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Rimmon or Rimon (Hebrew: רִמּוֹן, romanized: Rīmmōn) is a Hebrew word meaning 'pomegranate'. It appears as a name in the Hebrew Bible where, when translated to Greek, it takes the form Remmon Ρεμμων, Remmōn).

Rimmon ("pomegranate" in Hebrew)[1][2] was a Syrian deity mentioned in the Second Book of Kings (2 Kings 5:18), to whom a temple was dedicated. In Syria, this storm god was also known as Hadad (interpreted to mean "the breast" in Biblical Hebrew)[3][4] or Baal ("the Lord"), and in Assyria as Ramanu ("the thunderer", when borrowed from Akkadian - cf. Akkadian ramanu, "to roar").[1]

Hebrew Bible

[edit]
See also: Pomegranate § Ancient Israel and Judaism

Place-names

[edit]

Rimmon may refer to:

  • Rimmon, one of the "uttermost cities" of Judah, afterwards given to Simeon (Joshua 15:21, 32; 19:7; 1 Chronicles 4:32). In Joshua 15:32, Ain and Rimmon are mentioned separately, but in Joshua 19:7 and 1 Chronicles 4:32 the two words are probably to be combined, as forming together the name of one place, Ain-Rimmon = "the spring of the pomegranate" (compare Nehemiah 11:29). It has been identified with Um er-Rumamin, about 13 miles south-west of Hebron. Zechariah 14:10 describes it as "south of Jerusalem," to distinguish it from other Rimmons; and uses it in conjunction with Geba to describe the latitudinal span of the kingdom of Judah.
  • The Rock of Rimmon, where the Benjamites fled (Judges 20:45, 47; 21:13), and where they maintained themselves for four months after the battle at Gibeah. It is the present village of Rammun, "on the very edge of the hill country, with a precipitous descent toward the Jordan valley", supposed to be the site of Ai.[5] Israeli settlement Rimonim nearby is named after the biblical place.
A map showing Hadad-Rimmon in ancient Galilee (bottom left) and identifying it with Maximianopolis

Biblical figure

[edit]

Rimon is mentioned as a man of Beeroth of the tribe of Benjamin, whose two sons, Baanah and Rechab, were captains of the army of Ish-bosheth, son of King Saul.[6]

Syrian deity

[edit]
Main article: Hadad

Rimmon ("pomegranate" in Hebrew)[1][7] was a Syrian deity mentioned in the Second Book of Kings (2 Kings 5:18), to whom a temple was dedicated. In Syria, this storm god was also known as Hadad (interpreted to mean "the breast" in Biblical Hebrew)[8][9] or Baal ("the Lord"), and in Assyria as Ramanu ("the thunderer", when borrowed from Akkadian - cf. Akkadian ramanu, "to roar").[1]

According to the biblical narrative, the Aramean commander Naaman, having been healed of his leprosy by the Israelite prophet Elisha, requested pardon from God for continuing to minister to the King of Syria who would continue to worship in the Temple of Rimmon. Elisha granted him this pardon.[10]

Extra-biblical usage

[edit]
Torah with rimmonim[dubious – discuss]
  • "Rimmon", a poem by Rudyard Kipling written in 1903 after the Boer War.[11]
  • According to The Urantia Book, allegedly revealed by celestial beings and published in 1955 in the US, Rimmon was a small city in the region of Galilee which "had once been dedicated to the worship of a Babylonian god of the air, Ramman"[12] (see Hadad/Ramman).

See also

[edit]

References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Rimmon

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from Grokipedia

was an ancient Near Eastern revered by the as a storm , serving as an epithet for and equated with the Mesopotamian .
The name derives from the Akkadian rammanu, meaning "thunderer," underscoring Rimmon's association with thunder, rain, and atmospheric phenomena central to agricultural societies in the region.
Worship of Rimmon was prominent in , where a dedicated temple—known as the house of Rimmon—housed rituals, as evidenced by the biblical account of the Syrian commander invoking the after his healing by the prophet .
This integration into Aramean religious practice highlights the syncretic nature of ancient Semitic pantheons, blending local traditions with broader Mesopotamian influences, though Hebrew scriptures portray Rimmon as a foreign idol contrasting with monotheistic .

