. Guilty subjects are likely to become more anxious when they are reminded of the test's validity. However, there are risks of innocent subjects being equally or more anxious than the guilty.[16] Then the actual test starts. Some of the questions asked are "irrelevant" ("Is your name Fred?"), others are "diagnostic" questions, and the remainder are the "relevant questions" that the tester is really interested in. The different types of questions alternate. The test is passed if the physiological responses to the diagnostic questions are larger than those during the relevant questions.[17]

Criticisms have been given regarding the validity of the administration of the Control Question Technique. The CQT may be vulnerable to being conducted in an interrogation-like fashion. This kind of interrogation style would elicit a nervous response from innocent and guilty suspects alike. There are several other ways of administering the questions.[18]

An alternative is the Guilty Knowledge Test (GKT), or the Concealed Information Test, which is used in Japan.[19] The administration of this test is given to prevent potential errors that may arise from the questioning style. The test is usually conducted by a tester with no knowledge of the crime or circumstances in question. The administrator tests the participant on their knowledge of the crime that would not be known to an innocent person. For example: "Was the crime committed with a .45 or a 9 mm?" The questions are in multiple choice and the participant is rated on how they react to the correct answer. If they react strongly to the guilty information, then proponents of the test believe that it is likely that they know facts relevant to the case. This administration is considered more valid by supporters of the test because it contains many safeguards to avoid the risk of the administrator influencing the results.[20]

Effectiveness

[edit]

Assessments of polygraphy by scientific and government bodies generally suggest that polygraphs are inaccurate, may be defeated by countermeasures, and are an imperfect or invalid means of assessing truthfulness.[6][12][13] Despite claims that polygraph tests are between 80% and 90% accurate by advocates,[21][22] the National Research Council has found no evidence of effectiveness.[13][23] In particular, studies have indicated that the relevant–irrelevant questioning technique is not ideal, as many innocent subjects exert a heightened physiological reaction to the crime-relevant questions.[24] The American Psychological Association states "Most psychologists agree that there is little evidence that polygraph tests can accurately detect lies."[8]

In 2002, a review by the National Research Council found that, in populations "untrained in countermeasures, specific-incident polygraph tests can discriminate lying from truth telling at rates well above chance, though well below perfection". The review also warns against generalization from these findings to justify the use of polygraphs—"polygraph accuracy for screening purposes is almost certainly lower than what can be achieved by specific-incident polygraph tests in the field"—and notes some examinees may be able to take countermeasures to produce deceptive results.[25]

In the 1998 US Supreme Court case United States v. Scheffer, the majority stated that "There is simply no consensus that polygraph evidence is reliable [...] Unlike other expert witnesses who testify about factual matters outside the jurors' knowledge, such as the analysis of fingerprints, ballistics, or DNA found at a crime scene, a polygraph expert can supply the jury only with another opinion." The Supreme Court summarized their findings by stating that the use of polygraph was "little better than could be obtained by the toss of a coin."[26] In 2005, the 11th Circuit Court of Appeals stated that "polygraphy did not enjoy general acceptance from the scientific community".[27] In 2001, William Iacono, Professor of Psychology and Neuroscience at the University of Minnesota, concluded:

Although the CQT [Control Question Test] may be useful as an investigative aid and tool to induce confessions, it does not pass muster as a scientifically credible test. CQT theory is based on naive, implausible assumptions indicating (a) that it is biased against innocent individuals and (b) that it can be beaten simply by artificially augmenting responses to control questions. Although it is not possible to adequately assess the error rate of the CQT, both of these conclusions are supported by published research findings in the best social science journals (Honts et al., 1994; Horvath, 1977; Kleinmuntz & Szucko, 1984; Patrick & Iacono, 1991). Although defense attorneys often attempt to have the results of friendly CQTs admitted as evidence in court, there is no evidence supporting their validity and ample reason to doubt it. Members of scientific organizations who have the requisite background to evaluate the CQT are overwhelmingly skeptical of the claims made by polygraph proponents.[28]

Polygraphs measure arousal, which can be affected by anxiety, anxiety disorders such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), nervousness, fear, confusion, hypoglycemia, psychosis, depression, substance-induced states (nicotine, stimulants), substance-withdrawal state (alcohol withdrawal) or other emotions; polygraphs do not measure "lies".[16][29][30] A polygraph cannot differentiate anxiety caused by dishonesty and anxiety caused by something else.[31]

Since the polygraph does not measure lying, the Silent Talker Lie Detector inventors expected that adding a camera to film microexpressions would improve the accuracy of the evaluators. This did not happen in practice according to an article in the Intercept.[32]

US Congress Office of Technology Assessment

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In 1983, the US Congress Office of Technology Assessment published a review of the technology[33] and found that

there is at present only limited scientific evidence for establishing the validity of polygraph testing. Even where the evidence seems to indicate that polygraph testing detects deceptive subjects better than chance, significant error rates are possible, and examiner and examinee differences and the use of countermeasures may further affect validity.[34]

National Academy of Sciences

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In 2003, the National Academy of Sciences (NAS) issued a report entitled "The Polygraph and Lie Detection". The NAS found that "overall, the evidence is scanty and scientifically weak", concluding that 57 of the approximately 80 research studies that the American Polygraph Association relied on to reach their conclusions were significantly flawed.[35] These studies did show that specific-incident polygraph testing, in a person untrained in counter-measures, could discern the truth at "a level greater than chance, yet short of perfection". However, due to several flaws, the levels of accuracy shown in these studies "are almost certainly higher than actual polygraph accuracy of specific-incident testing in the field".[36] By adding a camera, the Silent Talker Lie Detector attempted to give more data to the evaluator by providing information about microexpressions. However adding the Silent Talker camera did not improve lie detection and was very expensive and cumbersome to include according to an article in the Intercept.[37]

When polygraphs are used as a screening tool (in national security matters and for law enforcement agencies for example) the level of accuracy drops to such a level that "Its accuracy in distinguishing actual or potential security violators from innocent test takers is insufficient to justify reliance on its use in employee security screening in federal agencies." The NAS concluded that the polygraph "may have some utility but that there is "little basis for the expectation that a polygraph test could have extremely high accuracy".[6]

The NAS conclusions paralleled those of the earlier United States Congress Office of Technology Assessment report "Scientific Validity of Polygraph Testing: A Research Review and Evaluation".[38] Similarly, a report to Congress by the Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy concluded that "The few Government-sponsored scientific research reports on polygraph validity (as opposed to its utility), especially those focusing on the screening of applicants for employment, indicate that the polygraph is neither scientifically valid nor especially effective beyond its ability to generate admissions".[39]

Despite the NAS finding of a "high rate of false positives," failures to expose individuals such as Aldrich Ames and Larry Wu-Tai Chin, and other inabilities to show a scientific justification for the use of the polygraph, it continues to be employed.[37]

Countermeasures

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Several proposed countermeasures designed to pass polygraph tests have been described. There are two major types of countermeasures: "general state" (intending to alter the physiological or psychological state of the subject during the test), and "specific point" (intending to alter the physiological or psychological state of the subject at specific periods during the examination, either to increase or decrease responses during critical examination periods).[29]

  • General state: When asked how he passed the polygraph test, Central Intelligence Agency officer turned KGB mole Aldrich Ames explained that he sought advice from his Soviet handler and received the simple instruction to: "Get a good night's sleep, and rest, and go into the test rested and relaxed. Be nice to the polygraph examiner, develop a rapport, and be cooperative and try to maintain your calm".[40] Additionally, Ames explained, "There's no special magic... Confidence is what does it. Confidence and a friendly relationship with the examiner... rapport, where you smile and you make him think that you like him".[41]
  • Specific point: Other suggestions for countermeasures include for the subject to mentally record the control and relevant questions as the examiner reviews them before the interrogation begins. During the interrogation the subject is supposed to carefully control their breathing while answering the relevant questions, and to try to artificially increase their heart rate during the control questions, for example by thinking of something scary or exciting, or by pricking themselves with a pointed object concealed somewhere on the body. In this way the results will not show a significant reaction to any of the relevant questions.[42]

Use

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Law enforcement agencies and intelligence agencies in the United States are by far the biggest users of polygraph technology. In the United States alone most federal law enforcement agencies either employ their own polygraph examiners or use the services of examiners employed in other agencies.[43] In 1978 Richard Helms, the eighth Director of Central Intelligence, stated:

We discovered there were some Eastern Europeans who could defeat the polygraph at any time. Americans are not very good at it, because we are raised to tell the truth and when we lie it is easy to tell we are lying. But we find a lot of Europeans and Asiatics can handle that polygraph without a blip, and you know they are lying and you have evidence that they are lying.[44]

Susan McCarthy of Salon said in 2000 that "The polygraph is an American phenomenon, with limited use in a few countries, such as Canada, Israel and Japan."[45]

Armenia

[edit]

In Armenia, government administered polygraphs are legal, at least for use in national security investigations. The National Security Service (NSS), Armenia's primary intelligence service, requires polygraph examinations of all new applicants.[46]

Australia

[edit]

Polygraph evidence became inadmissible in New South Wales courts under the Lie Detectors Act 1983. Under the same act, it is also illegal to use polygraphs for the purpose of granting employment, insurance, financial accommodation, and several other purposes for which polygraphs may be used in other jurisdictions.[47]

Canada

[edit]

In Canada, the 1987 decision of R v Béland, the Supreme Court of Canada rejected the use of polygraph results as evidence in court, finding that they were inadmissible. The polygraph is still used as a tool in the investigation of criminal acts and sometimes employed in the screening of employees for government organizations.[48]

In the province of Ontario, the Employment Standards Act, 2000 prohibits employers from asking or requiring employees to undergo a polygraph test.[49][50] Police services are permitted use polygraph tests as part of an investigation if the person consents.[51]

Europe

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In a majority of European jurisdictions, polygraphs are generally considered to be unreliable for gathering evidence, and are usually not used by local law enforcement agencies. Polygraph testing is widely seen in Europe to violate the right to remain silent.[52]: 62ff 

In England and Wales a polygraph test can be taken, but the results cannot be used in a court of law to prove a case.[53] However, the Offender Management Act 2007 put in place an option to use polygraph tests to monitor serious sex offenders on parole in England and Wales;[54] these tests became compulsory in 2014 for high risk sexual offenders currently on parole in England and Wales.[55]

The Supreme Court of Poland declared on January 29, 2015, that the use of polygraph in interrogation of suspects is forbidden by the Polish Code of Criminal Procedure. Its use might be allowed though if the suspect has been already accused of a crime and if the interrogated person consents of the use of a polygraph. Even then, the use of polygraph can never be used as a substitute of actual evidence.[56]

As of 2017, the justice ministry and Supreme Court of both of the Netherlands and Germany had rejected use of polygraphs.[52]: 62ff [57]

According to the 2017 book Psychology and Law: Bridging the Gap by psychologists David Canter and Rita Žukauskienė Belgium was the European country with the most prevalent use of polygraph testing by police, with about 300 polygraphs carried out each year in the course of police investigations. The results are not considered viable evidence in bench trials, but have been used in jury trials.[52]: 62ff 

In Lithuania, "polygraphs have been in use since 1992",[58] with law enforcement utilizing the Event Knowledge Test (a "modification"[59] of the Concealed Information Test) in criminal investigations.