Linguistic and Etymological Background

Hebrew Origins and Meanings

The Hebrew noun rimmôn (רִמּוֹן), transliterated as rimmon, fundamentally refers to the pomegranate fruit and its tree, a staple in ancient Levantine agriculture known for its juicy, seed-filled arils that provided sustenance, juice, and medicinal uses across Semitic-speaking regions. This term appears over 30 times in the Hebrew Bible, consistently denoting the pomegranate in literal contexts such as orchard listings (e.g., Deuteronomy 8:8, enumerating it among Israel's fertile produce alongside wheat, barley, vines, figs, and olives) or decorative motifs (e.g., Exodus 28:33–34, adorning priestly garments with embroidered pomegranates symbolizing abundance). The fruit's prolific seeding—typically 200–1,400 per specimen—reinforced its emblematic role in denoting fertility and prolificacy within agrarian societies reliant on such crops for seasonal yields. Etymologically, rimmôn derives from the r-m-m or r-w-m, linked to the verb rûm (רום) or rāmam (רָמַם), connoting "to be high," "exalted," or "uplifted," with the noun's formation attributed to the pomegranate tree's characteristic upright, branching stature reaching 5–10 meters in height under optimal conditions. This morphological connection prioritizes botanical form over abstract elevation, distinguishing it from unrelated topographic terms while grounding the word in observable arboreal traits verifiable through ancient horticultural remains, such as carbon-dated pomegranate artifacts from sites like Tel Dan (circa 1000–800 BCE). Lexical analyses confirm no primary divergence to non-fruit meanings in core Hebrew usage, emphasizing empirical derivation from natural morphology rather than speculative phonetic shifts. In non-theological biblical passages, rimmôn evokes aesthetic and vital symbolism, as in 4:3, likening a beloved's temples to "a piece of " for their ruddy allure and implied , paralleling the fruit's vivid hue and textured exterior. Such metaphors draw on the pomegranate's cultural valence for beauty and generative potential, evidenced by its recurrence in poetic enumerations of natural bounty (e.g., 6:7, 7:12–13), without invoking elevation beyond the tree's inherent growth. This linguistic stability across texts underscores rimmon's rootedness in verifiable Semitic agro-botanical lexicon, predating specialized adaptations.

Connections to Deity Epithets

The term Rimmon exhibits linguistic connections to the Akkadian epithet Rammanu or Rammān, denoting "thunderer" and applied to the storm god Adad in Assyrian and Babylonian inscriptions dating from the second millennium BCE onward. This association derives from the Akkadian root ramāmu, signifying "to thunder," as evidenced in texts equating Adad with weather phenomena such as storms and . Phonetic resemblance between Rimmon and Rammanu suggests Semitic cultural borrowing, prioritizing acoustic and functional parallels over the Hebrew homonym for "pomegranate" (rimmôn), which appears to reflect later popular etymology rather than primary semantic intent in divine nomenclature. In usage, Rimmon functions as a byname for , the regional storm deity, underscoring shared Northwest Semitic terminology for atmospheric power without implying identical cultic identities. Ugaritic texts, while favoring Haddu or Baʿal for the storm god, feature epithets evoking thunder and (e.g., rkb ʿrpt, "rider of "), aligning with the broader Near Eastern pattern where terms akin to Rammanu denote causal links to thunderous weather events, as preserved in bilingual god lists and hymns. This evidence supports interpreting Rimmon as an rooted in observable natural forces, distinct from symbolic fruit associations.

Biblical Place Names

The Rock of Rimmon

In the , the Rock of Rimmon served as a critical refuge for the surviving warriors of the following a devastating intertribal conflict. After Israelite forces nearly annihilated Benjamin in retaliation for the atrocities committed in (–20), approximately 600 Benjamite men escaped pursuit by fleeing to this rocky site, where they remained for four months while enduring harassment from their pursuers. The narrative underscores the site's role in preserving a remnant of the tribe, preventing its complete and enabling eventual reconciliation with the other tribes (Judges 21:13–24). Geographically, the Rock of Rimmon is situated in the hill country of Benjamin, within the tribal territory bordered by to the north and Judah to the . Traditional identifications place it near the modern village of Rammun (also spelled Rammun), approximately 15 miles north of and 4 miles east of Bethel, on a conspicuous chalky, offering elevated vantage points and natural systems for concealment. Alternative scholarly proposals, such as Khirbat Rummana (coordinates 31.8415° N, 35.1039° E), align with topographic features like steep escarpments and karstic formations typical of the Judean highlands, which provided defensible positions amid the region's rugged terrain. From a perspective, the site's strategic value lay in its inherent defensibility, leveraging first-principles of ancient Near Eastern warfare: high for , limited access routes vulnerable to , and subterranean cavities for prolonged sustenance without exposure. This allowed the outnumbered survivors to withstand and foraging raids, as evidenced by the biblical account of persistent but ineffective Israelite pursuits, highlighting how natural topography could offset numerical inferiority in pre-state tribal conflicts. Such features mirror other biblical refuges, like the caves of or Engedi, where and rock cover facilitated survival against superior forces.