India

[edit]

In 2008, an Indian court adopted the Brain Electrical Oscillation Signature Profiling test as evidence to convict a woman who was accused of murdering her fiancé.[60] It was the first time that the result of polygraph was used as evidence in court.[61] On May 5, 2010, The Supreme Court of India declared use of narcoanalysis, brain mapping and polygraph tests on suspects as illegal and against the constitution if consent is not obtained and forced.[62] Article 20(3) of the Indian Constitution states: "No person accused of any offence shall be compelled to be a witness against himself."[63] Polygraph tests are still legal if the defendant requests one.[64]

Israel

[edit]

The Supreme Court of Israel, in Civil Appeal 551/89 (Menora Insurance v. Jacob Sdovnik), ruled that the polygraph has not been recognized as a reliable device. In other decisions, polygraph results were ruled inadmissible in criminal trials. Polygraph results are only admissible in civil trials if the person being tested agrees to it in advance.[65]

Philippines

[edit]

The results of polygraph tests are inadmissible in court in the Philippines.[66][67] The National Bureau of Investigation, however, uses polygraphs in aid of investigation.[68]

United States

[edit]
Brochure of the Defense Security Service (DSS) about polygraph testing
Demonstrating the administration of the polygraph, the polygrapher making notes on the readouts. 1970s
"The Truth About the Polygraph" (National Security Agency (NSA)-produced video on the polygraph process)

In 2018, Wired magazine reported that an estimated 2.5 million polygraph tests were given each year in the United States, with the majority administered to paramedics, police officers, firefighters, and state troopers. The average cost to administer the test is more than $700 and is part of a $2 billion industry.[69]

In 2007, polygraph testimony was admitted by stipulation in 19 states, and was subject to the discretion of the trial judge in federal court. The use of polygraph in court testimony remains controversial, although it is used extensively in post-conviction supervision, particularly of sex offenders. In Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc. (1993),[70] the old Frye standard was lifted and all forensic evidence, including polygraph, had to meet the new Daubert standard in which "underlying reasoning or methodology is scientifically valid and properly can be applied to the facts at issue." While polygraph tests are commonly used in police investigations in the US, no defendant or witness can be forced to undergo the test unless they are under the supervision of the courts.[71] In United States v. Scheffer (1998),[72] the US Supreme Court left it up to individual jurisdictions whether polygraph results could be admitted as evidence in court cases. Nevertheless, it is used extensively by prosecutors, defense attorneys, and law enforcement agencies. In the states of Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Maryland, New Jersey, Oregon, Delaware and Iowa it is illegal for any employer to order a polygraph either as conditions to gain employment, or if an employee has been suspected of wrongdoing.[73][74] The Employee Polygraph Protection Act of 1988 (EPPA) generally prevents employers from using lie detector tests, either for pre-employment screening or during the course of employment, with certain exemptions.[75] As of 2013, about 70,000 job applicants are polygraphed by the federal government on an annual basis.[76] In the United States, the State of New Mexico admits polygraph testing in front of juries under certain circumstances.[77]

In 2010 the NSA produced a video explaining its polygraph process.[78] The video, ten minutes long, is titled "The Truth About the Polygraph" and was posted to the website of the Defense Security Service. Jeff Stein of The Washington Post said that the video portrays "various applicants, or actors playing them—it’s not clear—describing everything bad they had heard about the test, the implication being that none of it is true."[79] AntiPolygraph.org argues that the NSA-produced video omits some information about the polygraph process; it produced a video responding to the NSA video.[78] George Maschke, the founder of the website, accused the NSA polygraph video of being "Orwellian".[79]

The polygraph was invented in 1921 by John Augustus Larson, a medical student at the University of California, Berkeley and a police officer of the Berkeley Police Department in Berkeley, California.[80] The polygraph was on the Encyclopædia Britannica 2003 list of greatest inventions, described as inventions that "have had profound effects on human life for better or worse."[81] In 2013, the US federal government had begun indicting individuals who stated that they were teaching methods on how to defeat a polygraph test.[76][82][83] During one of those investigations, upwards of 30 federal agencies were involved in investigations of almost 5000 people who had various degrees of contact with those being prosecuted or who had purchased books or DVDs on the topic of beating polygraph tests.[84][85][86]

Types of Polygraph Tests

[edit]

Polygraph Examiners can use different types of questions during their investigation to aid in finding deception. These types of questions can be organized into 3 categories:

1. Relevant/Irrelevant Test

The Polygraph Examiner will use Irrelevant questions during the interrogation to obtain a baseline of their physiological measures (heart rate, sweat, breathing, etc). The examiner will then ask relevant questions to the incident to see if those physiological measures change, which can help detect deception.

2. Comparison Question Test

Similar to the previous method, relevant and irrelevant question about the incident will be asked to get a proper baseline. The polygraph examiner will then ask a question about past incidents to see if physiological measures differ from the relevant questions asked. This can help to get a more accurate result by adding an extra variable with the comparison question.

3. Concealed Information Test

This test allows polygraph examiners to obtain details from a crime that took place. The examiner will, for example, list a number of different objects to see if you react to a particular word stated. This can be used to hint at what weapon was used in a crime.

Security clearances

[edit]

In 1995, Harold James Nicholson, a Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) employee later convicted of spying for Russia, had undergone his periodic five-year reinvestigation, in which he showed a strong probability of deception on questions regarding relationships with a foreign intelligence unit. This polygraph test later led to an investigation which resulted in his eventual arrest and conviction. In most cases, however, polygraphs are more of a tool to "scare straight" those who would consider espionage. Jonathan Pollard was advised by his Israeli handlers that he was to resign his job from American intelligence if he was ever told he was subject to a polygraph test.[citation needed] Likewise, John Anthony Walker was advised by his handlers not to engage in espionage until he had been promoted to the highest position for which a polygraph test was not required, to refuse promotion to higher positions for which polygraph tests were required, and to retire when promotion was mandated.[6]

In 1983, CIA employee Edward Lee Howard was dismissed when, during a polygraph screening, he truthfully answered a series of questions admitting to minor crimes such as petty theft and drug abuse. In retaliation for his perceived unjust punishment for minor offenses, he later sold his knowledge of CIA operations to the Soviet Union.[87]

Polygraph tests may not deter espionage. From 1945 to the present, at least six Americans have committed espionage while successfully passing polygraph tests. Notable cases of two men who created a false negative result with the polygraphs were Larry Wu-Tai Chin, who spied for China, and Aldrich Ames, who was given two polygraph examinations while with the CIA, the first in 1986 and the second in 1991, while spying for the Soviet Union/Russia. The CIA reported that he passed both examinations after experiencing initial indications of deception.[88] According to a Senate investigation, an FBI review of the first examination concluded that the indications of deception were never resolved.[89]

Ana Belen Montes, a Cuban spy, passed a counterintelligence scope polygraph test administered by the US Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) in 1994.[90]

Despite these errors, in August 2008, the DIA announced that it would subject each of its 5,700 prospective and current employees to polygraph testing at least once annually.[91] This expansion of polygraph screening at DIA occurred while DIA polygraph managers ignored documented technical problems discovered in the Lafayette computerized polygraph system.[92] The DIA uses computerized Lafayette polygraph systems for routine counterintelligence testing. The impact of the technical flaws within the Lafayette system on the analysis of recorded physiology and on the final polygraph test evaluation is currently unknown.[93]

In 2012, a McClatchy investigation found that the National Reconnaissance Office was possibly breaching ethical and legal boundaries by encouraging its polygraph examiners to extract personal and private information from US Department of Defense personnel during polygraph tests that purported to be limited in scope to counterintelligence matters.[94] Allegations of abusive polygraph practices were brought forward by former NRO polygraph examiners.[95]

Alternative tests

[edit]

Most polygraph researchers have focused more on the exam's predictive value on a subject's guilt. However, there have been no empirical theories established to explain how a polygraph measures deception. A 2010 study indicated that functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) may benefit in explaining the psychological correlations of polygraph exams. It could also explain which parts of the brain are active when subjects use artificial memories.[clarification needed][96] Most brain activity occurs in both sides of the prefrontal cortex, which is linked to response inhibition. This indicates that deception may involve inhibition of truthful responses.[97] Some researchers believe that reaction time (RT) based tests may replace polygraphs in concealed information detection. RT based tests differ from polygraphs in stimulus presentation duration and can be conducted without physiological recording as subject response time is measured via computer. However, researchers have found limitations to these tests as subjects voluntarily control their reaction time, deception can still occur within the response deadline, and the test itself lacks physiological recording.[98]

History

[edit]

Earlier societies utilized elaborate methods of lie detection which mainly involved torture. For instance, in the Middle Ages, boiling water was used to detect liars, as it was believed honest men would withstand it better than liars.[99] Early devices for lie detection include an 1895 invention of Cesare Lombroso used to measure changes in blood pressure for police cases, a 1904 device by Vittorio Benussi used to measure breathing, the Mackenzie-Lewis Polygraph first developed by James Mackenzie in 1906 and an abandoned project by American William Moulton Marston which used blood pressure to examine German prisoners of war (POWs).[100] Marston said he found a strong positive correlation between systolic blood pressure and lying.[16]

Marston wrote a second paper on the concept in 1915, when finishing his undergraduate studies. He entered Harvard Law School and graduated in 1918, re-publishing his earlier work in 1917.[101] Marston's main inspiration for the device was his wife, Elizabeth Holloway Marston.[99] "According to Marston’s son, it was his mother Elizabeth, Marston's wife, who suggested to him that 'When she got mad or excited, her blood pressure seemed to climb'" (Lamb, 2001). Although Elizabeth is not listed as Marston’s collaborator in his early work, Lamb, Matte (1996), and others refer directly and indirectly to Elizabeth's work on her husband's deception research. She also appears in a picture taken in his polygraph laboratory in the 1920s (reproduced in Marston, 1938).[102]

Despite his predecessors' contributions, Marston styled himself the "father of the polygraph". (Today he is often equally or more noted as the creator of the comic book character Wonder Woman and her Lasso of Truth, which can force people to tell the truth.)[103] Marston remained the device's primary advocate, lobbying for its use in the courts. In 1938 he published a book, The Lie Detector Test, wherein he documented the theory and use of the device.[104] In 1938 he appeared in advertising by the Gillette company claiming that the polygraph showed Gillette razors were better than the competition.[105][106][107]

A device recording both blood pressure and breathing was invented in 1921 by John Augustus Larson of the University of California and first applied in law enforcement work by the Berkeley Police Department under its nationally renowned police chief August Vollmer.[108] Further work on this device was done by Leonarde Keeler.[109] As Larson's protege, Keeler updated the device by making it portable and added the galvanic skin response to it in 1939. His device was then purchased by the FBI, and served as the prototype of the modern polygraph.[99][108]