Other Rimmon Locations

In the tribal allotments described in the , a place named Rimmon appears among the southern cities assigned to Judah, specifically listed in the district of the as one of twenty-nine cities including Lebaoth, Shilhim, , and Rimmon. This location, part of Judah's uttermost cities toward the border of , reflects administrative divisions likely tied to agricultural or pastoral use in the arid southern region. Subsequently, the same Rimmon is enumerated among four cities with villages—alongside , , and Ashan—allocated to the within Judah's inheritance, indicating overlapping tribal boundaries where Simeon received enclaves in the southern lowlands. The proximity of Ain and Rimmon in these lists suggests they may represent a single site, potentially a settlement with a spring, though textual separation in 15:32 preserves distinct enumeration. En Rimmon emerges in post-exilic records as a settlement in the , referenced in the repopulation efforts under where inhabitants from Judah and Benjamin resettled villages including En Rimmon. Paralleling Simeon's earlier holdings, 1 Chronicles 4:32 lists it among five villages—Etam, Ain, Rimmon, Tochen, and Ashan—associated with the descendants of , underscoring continuity in southern Judahite-Simeonite territories amid efforts to restore Judean presence after the Babylonian around 538 BCE. Positioned strategically in the Negev's semi-arid landscape, En Rimmon likely supported limited agriculture and trade routes, as inferred from its recurrence in boundary and texts rather than narrative events. Distinct from these southern sites, a northern Rimmon marks the eastern boundary of Zebulun's territory in 19:13, extending from Gaba to Rimmon and onward to Dabbesheth, situating it in the region amid other towns like and Shaalabbin. This placement, approximately seven miles north of , highlights dispersed settlements bearing the name across Israel's tribal landscapes, with textual evidence pointing to independent locales separated by over 100 miles from the Negev variants, absent shared narrative or boundary overlaps. Such repetitions underscore Rimmon's prevalence as a toponym, possibly denoting pomegranate-related features or high places, without implying unified identity or cultic linkage in the allocation accounts.

Biblical Personal References

Rimmon as an Individual

In the , Rimmon is named as a Beerothite of the and the father of and Baanah, who served as captains of raiding bands under , the son of King (2 Samuel 4:2). This identification positions Rimmon as a figure from Beeroth, a city originally inhabited by Hivites as part of the Gibeonite confederation that secured a treaty of servitude with the under (Joshua 9:17), and subsequently reckoned within Benjaminite territory during the tribal allotments (Joshua 18:25). Rimmon's sole scriptural appearance ties him indirectly to the assassination of by his sons, who infiltrated the king's house during midday rest, decapitated him, and presented the head to in hopes of reward, only to face execution by David's order as retribution for the murder of Saul's heir (2 Samuel 4:5–12). This event underscores the precarious loyalties in the border regions like Beeroth, where Gibeonite integration into Israelite tribal structures facilitated roles in Saul's military apparatus, yet prompted opportunistic shifts during the following Saul's death at . No further details on Rimmon's , status, or actions are recorded, rendering him a peripheral patriarchal reference in the narrative of early monarchic intrigue.