Several devices similar to Keeler's polygraph version included the Berkeley Psychograph, a blood pressure-pulse-respiration recorder developed by C. D. Lee in 1936[110] and the Darrow Behavior Research Photopolygraph, which was developed and intended solely for behavior research experiments.[110][111][112]

A device which recorded muscular activity accompanying changes in blood pressure was developed in 1945 by John E. Reid, who claimed that greater accuracy could be obtained by making these recordings simultaneously with standard blood pressure-pulse-respiration recordings.[110][113]

Society and culture

[edit]

Portrayals in media

[edit]

Lie detection has a long history in mythology and fairy tales; the polygraph has allowed modern fiction to use a device more easily seen as scientific and plausible. Notable instances of polygraph usage include uses in crime and espionage themed television shows and some daytime television talk shows, cartoons and films. Numerous TV shows have been called Lie Detector or featured the device. The first Lie Detector TV show aired in the 1950s, created and hosted by Ralph Andrews. In the 1960s Andrews produced a series of specials hosted by Melvin Belli. In the 1970s the show was hosted by Jack Anderson. In early 1983 Columbia Pictures Television put on a syndicated series hosted by F. Lee Bailey.[114] In 1998 TV producer Mark Phillips with his Mark Phillips Philms & Telephision put Lie Detector back on the air on the FOX Network—on that program Ed Gelb with host Marcia Clark questioned Mark Fuhrman about the allegation that he "planted the bloody glove". In 2005 Phillips produced Lie Detector as a series for PAX/ION; some of the guests included Paula Jones, Reverend Paul Crouch accuser Lonny Ford, Ben Rowling, Jeff Gannon, and Swift Boat Vet Steve Garner.[115]

In the UK, shows such as The Jeremy Kyle Show used polygraph tests extensively. The show was ultimately canceled when a participant committed suicide shortly after being polygraphed. The guest was slated by Kyle on the show for failing the polygraph, but no other evidence has come forward to prove any guilt. Producers later admitted in the inquiry that they were unsure on how accurate the tests performed were.[116]

In the Fox game show The Moment of Truth, contestants are privately asked personal questions a few days before the show while hooked to a polygraph. On the show they asked the same questions in front of a studio audience and members of their family. In order to advance in the game they must give a "truthful" answer as determined by the previous polygraph exam.[117]

Daytime talk shows, such as Maury Povich and Steve Wilkos, have used polygraphs to supposedly detect deception in interview subjects on their programs that pertain to cheating, child abuse, and theft.[118]

In episode 93 of the US science show MythBusters, the hosts attempted to fool the polygraph by using pain when answering truthfully, in order to test the notion that polygraphs interpret truthful and non-truthful answers as the same. They also attempted to fool the polygraph by thinking pleasant thoughts when lying and thinking stressful thoughts when telling the truth, to try to confuse the machine. However, neither technique was successful for a number of reasons. Michael Martin correctly identified each guilty and innocent subject. Martin suggested that when conducted properly, polygraphs are correct 98% of the time, but no scientific evidence has been offered for this.[119]

The history of the polygraph is the subject of the documentary film The Lie Detector, which first aired on American Experience on January 3, 2023.[120]

Hand-held lie detector for US military

[edit]

A hand-held lie detector is being deployed by the US Department of Defense according to a report in 2008 by investigative reporter Bill Dedman of NBC News. The Preliminary Credibility Assessment Screening System, or PCASS, captures less physiological information than a polygraph, and uses an algorithm, not the judgment of a polygraph examiner, to render a decision whether it believes the person is being deceptive or not. The device was first used in Afghanistan by US Army troops. The Department of Defense ordered its use be limited to non-US persons, in overseas locations only.[121]

Notable cases

[edit]

Polygraphy has been faulted for failing to trap known spies such as double-agent Aldrich Ames, who passed two polygraph tests while spying for the Soviet Union.[91][122] Ames failed several tests while at the CIA that were never acted on.[123] Other spies who passed the polygraph include Karl Koecher,[124] Ana Montes,[125] and Leandro Aragoncillo.[126] CIA spy Harold James Nicholson failed his polygraph examinations, which aroused suspicions that led to his eventual arrest.[127] Polygraph examination and background checks failed to detect Nada Nadim Prouty, who was not a spy but was convicted for improperly obtaining US citizenship and using it to obtain a restricted position at the FBI.[128]

The polygraph also failed to catch Gary Ridgway, the "Green River Killer". Another suspect allegedly failed a given lie detector test, whereas Ridgway passed.[16] Ridgway passed a polygraph in 1984; he confessed almost 20 years later when confronted with DNA evidence.[129] Conversely, innocent people have been known to fail polygraph tests. In Wichita, Kansas in 1986, Bill Wegerle was suspected of murdering his wife Vicki Wegerle because he failed two polygraph tests (one administered by the police, the other conducted by an expert that Wegerle had hired), although he was neither arrested nor convicted of her death. In March 2004, evidence surfaced connecting her death to the serial killer known as BTK, and in 2005 DNA evidence from the Wegerle murder confirmed that BTK was Dennis Rader, exonerating Wegerle.[130]

Prolonged polygraph examinations are sometimes used as a tool by which confessions are extracted from a defendant, as in the case of Richard Miller, who was persuaded to confess largely by polygraph results combined with appeals from a religious leader.[131] In the Watts family murders, Christopher Watts failed one such polygraph test and subsequently confessed to murdering his wife.[132] In the 2002 disappearance of seven-year-old Danielle van Dam of San Diego, police suspected neighbor David Westerfield; he became the prime suspect when he allegedly failed a polygraph test.[133]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The polygraph is an instrument that records physiological responses such as blood pressure, pulse rate, respiration, and skin conductivity during interrogation, with the aim of inferring deception from deviations presumed to indicate emotional arousal associated with lying. Developed in 1921 by John A. Larson, a medical student at the University of California, Berkeley, as a tool to aid police investigations, it was later refined by Leonarde Keeler into a more portable and multi-channel version by the 1930s. Polygraph examinations typically employ techniques like the comparison question test, which contrasts responses to relevant questions about a crime or issue with those to control questions designed to elicit arousal in deceptive individuals. Despite its adoption by law enforcement agencies and use in security clearances, the polygraph's validity has been extensively questioned, with a 2003 National Academy of Sciences report concluding that the scientific evidence does not support claims of reliable detection of deception, citing issues like low base rates of lying, countermeasures, and confounding factors in arousal unrelated to deceit. Peer-reviewed studies have shown accuracy rates varying widely, often around 70-90% in controlled settings but dropping significantly in field applications and screening, where false positives can harm innocent subjects. In the United States, polygraph results are generally inadmissible in federal courts under standards like Daubert, and the Employee Polygraph Protection Act of 1988 prohibits most private employers from requiring them, reflecting doubts about their evidentiary value. Proponents argue for practical utility in eliciting confessions or deterring misconduct, yet empirical data underscores fundamental limitations in distinguishing truthful anxiety from deceptive intent, positioning the polygraph as a diagnostic tool of limited scientific rigor rather than a definitive lie detector.

Theoretical Basis

Core Assumptions

The polygraph, or lie detector, rests on the premise that deception generates a unique emotional response—primarily fear of detection or cognitive load from lying—that manifests in measurable physiological changes distinct from those accompanying truthful statements. This arousal is theorized to activate the sympathetic nervous system, producing alterations in peripheral measures such as increased heart rate and blood pressure, suppressed or accelerated respiration, and heightened electrodermal activity (skin conductance due to sweating). Proponents assume these responses are involuntary and reliably captured by instrumentation, allowing differentiation between deceptive and non-deceptive states without significant influence from individual variability or external factors. In the predominant Comparison Question Test (CQT) format, a key assumption is differential arousal: deceptive examinees exhibit stronger reactions to relevant questions directly tied to the investigated event (e.g., "Did you commit the theft?") than to comparison questions designed to evoke guilt or probable lying in most people (e.g., "Have you ever stolen anything?"), while truthful examinees show the reverse pattern, reacting more to comparisons due to their ambiguity or personal relevance. This relies on the further supposition that innocent subjects experience minimal orienting response or habituation to relevant questions, treating them as non-threatening, whereas deceivers cannot suppress arousal tied to concealed knowledge. These foundational ideas trace to early 20th-century theories linking emotional states to autonomic responses, though empirical validation of the specific deception-arousal linkage remains contested due to confounding factors like baseline anxiety or countermeasures.

Physiological Measures

Polygraph instruments primarily record three categories of physiological responses linked to autonomic nervous system activation: cardiovascular activity, respiration, and electrodermal activity. These measures are based on the theoretical premise that deception elicits greater emotional arousal—such as fear of detection or guilt—than truthful responses, producing detectable deviations from baseline levels established during control questioning. The National Academy of Sciences' 2003 review describes this chain as deception leading to psychological set (orienting response or conflict), which triggers sympathetic arousal observable in these channels, though empirical specificity to lying remains unproven due to confounding factors like individual differences in stress reactivity. Cardiovascular activity is assessed through relative changes in blood pressure and heart rate, typically via an inflatable cuff (sphygmomanometer) wrapped around the subject's upper arm, which captures systolic blood pressure fluctuations and pulse wave amplitude without providing absolute values. Alternative sensors, such as photoelectric plethysmographs clipped to a finger or earlobe, detect blood volume shifts using infrared light to measure pulsatile flow. In theory, sympathetic nervous system dominance during arousal elevates blood pressure and accelerates heart rate, distinguishing relevant questions (probing potential deception) from neutral controls. Respiratory activity monitors thoracic and abdominal breathing patterns, including rate, depth, and regularity, using pneumographs—elastic tubes or bellows strapped around the chest and abdomen that connect to pressure transducers converting mechanical strain into electrical signals. Deception is hypothesized to cause respiratory suppression, irregularity, or shallow breathing as a partial autonomic response to emotional conflict, though respiration is more susceptible to voluntary control than other measures, potentially allowing countermeasures. Electrodermal activity gauges skin conductance via electrodes on the fingers or palms, passing a low-voltage current to detect variations in electrical resistance caused by eccrine sweat gland activity under sympathetic influence. This yields skin conductance level (tonic baseline) and responses (phasic peaks to stimuli), which are among the most sensitive indicators of arousal due to rapid onset following sympathetic innervation. The theory posits heightened sweating during deceptive responses as a marker of orienting or emotional activation, though non-specific factors like novelty or anxiety can produce similar effects. Some modern polygraphs incorporate auxiliary sensors, such as for peripheral capillary oxygen saturation or movement artifacts, but the core trio remains standard for capturing multichannel patterns analyzed for congruence across responses. Overall, while these measures reliably detect arousal, their diagnostic utility for deception hinges on unverified assumptions about differential responding, with laboratory evidence showing overlap between truthful and deceptive states.

Testing Procedure

Pre-Test Interview

The pre-test interview constitutes the preparatory phase of a polygraph examination, occurring prior to the attachment of physiological recording instruments and the administration of test questions. In this stage, the examiner engages the examinee in discussion to establish rapport, explain the mechanics of the polygraph device—including the sensors for measuring respiration, electrodermal activity, and cardiovascular responses—and outline the overall testing procedure. The examiner also addresses the examinee's medical history to identify potential contraindications, such as conditions affecting physiological responses (e.g., heart disease or use of certain medications), which could invalidate results. Participation is explicitly described as voluntary, with the examinee informed of their right to terminate the process at any time without penalty, though federal regulations in employee screening contexts require written consent and prohibit adverse actions solely for refusal in certain cases. A key component involves reviewing and finalizing the question set, which typically includes "relevant" questions tied to the investigation (e.g., "Did you commit the ?") and "control" questions designed to elicit measurable baseline reactions, such as those probing general past misconduct (e.g., " lied to authorities?"). The examiner queries the examinee about the relevant incident or issue under scrutiny, soliciting a narrative account to gauge consistency and identify details for question formulation, while avoiding accusatory tones to maintain cooperation. This review ensures the examinee understands each question's intent, fostering psychological set for truthful responding, though critics note that the interactive nature can inadvertently induce anxiety or prompt preemptive disclosures akin to interrogation tactics. The phase also facilitates evaluation of the examinee's demeanor, language, and potential idiosyncrasies—such as cultural factors or nervousness unrelated to deception—that might influence physiological data interpretation. Required documentation, including consent forms and background questionnaires, is completed here, with the examiner verifying the examinee's identity and confirming no recent substance use that could skew readings (e.g., caffeine or sedatives within specified hours). Per guidelines from the American Polygraph Association, adopted in 2019, the entire examination—including pre-test—should adhere to standardized techniques promoting accuracy, though empirical reviews highlight variability in practice across examiners and contexts. This preparatory dialogue aims to secure cooperation and set conditions for reliable data collection, typically lasting 15-60 minutes depending on case complexity.

Instrumentation and Setup

The polygraph instrument records physiological responses including cardiovascular activity, respiration, and electrodermal activity using specialized sensors. Cardiovascular measurements are obtained via a standard blood pressure cuff inflated around the upper arm to monitor systolic and diastolic blood pressure as well as pulse rate. Respiration is captured by pneumograph tubes or bands encircling the chest and abdomen, which detect thoracic and abdominal breathing patterns through changes in circumference. Electrodermal activity, reflecting sweat gland responses, is measured with galvanic skin response (GSR) electrodes typically attached to the fingers, such as the index and ring fingers of the non-dominant hand. Modern polygraph systems, such as those from Lafayette Instrument Company, integrate these sensors with data acquisition modules connected to computer software for digital recording and real-time display, replacing older mechanical chart recorders. During setup, the examinee is seated comfortably, often in a specialized polygraph chair to minimize movement artifacts. Sensors are attached as follows: the blood pressure cuff is placed on the bare upper arm with the inflatable bladder positioned over the brachial artery; respiration bands are secured snugly around the torso, with the upper band positioned 2-4 inches above the navel and the lower band around the chest below the armpits or above the breasts for females; GSR electrodes are cleaned and applied to the fingers with electrolyte paste to ensure contact. The examiner verifies sensor functionality through calibration checks, ensuring signals register baseline physiological activity before proceeding. Additional movement sensors may be incorporated under the seat or on the body to detect artifacts from shifting.

Question Formats

Polygraph examinations employ standardized question formats to elicit physiological responses indicative of deception or concealed knowledge, primarily through three techniques: the Control Question Test (CQT), the Relevant/Irrelevant (R/I) technique, and the Guilty Knowledge Test (GKT), also known as the Concealed Information Test (CIT). These formats incorporate specific question types: irrelevant questions establish a physiological baseline (e.g., "Is today Tuesday?" or "Are you wearing brown shoes?"); relevant questions directly probe the issue under investigation (e.g., "Did you steal the $750 from Jones' office?"); control or comparison questions are broader and designed to evoke reactions from truthful subjects (e.g., "Before age 25, did you ever steal anything?"); and concealed information items test recognition of crime-specific details. Questions must be phrased for yes/no answers, clear, unambiguous, and discussed with the examinee beforehand to ensure understanding, avoiding loaded language, legal jargon, or topics unrelated to the investigation such as sex, race, or religion unless directly pertinent. The CQT, the most widely used format for criminal investigations and specific-incident testing, alternates relevant questions with control questions to compare responses, expecting stronger reactions to relevant questions from deceptive examinees and to control questions from truthful ones. Control questions are crafted to be probable lies for most people, slightly less severe than relevant ones, and thoroughly reviewed to heighten doubt (e.g., "Have you ever lied to someone important to you?"), while irrelevant questions intersperse for normalization. Variations include the Directed Lie Test, where examinees are instructed to lie on control questions to calibrate responses. Multiple charts of 10-15 questions each may be run, with examiners reviewing reactions to refine phrasing. The /I technique, often applied in preemployment screening for nonspecific issues, contrasts relevant questions (e.g., " sold illegal drugs?") against irrelevant ones, assuming deceptive subjects react more strongly to relevant items to guilt while truthful subjects maintain baseline responses. This simpler format lacks control questions, making it less adaptable to anxiety levels, and is typically used in broader screening contexts rather than pinpointing specific . The GKT or CIT targets concealed knowledge of investigatory details, presenting multiple-choice questions where only the guilty party recognizes the correct "key" item amid buffers or decoys (e.g., "Regarding the murder weapon, was it (a) a knife, (b) a rope, (c) a gun, or (d) a bat?" with the examinee denying all). Unlike the CQT's accusatory direct questions, this format indirectly assesses recognition by expecting elevated responses to the key item from knowledgeable subjects, with innocent ones reacting evenly; it requires prior identification of verifiable crime details and is less common due to its specificity. A related Peak of Tension variant sequences questions building to the key detail, anticipating a response peak.

Scientific Assessment

Laboratory Studies

Laboratory studies on polygraph testing are conducted in controlled experimental settings, typically involving volunteer participants randomly assigned to "guilty" or "innocent" conditions. Participants in guilty conditions often simulate deceptive acts, such as stealing an item in a mock or concealing of a critical , while innocent participants lack such or involvement. is established via self-report or experimental assignment, and polygraph examinations measure physiological responses—such as respiratory, cardiovascular, and —to relevant questions about the simulated event compared to control or comparison questions. These studies assess accuracy through metrics like sensitivity (correctly identifying deceptive responses) and specificity (correctly identifying truthful responses), often excluding inconclusive results. The comparison question technique (CQT), the most common format in laboratory research mirroring field practice, elicits differential arousal between relevant questions (probing the target event) and comparison questions (neutral or personally evocative but unrelated). Aggregated analyses of laboratory CQT studies show varying accuracy. A National Academy of Sciences review of multiple datasets reported detection rates of approximately 89% for guilty subjects but only 61% for innocents, highlighting a tendency toward false positives among truthful examinees. In contrast, a 2020 meta-analysis of CQT experiments yielded a median overall accuracy of 86%, with 91.6% correct classification of deceptive responses and 78.9% for truthful ones, alongside a large effect size (Cohen's d = 1.92) indicating substantial discriminatory power. Industry-sponsored meta-analyses, such as the American Polygraph Association's 2011 survey, report mean diagnostic accuracy of 89% in laboratory contexts, with sensitivity around 84% and specificity 77%. The guilty knowledge test (GKT), an alternative paradigm presenting multiple-choice probes where only guilty subjects recognize critical details, demonstrates superior performance in laboratory settings. The same National Academy of Sciences analysis found detection rates of about 94% for guilty subjects and 88% for innocents, attributed to the test's focus on specific knowledge rather than general arousal. However, GKT applicability is limited to scenarios with verifiable exclusive knowledge, unlike the broader CQT used in investigations without such details. Methodological limitations temper these findings. Laboratory deception lacks real-world stakes, potentially inflating accuracy by reducing baseline anxiety or countermeasures motivation among innocents, who know their status and face no consequences. Small sample sizes (often under 50 per condition) and experimenter awareness of ground truth introduce scoring bias, while physiological variability across individuals undermines consistent differential response assumptions. Countermeasures, such as mental distraction or physical maneuvers during comparison questions, have reduced accuracy in controlled tests by 10-20% or more, though detection aids like activity sensors mitigate some effects. Overall, while laboratory results suggest polygraph techniques exceed chance (50%) performance, they do not establish robust validity for deception-specific physiological signatures, as arousal correlates weakly with lying intent independent of fear or context.

Field Studies

Field studies of polygraph testing evaluate its performance in operational settings, such as criminal investigations, espionage detection, and personnel screening, where examinees face high stakes and examiners apply techniques like the Comparison Question Test (CQT) informed by case details. Unlike laboratory experiments, these studies draw on real-world outcomes verified post-examination through confessions, convictions, or other evidence, providing ecological validity but introducing challenges in establishing independent ground truth. Proponents, including the American Polygraph Association, report mean accuracy rates of 89% for event-specific diagnostic examinations (95% confidence interval: 83-95%) and 85% for multi-issue screening (95% confidence interval: 77-93%), based on aggregated field data from validated cases. A 2020 meta-analysis of CQT studies, incorporating both field and laboratory data, found a median accuracy of 86% across samples, with field studies yielding higher effect sizes (r_dec = 0.76) than lab simulations (r_dec = 0.64), attributed to greater examinee motivation in real scenarios. Sensitivity for detecting deception reached 91.6% and specificity for truthful responses 78.9% when excluding inconclusives, though inconclusive rates averaged around 10-14%. Examples include Department of Defense validations in security contexts, where reported accuracies approached 80-90%, and federal agency applications in counterintelligence, often citing confession-corroborated outcomes. Industry-affiliated reviews emphasize these figures as evidence of practical utility, arguing that physiological responses to relevant questions reliably differentiate deceptive from truthful individuals under stress. However, independent assessments, such as the 2003 National Academy of Sciences report, conclude that field studies systematically overestimate accuracy due to methodological flaws, including non-blind evaluations where examiners access case information, reliance on self-reported confessions as criteria (potentially influenced by polygraph results), and selection of cases with known outcomes that favor positive results. Ground truth verification remains problematic, as many "confirmed" deceptions stem from post-test admissions possibly coerced by perceived polygraph failure, inflating sensitivity while masking false positives—estimated at 12-14% in proponent data but potentially higher in unbiased samples. Critics note that field applications, like FBI interrogations, treat polygraphs as investigative tools rather than standalone diagnostics, with policies prioritizing low false negatives over overall validity, further confounding accuracy metrics. High-stakes failures, such as undetected deception in cases like Aldrich Ames, underscore vulnerabilities not captured in aggregated field data. Overall, while field studies suggest modest utility in directing investigations, their evidentiary value for establishing polygraph reliability is limited by these confounds, with no consensus on rates exceeding chance in diverse real-world populations.