Biblical Depictions of Rimmon as Deity

Naaman's Reference in 2 Kings

In the narrative of 2 Kings 5, , the high-ranking commander of the Aramean (Syrian) army under King Ben-Hadad, contracts and travels to seeking healing from the prophet . After initial reluctance, Naaman obeys Elisha's instruction to immerse himself seven times in the , resulting in complete restoration of his flesh. He then professes exclusive recognition of 's supremacy—"Behold, I know that there is no God in all the earth but in "—and vows to offer no further sacrifices to any other , requesting Israelite to facilitate of upon his return to . Yet seeks Elisha's intercession for pardon regarding one unavoidable duty: when accompanying his master the king into the temple of Rimmon to worship, he must bow down while physically supporting the king, as protocol demands. The text specifies this temple as located in , Aram's capital, positioning Rimmon as the focal point of royal devotion and implying a prominent site integral to state religious practice. Elisha's reply—"Go in peace"—affirms 's disposition without detailing cultic rituals or Rimmon's attributes, leaving the deity's characterization as a foreign object of Syrian . This depiction underscores the biblical contrast between Aramean , embodied in Rimmon's institutionalized temple worship, and Yahweh's demand for undivided allegiance, as Naaman's rejects alternative sacrifices while navigating ceremonial obligations. The neither elaborates on Rimmon's theological nor endorses syncretistic accommodations, instead highlighting conversion's implications through Naaman's pivot from empirical affliction to monotheistic commitment, with the temple reference serving as empirical backdrop to Aramean custom rather than doctrinal endorsement.

Hadad-Rimmon in Zechariah

In Zechariah 12:11, the prophet evokes the "mourning of Hadad-rimmon in the valley of Megiddon" as a benchmark for the profound lamentation that will engulf in an eschatological era of national , following the outpouring of a spirit of grace and (Zechariah 12:10). This imagery underscores a collective grief over the piercing of a figure identified as "me whom they have pierced," interpreted within the prophetic framework as a catalyst for turning to with bitter , distinct from superficial ritual. The verse positions this future mourning as unparalleled in intensity, linking it causally to spiritual renewal rather than mere historical tragedy. The composite term Hadad-rimmon reflects between , the Northwest Semitic storm and deity akin to , and Rimmon, an epithet denoting thunder or possibly "" in cultic contexts, forming a unified pagan associated with seasonal cycles of and revival. Biblical usage draws on this to symbolize excessive, ritualistic wailing—evident in ancient Near Eastern practices of annual laments for deities like Tammuz/—contrasting idolatrous emotionalism with the text's emphasis on authentic, Yahweh-directed penitence. Scholars widely recognize the allusion to such Canaanite-Syrian cults, where rituals involved self-laceration and communal excess, yet the prophetic rhetoric repurposes it to highlight a redemptive pivot from polytheistic frenzy to monotheistic accountability. This reference prioritizes the causal mechanism of divine initiative prompting human response, framing pagan paradigms not as normative but as hyperbolic foils to illustrate the depth required for Israel's restoration, without implying endorsement of the underlying . Interpretations attributing it solely to historical events, such as Josiah's death at Megiddo (2 Kings 23:29-30), overlook the composite's explicit pagan resonance, which aligns with Zechariah's broader critique of assimilated worship practices.

Historical Worship and Extra-Biblical Usage

Syrian and Aramean Contexts

In the Aramean kingdoms of , particularly during II (approximately 900–732 BCE), Rimmon—known also as Rammān or Ramman—functioned as a manifestation of the storm god, central to the regional pantheon alongside . This deity represented thunder and atmospheric forces, with worship centered in a prominent that underscored its role in . Historical Assyrian records and scholarly analyses indicate Rimmon's prominence as the supreme deity in , reflecting broader Semitic traditions where such gods oversaw natural phenomena integral to agrarian societies. Rimmon's attributes aligned with those of high Semitic deities, combining through rain provision for crops and warfare via imagery symbolizing destructive power in battle. Royal cults likely integrated veneration of Rimmon into rituals affirming kingship, as evidenced by the deity's elevated status in Aramean polities amid interactions with Mesopotamian influences, including Akkadian terminology for thunder gods. The scarcity of direct Aramean textual records limits details, but comparative evidence from neighboring cultures confirms Rimmon's non-localized traits as a controller without evidence of unique innovations in Syrian practice. Assyrian expansions into during the 9th–8th centuries BCE exposed Aramean pantheons to intensified Mesopotamian elements, yet Rimmon retained its core storm-god identity, distinct from purely local fertility figures. This period's geopolitical dynamics, including conflicts involving , highlight the deity's enduring relevance in maintaining cosmic order for royal legitimacy and societal stability.