Major Reviews and Meta-Analyses

The Office of Technology Assessment's 1983 review assessed the scientific evidence on polygraph validity, concluding that the control question technique (CQT) performed better than chance in specific-incident criminal investigations but with significant error rates and no established single validity statistic due to variability across studies. Methodological flaws, such as selective sampling, inadequate guilt criteria, and limited exploration of examiner or subject factors, undermined confidence in the results, particularly for personnel screening where evidence was weakest and analog studies suggested only about 75% accuracy for detecting deception but lacked generalizability. The National Research Council's 2003 report provided a comprehensive evaluation, estimating CQT accuracy at 70-90% for specific incidents with variability tied to conditions like examiner skill and countermeasures, while the concealed information test (CIT) achieved over 90% accuracy when probe details were known. It highlighted limitations including weak theoretical foundations, low-quality extant research, high false positive rates in screening contexts, and vulnerability to psychological and physiological manipulations, deeming polygraphs unreliable for broad employee or security screening but potentially useful as an investigative aid rather than definitive evidence. Meta-analyses by polygraph proponents, such as Kircher and Raskin's 1988 review of 14 mock crime studies on the CQT, reported high validity with mean detection rates exceeding 80% for deception, though confined to laboratory analogs with motivated but simulated stakes. Similarly, the American Polygraph Association's 2011 ad hoc committee survey of validated techniques across lab and field data found no significant accuracy differences between settings and overall criterion accuracy rates around 87%, with inconclusive results at 10-20%, but this industry-sponsored analysis has faced criticism for potential selection bias in included studies. A 2021 by Meijer et al. of CQT studies yielded an overall of r = 0.69 (AUC = 0.91, equivalent to 86% accuracy excluding inconclusives: 79% for truthful, 92% for deceptive), with stronger effects in field ( = 0.76) versus experimental settings and by , though small overall and tempered by concerns over countermeasures, inconsistent , and non-generalizable methodologies. Independent critiques, including updates referencing the NRC findings, maintain that such aggregates overestimate real-world due to persistent false positives and lack of causal validation for arousal-deception links.

Accuracy Claims and Empirical Evidence

Proponent Arguments

Proponents of polygraph testing, particularly organizations like the American Polygraph Association (APA), maintain that validated techniques achieve decision accuracies exceeding 80%, with overall rates around 87% when excluding inconclusive results, based on meta-analyses of peer-reviewed studies adhering to standardized protocols. A 2011 APA-commissioned meta-analysis encompassing 38 studies and over 11,000 scored examinations reported 89% accuracy for event-specific (single-issue) testing, 85% for multiple-issue formats, and an average inconclusive rate of 13% across techniques such as the Comparison Question Test (CQT) and Zone Comparison Test (ZCT). These figures derive from both laboratory analogs and field applications, with proponents emphasizing that field studies—drawing from real criminal investigations and personnel screenings—better capture the emotional arousal tied to actual deception, yielding accuracies of 85-90% in high-stakes contexts like espionage or theft probes. The physiological basis, according to advocates, rests on deception eliciting involuntary responses—such as increased electrodermal activity, blood pressure, and respiration—stemming from fear of detection or cognitive load, which exceed reactions to control questions designed to evoke comparable baseline arousal in truthful subjects. APA standards require examiners to use only validated methods meeting criteria like >80% accuracy and <20% inconclusive rates, arguing these minimize errors and provide incremental validity by enhancing decision-making beyond interviews alone; for instance, field data indicate polygraph outcomes prompt confessions in 20-50% of deceptive cases, corroborating ground truth via subsequent admissions or evidence. Proponents critique overly restrictive laboratory paradigms for underestimating efficacy, as mock crimes fail to replicate the guilt or consequences of genuine offenses, and cite consistent outperformance over chance (50%) as evidence of diagnostic utility in investigative screening. In screening contexts, such as federal employee vetting, APA reviews of techniques like the Federal You-Phase ZCT report accuracies up to 90%, with paired-testing formats reducing false positives by cross-validating results across examinees in the same incident. Advocates acknowledge limitations like examiner skill and countermeasures but assert that trained professionals achieve reliability through multi-channel data analysis and post-test reviews, positioning polygraphs as a cost-effective tool for triaging suspects in resource-constrained law enforcement settings. These claims are grounded in aggregated empirical outcomes rather than theoretical perfection, with the APA positioning polygraphy as empirically supported for specific-issue forensic use since its standardization in the mid-20th century.

Criticisms of Validity

Scientific consensus holds that polygraph tests lack validity as reliable deception detectors due to the absence of a unique physiological signature for lying; measured responses such as increased heart rate, respiration changes, and skin conductance are nonspecific indicators of arousal that can arise from anxiety, discomfort, or anticipation of questions rather than deceit itself. The American Psychological Association notes that most psychologists concur there is scant evidence supporting polygraph accuracy, as these tests frequently confound emotional stress with intentional falsehoods, leading to erroneous classifications. Empirical evaluations, including laboratory simulations of deception, have yielded accuracy rates for the common comparison question technique (CQT) around 70%, with unknown but potentially high false-positive rates that inflate perceived reliability. The 2003 National Academy of Sciences report, reviewing decades of research, determined that polygraph evidence does not support its use for personnel screening in security contexts, citing insufficient validation of underlying theory and methodological flaws in studies; laboratory experiments often overestimate performance due to artificial scenarios lacking real stakes, while field applications are compromised by examiners' knowledge of ground truth, introducing confirmation bias and nonblinded assessments. A 2019 peer-reviewed update to this report reaffirmed the weak scientific foundation of CQT polygraphy, highlighting persistent low-quality research and failure to demonstrate forensic reliability beyond chance levels in controlled settings. Critics emphasize elevated false-positive rates as a core vulnerability, particularly in screening scenarios with low deception base rates (e.g., below 5% in employee vetting), where even modest per-test error rates—such as 10-20%—can flag dozens of innocents for every guilty individual detected, eroding utility and causing undue harm. Field studies claiming 80-90% accuracy, often cited by proponents, are dismissed for lacking independent verification of outcomes and ignoring base-rate fallacies, which amplify errors in low-prevalence environments. Furthermore, susceptibility to countermeasures—both physical (e.g., inducing arousal during control questions) and mental (e.g., self-distraction)—undermines claims of robustness, as demonstrated in controlled trials where informed subjects evaded detection without degrading overall sensitivity. These factors collectively render polygraph outcomes probabilistically unreliable for individual judgments, with meta-analyses of validated techniques failing to resolve discrepancies between proponent assertions and independent scrutiny.

Influencing Factors

Polygraph test outcomes can be influenced by a range of examinee, examiner, and procedural variables that alter physiological responses independently of deception. These factors contribute to variability in accuracy, with laboratory and field studies indicating that individual differences in autonomic nervous system (ANS) reactivity often confound interpretations of arousal as evidence of lying. For instance, innocent examinees experiencing fear, anxiety, or guilt related to the testing context may exhibit elevated physiological responses similar to those of deceivers, increasing false positive rates. Examinee physiological conditions significantly impact results due to their effects on measured indicators such as heart rate, blood pressure, respiration, and electrodermal activity. Disorders affecting the ANS, including small fiber autonomic neuropathies, Parkinson's disease, rheumatoid arthritis (which blunts cardiovagal responses in approximately 60% of cases), diabetes mellitus (characterized by elevated resting heart rate and low variability), and alcoholism, can produce blunted or atypical responses, leading to inconclusive outcomes or false negatives. Similarly, prescribed medications interfere with ANS function; β-blockers like propranolol, atenolol, and metoprolol reduce heart rate and blood pressure, potentially masking deceptive responses and elevating false negative rates, while tricyclic antidepressants such as amitriptyline decrease sweating and increase heart rate, and antihistamines like diphenhydramine similarly suppress electrodermal responses. Over-the-counter sympathomimetics, such as pseudoephedrine, may conversely elevate heart rate and blood pressure, mimicking arousal. Natural variations in autonomic lability—differences in baseline arousal patterns—further challenge the assumption of uniform physiological baselines across individuals. Psychological and personality traits of the examinee also modulate responses. High anxiety or emotional instability can amplify reactions to control questions, while introversion may dampen overall reactivity. Evidence on psychopathy is mixed: some studies report reduced electrodermal responses in low-socialized individuals, potentially decreasing detectability of deception, though others find psychopaths more readily identified in mock crime paradigms. Demographic factors show limited influence; no consistent gender differences in detectability have been observed, and research on race or ethnicity remains inconclusive due to insufficient data, though cross-cultural variations in stress responses suggest potential unexamined effects. Higher intelligence or education levels correlate with elevated false positives in some analog studies, possibly due to greater awareness of the test's mechanics. Examiner-related variables affect outcome reliability through interpretive and procedural inconsistencies. Experienced examiners achieve higher accuracy rates, with one field study reporting 91.4% for seasoned practitioners versus 77.5% for novices with less than six months of training. Training in objective numerical scoring methods improves precision, yielding up to 97.1% accuracy compared to 86.9% with subjective global judgments. Examiner bias, stemming from preconceptions or adaptive questioning, can inadvertently influence examinee arousal. Procedural and environmental elements further introduce variability. Test room conditions, such as noise or physical discomfort, can disrupt baseline stabilization and response measurement. Examinee belief in the polygraph's efficacy enhances physiological differentiation between truthful and deceptive responses, as demonstrated in studies where perceived recording increased detectability. These non-deception-related influences underscore the polygraph's sensitivity to extraneous arousal sources, limiting its inferential validity from physiological data to truthfulness.

Countermeasures and Vulnerabilities

Physiological Countermeasures

Physiological countermeasures refer to deliberate physical manipulations intended to alter the autonomic nervous system responses measured by polygraph instruments, such as cardiovascular activity, respiration, and electrodermal activity, thereby potentially masking truthful or deceptive reactions. These techniques exploit the polygraph's reliance on detecting relative changes in physiological arousal between relevant and control questions, often by inducing artificial stress or suppression during specific phases of the test. Common physiological methods include isometric muscle contractions, such as clenching the fist or buttocks covertly to elevate blood pressure and heart rate during control questions, or self-inflicted pain like biting the tongue or pressing a sharp object against the foot to produce galvanic skin response spikes. Controlled breathing adjustments, such as shallow or deep inhalations timed to relevant questions, aim to disrupt respiration tracings and obscure baseline patterns. These actions are typically rehearsed or prompted by prior knowledge of polygraph protocols, allowing subjects to synchronize them with question sequences without overt detection. Empirical studies demonstrate that physical countermeasures can significantly impair polygraph accuracy in controlled settings. In a 1994 experiment involving 120 community-recruited participants administered control question tests, subjects instructed in physical countermeasures—such as tensing muscles or using pain induction—achieved deception success rates of approximately 50%, comparable to mental strategies, by elevating responses to control questions and thereby reducing differentiation from relevant ones. This reduced overall test accuracy from baseline levels, highlighting vulnerabilities in standard scoring algorithms that fail to fully account for induced artifacts. However, spontaneous or untrained attempts at such countermeasures show limited efficacy, as they often fail to produce consistent, targeted physiological deviations sufficient to defeat experienced examiners. Detection of physiological countermeasures relies on ancillary channels like electromyography (EMG) to identify muscle artifacts or irregular patterns inconsistent with natural arousal, though implementation varies and is not universally standard. The 2003 National Academy of Sciences review noted sparse evidence on countermeasures evading trained polygraph operators in real-world scenarios, but acknowledged that motivated, informed subjects pose risks to validity, particularly in high-stakes screenings where baseline calibration may amplify susceptibility. Advanced countermeasures, such as pharmacological aids to blunt sympathetic responses (e.g., beta-blockers), have been explored but remain ethically and legally restricted, with limited peer-reviewed data on their polygraph-specific impacts due to ethical constraints on experimentation. However, psychoactive substances like cannabis do not serve as effective countermeasures; instead, they distort physiological responses such as heart rate, breathing, and anxiety levels measured during polygraph tests, often rendering individuals unsuitable for testing and compromising result reliability. Recent use typically leads to exclusion from testing, as cannabinoids are detectable in urine for weeks. Overall, while physiological techniques underscore the polygraph's foundational limitations in isolating deception from volitional physiological control, their practical success depends on examiner countermeasures like pre-test screening for knowledge and multi-channel monitoring.

Psychological Techniques

Psychological techniques for countering polygraph examinations primarily target the Comparison Question Test (CQT), the most common format, by manipulating cognitive and emotional arousal to blur distinctions between physiological responses to relevant questions (probing the issue of interest) and control questions (designed to elicit baseline stress). These methods exploit the test's reliance on differential autonomic responses, such as increased heart rate or skin conductance, by artificially elevating reactions during control questions or dampening them during relevant ones, without overt physical actions that might alert examiners. Such strategies require examinees to have advance knowledge of the test protocol, often obtained through training or research, and aim to produce isomorphic responses across question types, thereby evading deception classification. Common psychological countermeasures include engaging in high-cognitive-load tasks during control questions, such as serially subtracting seven from a large random number (e.g., counting backward by sevens), which induces mental strain and elevates physiological indicators like respiration variability or electrodermal activity to mimic deceptive stress. Alternatively, examinees may vividly recall personally arousing or guilt-evoking events—such as past transgressions or threats—while answering control questions to amplify emotional responses. For relevant questions, techniques shift to mental relaxation, including visualization of serene scenes, self-affirmative mantras, or focused dissociation to minimize fear-of-detection arousal, which the CQT interprets as a deception marker. These approaches draw from principles of biofeedback and cognitive behavioral control, where practiced mental rehearsal can modulate sympathetic nervous system activity, though efficacy varies with individual aptitude for autogenic training. Empirical evidence indicates moderate success for these techniques. A 1994 laboratory experiment by Honts, Raskin, and Kircher involving 100 guilty participants found that mental countermeasures enabled about 50% to produce inconclusive or truthful outcomes on the CQT, comparable to physical methods like subtle muscle tensing, with effects most pronounced in cardiovascular channels. The National Academy of Sciences' 2003 review corroborated this vulnerability, noting that mental manipulations can degrade accuracy by 20-30% in controlled settings, as they exploit the CQT's lack of item-specific baselines and susceptibility to examiner-subject dynamics, though real-world detection via behavioral observation or post-test interrogation occurs in some cases. Subsequent studies, such as those on psychophysiological detection, have replicated reduced discrimination rates under instructed mental countermeasures, attributing failures to the polygraph's reliance on non-specific arousal rather than deception-unique signatures. However, proponents argue that trained examiners can identify anomalies through chart analysis or pre-test interviews probing for countermeasure awareness, though independent validation of such countermeasures detection remains limited. Overall, these techniques underscore the polygraph's foundational limitations in distinguishing intentional manipulation from genuine emotional states.

Practical Applications

National Security and Intelligence

Polygraph examinations are routinely employed by U.S. intelligence agencies, including the CIA, FBI, NSA, and others within the Intelligence Community, as part of personnel security vetting processes to screen applicants and current employees for access to classified information. These tests, often conducted as counterintelligence-scope polygraphs, assess responses to questions about espionage, unauthorized disclosures, and foreign contacts, with policy guidance established under Intelligence Community Policy Guidance 704.6 to standardize administration and ensure examinations support vetting decisions. The federal Employee Polygraph Protection Act of 1988 exempts national security agencies from prohibitions on polygraph use for employment screening, enabling their application in pre-employment, periodic reinvestigations, and incident-specific probes, such as recent FBI efforts to identify leakers. Despite widespread adoption, empirical evidence underscores significant limitations in polygraph utility for detecting spies or insider threats. A prominent failure occurred in the case of Aldrich Ames, a CIA counterintelligence officer who spied for the Soviet Union from 1985 until his 1994 arrest; Ames passed multiple CIA polygraph examinations, including one in 1986 and another in 1991, despite ongoing espionage activities that compromised numerous U.S. assets. Agencies have acknowledged coordination lapses, such as inadequate follow-up on Ames' 1991 test results, which raised ambiguities but did not trigger deeper scrutiny. The 2003 National Academy of Sciences report, commissioned to evaluate polygraph efficacy, concluded that the technique's accuracy in screening for security violators is insufficient to justify sole reliance, citing weak scientific foundations, vulnerability to countermeasures, and high rates of false positives that could deter qualified candidates or innocent employees. This assessment aligns with controlled studies indicating polygraphs perform no better than chance in distinguishing truthful from deceptive individuals in screening contexts, though proponents within agencies argue they serve as a deterrent, elicit admissions during pre-test interviews, and complement other vetting tools like background checks. Continued use persists, with the Department of Defense and intelligence entities investing in training and technology updates, despite the report's recommendation against polygraph-dependent screening for broad employee populations.

Law Enforcement Investigations

Polygraph examinations are employed by law enforcement agencies during criminal investigations to assess the veracity of suspects, witnesses, and sometimes victims, primarily to generate investigative leads, corroborate alibis, or prompt confessions rather than serve as definitive proof of guilt or innocence. These tests typically involve control question techniques, where examinees respond to relevant questions about the crime interspersed with neutral or control queries designed to elicit baseline physiological responses. Agencies such as the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) integrate polygraphs into targeted probes, including leak investigations and internal affairs inquiries, where they help prioritize suspects or encourage disclosures when combined with traditional interrogation methods. However, polygraph results are inadmissible as evidence in the vast majority of U.S. federal and state courts, a policy rooted in judicial precedents like Frye v. United States (1923), which required general scientific acceptance, and Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc. (1993), which emphasized empirical reliability under Federal Rules of Evidence. Empirical evaluations of polygraph utility in investigations reveal mixed outcomes, with proponents citing field studies showing detection rates exceeding chance levels. A meta-analytic review of validated polygraph techniques, including those applied to criminal incidents, reported an overall accuracy of approximately 89% across controlled and field settings, based on comparisons to ground truth outcomes like confessions or exonerations. In practice, law enforcement reports indicate polygraphs aid in resolving cases by clearing innocent parties (reducing investigative workload) or pressuring deceptive subjects to confess, with some agencies documenting resolution rates improved by 20-50% in polygraph-assisted interrogations when integrated with behavioral analysis. For instance, the FBI's expanded polygraph program, implemented post-2001 security reforms, has been used in over 10,000 examinations annually for investigative purposes, contributing to detections in espionage and corruption cases, though exact success metrics remain classified. Scientific scrutiny, however, underscores significant limitations in reliability for investigative contexts. The 2003 National Academy of Sciences report, reviewing over 80 years of polygraph research, concluded that for specific-incident criminal investigations—distinct from broad screening—accuracy estimates range from 70% to 90%, but with error rates driven by false positives (innocent individuals deemed deceptive due to anxiety or unfamiliarity) often exceeding 10-30% in field conditions. Peer-reviewed analyses highlight confounders such as examiner bias, where pre-test suspicions influence interpretations, and physiological variability unrelated to deception, like stress from the accusatory setting, which can mimic lying responses. A 2025 study of polygraph outcomes in suspected crimes found reliability varying by offense type, with higher false negatives in violent crimes (where emotional arousal masks deception) and overall diagnostic agreement among examiners at only 75-85% without corroborating evidence. These vulnerabilities have led critics, including bodies like the American Psychological Association, to argue that polygraphs function more as psychological tools for eliciting admissions than objective deception detectors, potentially risking miscarriages of justice through coerced false confessions from truthful subjects fearing failure. Despite these evidentiary shortfalls, polygraph use persists in law enforcement due to its perceived operational value in resource-constrained environments, where it supplements rather than supplants traditional evidence-gathering. Policies in agencies like the Department of the Interior mandate certified federal examiners for investigative polygraphs, emphasizing voluntary participation to mitigate coercion claims, though refusal can raise suspicions. Ongoing research calls for standardized protocols to minimize artifacts, but no consensus exists on achieving courtroom-level reliability, reflecting persistent debates over whether polygraph signals causally track intentional deceit or merely correlate with autonomic arousal.

Employment and Personnel Screening

Polygraph examinations are employed primarily by U.S. federal agencies for personnel screening in positions requiring security clearances, particularly in national security, intelligence, and law enforcement roles. Agencies such as the CIA, FBI, and NSA mandate polygraph tests during pre-employment vetting and periodically for incumbents to assess suitability, detect undisclosed behaviors, and identify potential espionage risks. These tests typically involve counterintelligence screening polygraphs, which probe admissions of foreign contacts, drug use, and financial vulnerabilities through relevant and control questions. The Employee Polygraph Protection Act of 1988 (EPPA) restricts polygraph use in private employment, prohibiting most employers from requiring or suggesting tests for pre-employment screening or during employment, with limited exceptions for security service providers and pharmaceutical manufacturers handling controlled substances. Federal, state, and local governments are exempt from EPPA, enabling their continued application in public sector hiring. Following EPPA's enactment, polygraph testing in the private sector declined sharply, shifting the bulk of such examinations to government contexts. Scientific assessments indicate limited validity for polygraph use in personnel screening. A 2003 National Academy of Sciences report concluded that evidence does not support the accuracy of polygraph testing for broad employee screening, citing insufficient physiological differentiation between deceptive and non-deceptive responses in low-base-rate threat environments, leading to high false positive rates that could disqualify truthful candidates. Field studies and reviews, including those by the Office of Technology Assessment, have similarly found error rates exceeding 10-20% in screening applications, undermining reliability for high-stakes decisions. Proponents claim detection rates around 85-90% in controlled settings, but independent analyses attribute this to examiner cues and admissions rather than physiological indicators alone. Despite these critiques, agencies persist with polygraphs as a deterrent and supplementary tool, often yielding confessions independent of chart readings.