References in Ancient Inscriptions

In Assyrian royal inscriptions, the name Ramman (or Rammanu), an epithet denoting the thunder aspect of the storm god Adad, appears in the theophoric elements of several kings' names, such as Ramman-nirari I (c. 1295–1264 BCE) and Ramman-nirari III (c. 812–783 BCE), reflecting dedications to this deity as a protector and bringer of storms in military campaigns and temple constructions. These references underscore Ramman's in Mesopotamian pantheons, where he is invoked in curses, blessings, and victory stelae to affirm divine favor over conquests, though direct cultic inscriptions specific to Rimmon as a distinct Syrian variant remain absent. Aramaic epigraphic evidence from Syrian contexts yields no explicit mentions of Rimmon or Ramman, despite the deity's association with Aramean worship in ; instead, scattered inscriptions invoke generically, as in the votive of Ben-Hadad I (c. BCE), dedicated to but bearing a name meaning "son of ," which indirectly supports regional storm veneration without confirming a Rimmon temple or cult site. This paucity of direct attestations in texts from highlights a reliance on Assyrian parallels for interpreting Rimmon's thunder- attributes, cautioning against assuming identical cultic practices across regions. Ugaritic texts provide linguistic and thematic continuity through depictions of -Hadad as a thunder-wielding storm deity in cycles like the (c. 1400–1200 BCE), where epithets evoke roaring thunder (paralleling Semitic roots for Ramman/Rimmon as "thunderer"), but lack any explicit reference to Rimmon, suggesting shared Northwest Semitic motifs rather than direct equivalence. These parallels, drawn from tablets, illustrate causal links in storm-god —such as battles with sea chaos monsters—without epigraphic evidence of under the Rimmon name in itself.

Archaeological Evidence

Identifications of Biblical Places

The Rock of Rimmon, referenced in Judges 20:45–47 as the refuge for 600 surviving Benjamites fleeing Israelite forces near , is tentatively identified with the modern village of Rammun (or Rammūn), located approximately 6 kilometers north-northeast of ancient (modern Jebaʿ) and 3 kilometers east of Bethel, on a prominent conical chalk hill suitable for defensive hiding. This location aligns with the biblical narrative's description of a rocky in Benjaminite territory, where settlement surveys indicate clustered hill-country fortifications and refuge sites consistent with the period's tribal conflicts, though no direct epigraphic confirmation exists. Alternative proposals, such as cliffs near Um er-Rumamīn southwest of , conflict with the textual geography tying the site to Benjamin's northern boundaries rather than Judah's southern hills. En Rimmon (or Rimmon), listed among Judahite and Simeonite settlements in 15:32, 19:7, and 11:29, is proposed as Khirbet Umm er-Rumamīn, about 12 kilometers north-northeast of adjacent to a perennial spring, or alternatively Tell Halif (Lahav) in the western , based on proximity to associated biblical towns like and . Excavations at Tell Halif reveal Canaanite-to-Iron Age continuity with storage facilities and water management features suggestive of a regional center, but yield no inscribed artifacts specifically denoting "Rimmon," while surveys in the Beersheba-Negev area document sparse Iron II occupations without unique markers for the site. Identifications rely primarily on topographic fit—elevated tells near springs—and lists of southern border towns, rather than etymological derivations from "rimmon" (), as name preservation in arid zones is unreliable absent ostraca or seals. Scholars emphasize caution in these correlations, favoring descriptions of terrain and narrative context (e.g., Rimmon's position south of in Zechariah 14:10 or within Benjamin's flight paths) over speculative linguistic ties, given the absence of confirmatory inscriptions like those at other verified sites such as Gezer or Lachish; regional surveys by the confirm activity but highlight the tentativeness of unattested place-names.

Traces of Deity Cults

No direct archaeological artifacts, such as inscriptions or dedicatory icons, explicitly naming the deity have been identified in ancient Syrian or Aramean sites, despite extensive excavations in regions like and associated with Aramean worship. This absence persists even in contexts where biblical texts reference Rimmon's , underscoring a reliance on literary sources over material evidence for establishing its historical practice. In contrast, abundant iconographic evidence attests to the worship of related storm gods, particularly , through bull motifs symbolizing fertility and thunder across Syrian sites; for instance, 14th-century B.C. reliefs from Aleppo's temple depict the storm god Adda alongside half-man, half-bull figures, and later bronzes from Aramaean contexts feature eagles perched on bulls as votive offerings to . Similar thunderbolt-wielding storm god imagery appears in Aramean temple remains near , potentially linked to regional weather cults, yet direct causal ties to Rimmon remain unverified due to blurring distinctions among Northwest Semitic deities like , Ramman, and local variants. Epistemically, interpretations positing Rimmon's cult from such indirect traces risk when anchored primarily in biblical accounts without corroborating , as regional pantheon studies reveal Hadad's dominance in verifiable artifacts while Rimmon functions more as a textual than a materially distinct . Prioritizing empirical data from stratified sites thus highlights evidential gaps, limiting claims of widespread Rimmon-specific worship to speculative reconstruction rather than substantiated cultic continuity.