Court Admissibility

In the United States, polygraph evidence is generally inadmissible in federal courts due to its failure to meet the reliability standards established under Frye v. United States (1923), which required techniques to gain general acceptance in the relevant scientific community, and later refined by Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc. (1993), which mandates assessment of testability, peer-reviewed publication, known error rates, and operational standards. The Frye decision specifically rejected systolic blood pressure-based deception detection as not sufficiently validated, setting a precedent against polygraphs that persists because empirical studies show accuracy rates around 70-90% in controlled settings but with high false positives and vulnerability to countermeasures, lacking the rigorous falsifiability and error quantification demanded by Daubert. The U.S. Supreme Court in United States v. Scheffer (1998) upheld the exclusion of polygraph results in military courts, affirming that evidentiary rules barring such testimony do not violate the right to present a defense, as polygraphs' scientific unreliability—evidenced by inconsistent results across examiners and physiological confounds like anxiety—outweighs potential probative value. Neither the Federal Rules of Evidence nor U.S. Code provide for automatic admissibility, leaving decisions to judicial discretion under Rule 702, where courts routinely exclude polygraphs due to the National Academy of Sciences' 2003 report concluding insufficient evidence of validity for forensic use. State courts largely mirror federal exclusion, with polygraph results inadmissible in most jurisdictions absent stipulation by both prosecution and defense, as in approximately 25 states where conditional admission requires mutual agreement to mitigate risks of jury over-persuasion despite unreliability. For instance, New Mexico courts have admitted stipulated polygraph evidence post-Daubert if examiners meet certification standards, but even there, results are accorded limited weight due to demonstrated error rates exceeding 10% in field applications. In contrast, states like Wisconsin and Virginia statutorily bar polygraph evidence outright, reflecting causal concerns that physiological arousal indicators do not reliably correlate with deception, as baseline variability and countermeasures undermine causal inference. Internationally, admissibility remains rare; for example, in Canada, R. v. Béland (1987) excluded polygraphs under similar reliability grounds, prioritizing empirical skepticism over purported utility. Courts worldwide cite meta-analyses showing polygraph sensitivity (detecting deception) at 81% but specificity (avoiding false positives) at only 73% in deceptive scenarios, insufficient for adversarial proceedings where false convictions risk is high. While some administrative or pre-trial contexts permit polygraphs for probable cause, trial admissibility hinges on verifiable scientific consensus, which peer-reviewed critiques consistently deny due to non-specific physiological responses not causally tied to intent.

Governmental Policies

In the United States, federal government agencies, particularly those in the intelligence community, mandate polygraph examinations as part of personnel security vetting processes to assess eligibility for clearances involving access to classified information. The Intelligence Community Policy Guidance 704.6, issued by the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, standardizes the conduct of these examinations across agencies like the CIA, FBI, and NSA, emphasizing their role in detecting deception related to espionage, sabotage, and unauthorized disclosures. The Employee Polygraph Protection Act of 1988 (EPPA) prohibits most private employers from requiring or using polygraph tests for pre-employment screening or during employment, with exemptions explicitly provided for federal, state, and local government employers, as well as certain national security positions in private firms handling protected information. Enacted on December 27, 1988, the EPPA aims to protect employees from invasive testing while permitting government use where national security interests are at stake, such as in the Department of Defense and intelligence agencies. Specific agencies enforce tailored policies: the FBI requires polygraphs for all new employees and expanded testing for those with access to sensitive information, though not as a substitute for traditional investigations; the NSA conducts full-scope examinations protected under the Privacy Act for confidentiality; and U.S. Customs and Border Protection mandates them for law enforcement applicants. The Department of the Interior limits polygraph use strictly to criminal investigations, prohibiting it for employment screening or other purposes. Recent developments include the Pentagon's 2025 announcement of plans for random polygraph testing and stricter nondisclosure agreements among headquarters personnel to counter leaks, reflecting ongoing reliance on the technique despite scientific debates over its accuracy. State governments generally align with federal exemptions but impose varying restrictions on non-federal uses, with no state imposing a total ban on governmental polygraph application.

International Variations

In Israel, polygraph examinations are routinely employed and agencies for investigative purposes, particularly in cases, but their results are generally inadmissible as in criminal courts, as by rulings emphasizing scientific unreliability and potential for . Admissibility may occur in civil proceedings if stipulated by parties and deemed relevant by the court, though this remains exceptional. The United Kingdom prohibits the use of polygraph results as evidence in criminal courts, reflecting concerns over accuracy and the risk of undue juror influence, but permits their application in post-conviction supervision of sexual offenders by probation services since 2013, where disclosures prompted by tests can inform risk assessments without direct evidentiary weight. In civil matters, courts may admit results at judicial discretion if probative value outweighs prejudice, particularly when parties consent. Canada's ruled in R. v. Beland (1987) that polygraph evidence lacks sufficient reliability for admission in criminal trials, confining its to voluntary investigative aids by police, though results cannot compel testimony or form substantive proof. Provincial and civil courts, including labor and jurisdictions, exercise greater flexibility, allowing admission where judges find corroborative alongside other , as seen in select and cases. Japan stands out for integrating polygraph testing, particularly the Concealed Information Test variant, into criminal investigations since the mid-20th century, with the Supreme Court recognizing its admissibility in 1964 as expert evidence when conducted by qualified examiners, contributing to over 5,000 annual applications by police for deception detection in specific-knowledge scenarios. This contrasts with broader Western skepticism, as Japanese courts weigh polygraph reports alongside physiological data and examiner testimony for probative force. In India, polygraph tests require court authorization or suspect consent under National Human Rights Commission guidelines issued January 11, 2000, primarily aiding investigations into serious crimes like terrorism, but results hold no direct evidentiary status in courts due to constitutional protections against self-incrimination under Article 20(3), serving only as circumstantial corroboration. The Supreme Court has upheld this limitation, rejecting mandatory testing as violative of personal autonomy. European approaches diverge sharply: Belgium permits polygraph outcomes in criminal proceedings following a 2020 policy shift affirming the Comparison Question Test's utility under controlled conditions, while Germany bars admission via entrenched judicial precedents citing error rates exceeding 10-20% in field studies. Lithuania's 2023 Polygraph Examination Act regulates use for security clearances and internal probes, excluding routine court reliance, whereas France and several others impose outright bans on law enforcement deployment absent explicit legislative approval. In the People's Republic of China, polygraphs have expanded since the 1990s for counterintelligence and corruption probes within centralized judicial systems, often integrated with party disciplinary mechanisms, though formal court admissibility remains auxiliary to confessions and forensic evidence rather than standalone proof. Russia employs them sporadically in anti-corruption vetting, as piloted in regions like Tatarstan since 2011, but lacks nationwide regulatory standardization, with results influencing administrative decisions over trial outcomes.

Historical Development

Origins and Early Inventors

The concept of recording multiple physiological signals originated in medical diagnostics rather than deception detection. In 1902, Scottish cardiologist James Mackenzie invented the first ink-writing polygraph, a clinical instrument using tambours to trace jugular venous and radial artery pulses on smoked paper, enabling detailed analysis of cardiac irregularities. This device, refined with watchmaker Seth Shaw's assistance by 1908, marked the initial use of "polygraph" for multi-channel physiological tracing, though solely for heartbeat monitoring without lie-detection intent. Psychological interest in physiological correlates of deception arose independently. Harvard psychologist Hugo Münsterberg, in his 1908 publication On the Witness Stand, advocated systematic measurement of bodily responses—such as blood pressure fluctuations and respiration changes—to distinguish truth from falsehood, drawing on empirical observations of stress-induced arousal but without developing a dedicated apparatus. Münsterberg's proposals influenced subsequent inventors by emphasizing quantifiable autonomic reactions over subjective testimony. Practical devices for lie detection followed. In 1915, American psychologist William Moulton Marston demonstrated that systolic blood pressure elevations reliably indicated deception in controlled experiments, using a modified blood pressure cuff; however, his single-metric approach predated integrated systems and faced criticism for overclaiming efficacy. The breakthrough came in 1921 when John Augustus Larson, a Berkeley police officer and medical researcher, constructed the first modern polygraph: a portable instrument synchronously recording respiration, pulse rate, and blood pressure via bellows, tambour, and sphygmomanometer on a single rotating drum of paper. Larson's device, tested on suspects, aimed to objectify interrogation by capturing emotional perturbations presumed causal to lying. Refinements accelerated in the 1920s under Leonarde Keeler, Larson's protégé at Berkeley. By 1926, Keeler engineered a more compact, portable polygraph with improved sensitivity, facilitating field use by law enforcement. In the 1930s, he incorporated galvanic skin response (electrodermal activity) via electrodes, expanding measurements to four channels and establishing the foundational polygraph configuration still in use today. Keeler's innovations, commercialized through his Chicago-based laboratory, promoted widespread adoption despite ongoing debates over interpretive validity.

Mid-20th Century Standardization

In the 1930s, Leonarde Keeler refined the polygraph into a portable device capable of simultaneously recording blood pressure, respiration, pulse rate, and skin conductance via a galvanometer, establishing a standardized instrument for deception detection that surpassed earlier models limited to fewer channels. At Northwestern University's Scientific Crime Detection Laboratory, where he served as director from 1930 to 1938, Keeler developed questioning protocols including the peak of tension test—escalating relevant questions to provoke stress responses—and the specific response test, which targeted individualized deception indicators. These advancements, detailed in his 1930 publication "A Method for Detecting Deception," facilitated the polygraph's first evidentiary use in trials, such as a 1935 Wisconsin case involving burglary suspects. Keeler's efforts extended to operator standardization through training programs, beginning with two-week courses for Chicago police in the early 1930s and expanding to six-week sessions by the 1940s, emphasizing physiological and psychological prerequisites for examiners. He trained military personnel, including the first U.S. Army polygraph examiner in the 1930s, and conducted large-scale screenings, such as 850 Oak Ridge employees in 1946 for atomic security. In 1948, Keeler founded the Keeler Polygraph Institute in Chicago, the world's first dedicated polygraph training school, which institutionalized standardized curricula amid growing demand from federal agencies. The 1940s saw further technique standardization with John E. Reid's development of the Control Question Technique (CQT), introduced to mitigate vulnerabilities in prior methods like the peak of tension approach, which were susceptible to examiner bias or subject countermeasures. Reid's CQT, outlined in his 1947 paper "A Revised Questioning Technique in Lie-Detection Tests," compared autonomic responses to crime-relevant questions against neutral control questions designed to elicit comparable guilt, achieving greater reliability in practice. Collaborating with Keeler's network in Chicago, Reid's method became the dominant protocol by the 1950s, underpinning expanded polygraph applications in law enforcement and pre-employment screening despite ongoing debates over scientific validation.

Late 20th to 21st Century Reforms

In 1988, the United States Congress enacted the Employee Polygraph Protection Act (EPPA), which prohibited most private employers from requiring or using polygraph tests for pre-employment screening, employee monitoring, or disciplinary actions, with narrow exemptions for sectors such as national security, pharmaceuticals handling controlled substances, and armored car services. This legislation addressed longstanding concerns over the polygraph's questionable accuracy, potential for false positives, and coercive application in non-criminal contexts, effectively curtailing an estimated 85% of prior private-sector polygraph usage and shifting reliance primarily to government agencies. Scientific evaluations intensified scrutiny in the late 1990s and early 2000s, culminating in the 2003 National Academy of Sciences (NAS) report, which analyzed over 50 years of research and concluded that polygraph techniques lacked sufficient empirical validation for distinguishing truthful from deceptive individuals in screening contexts, exhibiting error rates of 10-20% for specific incidents and higher for broader screening, while being susceptible to countermeasures like mental distraction or pharmacological aids. The report highlighted physiological responses measured by polygraphs (e.g., blood pressure, respiration) as nonspecific indicators of arousal rather than deception, recommending against routine federal use for personnel screening due to risks of deterring qualified candidates and eroding morale without proven security benefits. This assessment prompted policy reevaluations, including congressional directives in 2001 for the Department of Energy (DOE) to overhaul its polygraph program, which had expanded post-Cold War amid espionage concerns but faced backlash for low yield in detecting spies relative to high administrative costs. In response, the DOE implemented revised counterintelligence polygraph regulations in 2003 and 2005, mandating enhanced training, standardized protocols, and limitations on screening frequency to mitigate false positives and overreach, though the program persisted for certain high-risk positions despite ongoing debates over its efficacy. Subsequent updates, informed by NAS critiques, incorporated computerized scoring algorithms starting in the 1990s to automate physiological data analysis and reduce examiner bias, yet studies post-2003 affirmed persistent limitations in validity, with accuracy estimates remaining below forensic standards like eyewitness testimony. These reforms reflected a broader causal recognition that polygraph utility hinged more on contextual controls than technological tweaks, leading to hybrid approaches in intelligence agencies combining polygraphs with behavioral analysis, while private and judicial applications remained heavily restricted.