Scholarly Identifications and Comparative Analysis

Scholars identify Rimmon primarily as an epithet of , the Aramean storm god equivalent to , who wielded authority over thunder, , and warfare in West Semitic pantheons. This equation draws from functional parallels, as Hadad's domain encompassed meteorological forces critical to agrarian survival in the , where seasonal storms delivered essential for crop growth. In such environments, thunder and were observably linked to cycles, prompting without reliance on unsubstantiated attributions beyond empirical patterns. The Akkadian deity Ramman, denoting "thunderer," further reinforces this identification, as ancient sources merged Ramman with under shared storm-god attributes, evidenced in bilingual texts and cultic equivalences across Mesopotamian and Levantine traditions. This reflects cultural exchanges in the , where deities were conflated based on overlapping roles in controlling atmospheric phenomena tied to agricultural prosperity. In biblical usage, the compound Hadad-Rimmon in Zechariah 12:11 exemplifies this fusion, likely alluding to a localized manifestation of the storm god in the Megiddo plain, invoked for rhetorical contrast in prophetic lamentation over . The pairing underscores osmotic influences from Aramean worship into Israelite contexts, where the deity's martial and fertile aspects—thunder as both destructive weapon and life-giving herald—mirrored real causal dependencies on for societal stability. Scholarly consensus holds this as a deliberate composite, not independent entities, grounded in textual and comparative religious evidence rather than speculative reinterpretations.

Debates on Syncretism and Evidence Levels

Scholars have debated the potential for involving Rimmon, typically equated with the Aramean storm god , in Israelite religious practice, with some arguing for assimilation due to geographic proximity and shared motifs like thunder and rain control. However, biblical narratives, such as Naaman's conversion in 2 Kings 5, portray a deliberate rejection of Rimmon worship in favor of , as Naaman seeks divine pardon for ceremonial bows in Rimmon's temple while affirming exclusive heart allegiance to , indicating pragmatic accommodation rather than theological merger. This depiction challenges assumptions of pervasive pagan influence, as Naaman's pivot underscores causal distinctions in devotion driven by Yahweh's demonstrated power over Aramean gods. An evidence hierarchy prioritizes direct textual attestations—biblical accounts of foreign deity rejection alongside descriptions of Hadad's attributes—over conjectural borrowings inferred from cultural contact. Hypothetical claims of absorbing Rimmon elements, such as through storm-god epithets, remain unsubstantiated, lacking epigraphic or artifactual support for any Yahweh-Rimmon fusion in Israelite contexts; no inscriptions or cultic remains invoke Rimmon within Judah or , contrasting with abundant Aramean references to Hadad-Rimmon compounds elsewhere. Such scarcity undermines maximalist narratives of normalized , favoring interpretations grounded in preserved sources that maintain deity separation. Interpretive viewpoints range from minimalist readings, viewing Rimmon primarily as a functional title ("thunderer") denoting atmospheric phenomena without implying a robust independent cult requiring Israelite reconciliation, to maximalist assertions of full equivalence entailing ritual borrowing. Assessment via inscriptional paucity—limited to Syrian and Assyrian spheres, with zero verified Israelite traces—supports minimalist constraints, as empirical reveals no causal pathway for deep integration amid biblical emphases on monolatrous .

References

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  60. https://livrepository.liverpool.ac.uk/3176369/2/238390_vol.2.pdf
  61. https://translation.bible/wp-content/uploads/2024/06/burns-2010-mourning-or-thundering-in-the-valley-of-meggido-n-the-translation-of-sapad-in-zech-12-11.pdf
  62. https://soas-repository.worktribe.com/OutputFile/371567
  63. https://digitalcommons.andrews.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1226&context=jams
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