Technological Advancements

Traditional Polygraph Devices

Traditional polygraph devices are analog mechanical instruments that record multiple physiological signals on continuous chart paper to detect arousal patterns during questioning. Developed primarily in the early 20th century, these devices measure indicators such as cardiovascular activity, respiration, and electrodermal response using sensors attached to the subject. The standard configuration includes three primary channels: blood pressure and pulse, thoracic and abdominal respiration, and skin conductance. The cardiosphygmograph component employs an inflatable cuff wrapped around the subject's upper arm, connected via tubing to a tambour or pressure transducer that amplifies subtle pulsations into mechanical movement for a recording stylus. Pneumographs consist of corrugated rubber tubes secured around the chest and abdomen, which expand and contract with breathing; these changes displace air into bellows mechanisms linked by levers to separate pens tracing respiratory depth and rate. Electrodermal activity is captured by silver chloride electrodes on the fingers or palms, feeding into a galvanometer circuit that detects variations in skin resistance due to sweat gland activity, with current typically limited to under 1 milliampere for safety. Recording occurs on paper advanced by a constant-speed synchronous motor, often at 3 cm per second, with inked pens or styluses deflecting in real-time to produce overlapping traces; examiners mark question onsets and types using an event marker button. Leonarde Keeler refined these elements in the 1930s, integrating them into a portable four-channel unit that added galvanic skin response to earlier blood pressure and respiration monitors, enabling the first documented use in a criminal conviction on February 2, 1935. Traditional models, such as Keeler's early "pacesetter" series, lacked digital processing, relying on visual chart analysis for relative response amplitudes, with chart speeds and sensitivities adjustable manually by the operator. These analog systems dominated polygraphy until the late 20th century, when computerized alternatives emerged, but required precise calibration to minimize artifacts from movement or environmental factors.

Modern and Digital Enhancements

The transition to computerized polygraph systems began in the 1990s, with the U.S. Department of Defense adopting the Psychophysiological Detection of Deception-1 (PDD-1) as the first fully digital platform for recording and analyzing physiological responses such as cardiovascular activity, respiration, and electrodermal responses. These systems replaced mechanical tambours and ink-on-paper charting with electronic sensors and software interfaces, enabling precise digital data acquisition at sampling rates exceeding 100 Hz for enhanced temporal resolution. Automated scoring algorithms emerged as a core enhancement, applying statistical models to quantify physiological deviations during relevant questions compared to control baselines, such as the Utah Numerical Scoring System, which assigns numerical values to response amplitudes and durations for objective evaluation. More recent developments incorporate machine learning techniques, including deep neural networks trained on bio-signal datasets to classify deceptive responses, with one 2025 study demonstrating a computerized algorithm processing five polygraph channels (e.g., blood pressure, respiration) to achieve automated deception detection without manual intervention. These algorithms aim to minimize inter-examiner variability, though their efficacy remains debated due to underlying physiological nonspecificity in arousal responses. Advancements in sensor technology include multi-channel digital transducers for finer-grained measurement of peripheral vasomotor activity and sweat gland activity, integrated with proprietary software from manufacturers like Axciton Systems, which supports real-time waveform display and post-test editing for validation. Proponents, including the American Polygraph Association, claim digital enhancements boost examination accuracy by up to 15% through reduced noise and algorithmic consistency, but independent reviews highlight persistent limitations in false positives from non-deceptive stress. Emerging integrations of AI-driven pattern recognition continue to evolve, focusing on hybrid models that combine traditional metrics with predictive analytics, though peer-reviewed validation lags behind commercial implementations.

Alternative Deception Detection Methods

Ocular and Behavioral Metrics

Ocular metrics in deception detection primarily involve monitoring physiological changes in the eyes, such as pupil dilation and eye movements, which may reflect increased cognitive load or emotional arousal associated with lying. Pupil dilation, for instance, has been linked to deception in laboratory settings, where it serves as a potential indicator of mental effort required to fabricate responses, with studies demonstrating its validity as a cue in controlled experiments involving stress or cognitive deception tasks. Eye-tracking technologies measure parameters like fixation duration, saccade frequency, and blink rates; research indicates that deception can lead to longer fixations and elevated pupil size, though blink and saccade patterns show inconsistent predictive value across studies. The Ocular-Motor Deception Test (ODT), which assesses pupil size, response latency, and fixation metrics during task-based questioning, has been validated in peer-reviewed analyses for detecting concealed knowledge, with reported accuracies exceeding 80% in some protocols, though sample sizes and generalizability remain limitations. Advanced applications integrate eye-tracking with machine learning, achieving detection rates of 82.9% to 90% in scenarios like concealed information tests (CIT), where oculomotor inhibition responses to probe stimuli outperform chance, particularly in rapid serial visual presentation paradigms. However, these metrics are sensitive to countermeasures, such as deliberate gaze aversion, and external factors like lighting or fatigue, reducing reliability in forensic contexts without controlled conditions. Behavioral metrics encompass nonverbal cues like microexpressions—fleeting facial movements lasting under 500 milliseconds that may betray concealed emotions—and broader body language indicators such as posture shifts or gesture incongruence. Microexpressions, theorized to reveal authentic affective states during deception, have been studied extensively, yet empirical reviews conclude they occur infrequently (in fewer than 10% of deceptive interactions) and lack sufficient reliability for standalone detection, with human observers achieving only marginal accuracy improvements over baseline. Automated systems analyzing facial action units via AI can identify microexpressions in video data, but meta-analyses highlight that no single behavioral cue, including increased fidgeting or averted gaze, consistently signals deceit due to high individual variability and cultural influences. Multimodal approaches combining ocular and behavioral data, such as integrating microexpression spotting with pupil responses, show promise in enhancing accuracy to 70-85% in high-stakes simulations, but field validation remains sparse, with ethical concerns over false positives in real-world applications. Overall, while these metrics offer noninvasive alternatives to traditional polygraphy, their efficacy depends on rigorous protocols and algorithmic refinement, as baseline human lie detection hovers around 54% accuracy without technological aid.

Voice and Cognitive Approaches

Voice-based deception detection methods, such as voice stress analysis (VSA), measure subtle changes in vocal patterns, including micro-tremors in frequency and amplitude, purportedly indicative of physiological stress associated with lying. Devices like the Computer Voice Stress Analyzer (CVSA) analyze recorded speech for these markers without requiring physical sensors. However, controlled studies have consistently found VSA accuracy rates near 50%, equivalent to chance, with field tests detecting only about 15% of deceptive statements regarding drug use. Scientific reviews conclude that VSA lacks reliability for deception detection, as stress variations do not reliably correlate with lying and can arise from non-deceptive factors like anxiety. Cognitive approaches to lie detection exploit the higher mental effort required for fabricating responses compared to truthful recall, aiming to amplify differences through targeted interviewing techniques. These methods, often termed cognitive-load approaches (CLAs), include imposing secondary tasks (e.g., concurrent arithmetic), requiring reverse-order event , or posing unexpected questions to increase demands on deceivers. Research demonstrates that such tactics elevate detection accuracy from baseline levels around 54% to approximately 71% in controlled experiments, as liars struggle more visibly with consistency and under load. A metatheoretical supports CLAs' by highlighting lying's inherent cognitive costs, though real-world application requires trained interviewers to avoid countermeasures. Unlike physiological methods, these verbal strategies rely on observable behavioral cues like pauses, revisions, and reduced detail richness, validated across mock crime paradigms. Limitations persist, including vulnerability to high capacity in sophisticated liars and ethical concerns over manipulative questioning.

Neuroscientific Techniques

Neuroscientific techniques for deception detection leverage brain imaging and electrophysiological recordings to identify neural correlates of cognitive processes associated with lying, such as inhibitory control, working memory load, and recognition of concealed information. These methods contrast with traditional polygraph by directly measuring brain activity rather than peripheral physiological responses, aiming to bypass countermeasures like arousal suppression. However, empirical evidence indicates variable accuracy, often confined to laboratory settings with known limitations in generalizability to real-world scenarios. Functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) detects deception through patterns of blood-oxygen-level-dependent (BOLD) signals in regions like the prefrontal cortex and anterior cingulate, which activate during executive functions required for fabricating lies. A meta-analysis of fMRI studies reported classification accuracies ranging from 70% to 90% in controlled tasks, but performance drops with unfamiliar stimuli or when distinguishing deception from related confounds like false memories or selfish decision-making. For instance, one study found that neural predictors trained on deceptive responses also flagged non-deceptive but cognitively demanding choices, highlighting specificity issues. Critics note that fMRI's reliance on averaged group data struggles with individual variability, and no protocol has achieved courtroom admissibility due to insufficient validation against ecological deception. Electroencephalography (EEG)-based approaches, particularly the P300 event-related potential in concealed information tests (CIT), measure brain responses to probes versus irrelevants, eliciting larger P300 amplitudes for recognized, concealed knowledge indicative of involvement in probed events. A meta-analysis of CIT studies affirmed P300's robustness, with detection rates exceeding 80% in guilty knowledge paradigms and reduced susceptibility to countermeasures compared to polygraph. Reliability holds in lab simulations but diminishes in field applications due to factors like memory decay or emotional interference, with accuracies around 85-95% in peer-reviewed validations yet failing to differentiate deception from mere familiarity. Brain Fingerprinting, an EEG variant using P300 and memory and encoding related multifaceted electroencephalographic response (MERMER), claims to detect "scientifically corroborated" knowledge with near-perfect accuracy by analyzing waveform complexity. Proponents report 99%+ success in field studies adhering to strict protocols, distinguishing it from broader lie detection by focusing on presence of information rather than intent to deceive. Independent reviews, however, reveal mixed outcomes, with some replications achieving only 70-80% accuracy and criticisms of selective participant inclusion inflating claims; it remains unadmitted in U.S. courts post-Daubert challenges due to unresolved validity debates. Overall, while these techniques advance causal understanding of deception's neural basis—rooted in heightened cognitive load and error monitoring—their practical utility lags behind hype, with no method surpassing chance-corrected accuracies reliably above 90% across diverse populations and contexts, per comprehensive reviews. Regulatory calls emphasize ethical constraints and the need for standardized, countermeasure-resistant protocols before forensic deployment.

References

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