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Books of Kings
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The Book of Kings (Hebrew: סֵפֶר מְלָכִים, Sēfer Məlāḵīm) is a book in the Hebrew Bible, found as two books (1–2 Kings) in the Old Testament of the Christian Bible. It concludes the Deuteronomistic history, a history of ancient Israel also including the books of Joshua, Judges, and Samuel.
Biblical commentators believe the Books of Kings mixes legends, folktales, miracle stories and "fictional constructions"[1] in with the annals for the purpose of providing a theological explanation for the destruction of the Kingdom of Judah by Babylon in c. 586 BC and to provide a foundation for a return from Babylonian exile.[2] The two books of Kings present a history of ancient Israel and Judah, from the death of King David to the release of Jehoiachin from imprisonment in Babylon—a period of some 400 years (c. 960 – c. 560 BC).[2] Scholars tend to treat the books as consisting of a first edition from the late 7th century BC and of a second and final edition from the mid-6th century BC.[3][4]
Contents
[edit]
The Jerusalem Bible divides the two Books of Kings into eight sections:
- 1 Kings 1:1–2:46. The Davidic succession
- 1 Kings 3:1–11:43. Solomon in all his glory
- 1 Kings 12:1–13:34. The political and religious schism
- 1 Kings 14:1–16:34. The two kingdoms until Elijah
- 1 Kings 17:1 – 2 Kings 1:18. The Elijah cycle
- 2 Kings 2:1–13:25. The Elisha cycle
- 2 Kings 14:1–17:41. The two kingdoms to the fall of Samaria
- 2 Kings 18:1–25:30. The last years of the kingdom of Judah
1 Kings
[edit]The Davidic succession (1:1–2:46)
[edit]David is by now old, and so his attendants look for a virgin to look after him. They find Abishag, who looks after him but they do not have sexual relations. Adonijah, David's fourth son, born after Absalom, decides to claim the throne. With the support of Joab, David's general, and Abiathar, the priest, he begins a coronation procession. He begins the festivities by offering sacrifices at En Rogel in the presence of his brothers and the royal officials, but does not invite Nathan the prophet; Benanaiah, captain of the king's bodyguard, or the bodyguard itself; or even his own brother Solomon.
Nathan comes to Bathsheba, Solomon's mother, and informs her what is going on. She goes to David and reminds him that he said Solomon would be his successor. As she is speaking to him, Nathan enters and explains the full situation to David. David reaffirms his promise that Solomon will be king after him and arranges for him to be anointed at the Gihon Spring. The anointing is performed by Zadok the priest. Following this, the population of Jerusalem proclaims Solomon king. This is heard by Adonijah and his fellow feasters, but they do not know what is happening until Abiathar's son Jonathan arrives and informs them. With Solomon officially enthroned, Adonijah fears for his life and claims sanctuary; Solomon decides to spare him unless he does something evil.
David advises his son on how to be a good king and to punish David's enemies, and then dies. Adonijah comes to Bathsheba and asks to marry Abishag. Solomon suspects this request is to strengthen Adonijah's claim to the throne and has Benaiah put him to death. He then takes away Abiathar's priesthood as punishment for supporting Adonijah, thus fulfilling the prophecy made to Eli at the start of 1 Samuel.
Joab hears what is going on and himself claims sanctuary, but when he refuses to come out of the tabernacle, Solomon instructs Benaiah to kill him there. He then replaces Joab with Benaiah and Abiathar with Zadok. Solomon then instructs Shimei ben Gera, the Benjaminite who cursed David as he was fleeing from Absalom, to move to Jerusalem and not to leave. One day, two of Shimei's slaves run away to Gath and Shimei pursues them. When he returns to Jerusalem, Solomon has him put to death for leaving Jerusalem.
Solomon in all his glory (3:1–11:43)
[edit]Solomon the sage (3:1–4:34)
[edit]Solomon makes an alliance with Egypt and marries the Pharaoh's daughter. After this, he continues the ancient practice of travelling between the high places and offering sacrifices. When he is at Gibeon, God speaks to him in a dream and offers him anything he asks for. Solomon, being young, asks for "an understanding heart to judge" (שָׁפַט).[5][6] God is pleased and grants him not only "a wise...heart" (חכם),[7] but also wealth, honor, and longevity, on the condition that Solomon is righteous like his father David. Solomon returns to Jerusalem and holds a feast for his servants in front of the Ark of the Covenant.
After the Judgment of Solomon amazes the Israelites, he appoints a cabinet and reorganizes the governance of Israel at a local level. The nation of Israel prospers and Solomon's provisions increase.
Solomon the builder (5:1–9:25)
[edit]Over a period of seven years, Solomon works to fulfill David's vow of building a temple to God with wood provided by the king of Tyre, Hiram I, an old friend of David's. He also builds himself a palace, which takes him thirteen years. Once the Temple is finished, Solomon hires a Tyrian half-Naphtalite named Huram to create the furnishings.
When finished, the things which David prepared for the Temple are brought in, and Solomon organizes a ceremony during which the priests carry the Ark of the Covenant into the Temple. A cloud fills the Temple, preventing the priests from continuing the ceremony. Solomon explains that this is the presence of God, and takes the opportunity to make a dedication speech. The dedication is completed with sacrifices, and a celebration is held for fourteen days. God speaks to Solomon and accepts his prayer, re-affirming his vow to David that his House will be kings forever unless they begin worshipping idols.
Solomon gives twenty towns in Galilee to Hiram as thanks for his help, but they are virtually worthless. He begins building and improvement works in various cities in addition to his major projects in Jerusalem and puts the remaining Canaanites into slavery.
Solomon the trader (9:26–10:29)
[edit]Solomon builds a navy.
The Queen of Sheba hears of Solomon's wisdom and travels to Jerusalem to meet him. Upon arriving, she praises him, saying she did not fully believe the stories about Solomon until she came to see him. The Queen gives Solomon 120 talents and a large amount of spices and precious stones, prompting Hiram to send a large amount of valuable wood and precious stones in response. Solomon also gives the Queen gifts and she returns to her country. Solomon by now has 666 talents of gold, and decides to forge shields and cups. He also maintains trading relations with Hiram, from whose country he receives many exotic goods. Overall, Israel becomes a net exporter of golden goods.
His decline (11:1–43)
[edit]Solomon amasses 700 wives and 300 concubines, many from foreign countries, including from countries God told the Israelites not to intermarry with. Solomon begins to adopt elements from their religions, and builds shrines in Jerusalem to foreign deities. God informs Solomon that because he has broken his commandments, the entire kingdom except one tribe will be taken away from his son.
At the same time, Solomon begins to amass enemies. A young prince named Hadad who managed to escape Joab's attempted genocide of the Edomites, hears Joab and David are dead, and returns to Edom to lead his people. Meanwhile, to the north, the Syrian king Rezon, whose Zobahite army was defeated by David, allies himself with Hadad and causes havoc for Israel from his base in Damascus.
On the home front, Jeroboam, who supervised the building of Solomon's palace terraces and the reconstruction of the city walls, encounters the prophet Ahijah the Shilonite on the road out of Jerusalem. Ahijah tears his cloak into twelve parts and gives ten of them to Jeroboam, saying that Jeroboam will rule over ten tribes of Israel upon Solomon's death as punishment for Solomon's idol worship. In response, Solomon tries to kill Jeroboam, but he flees to Egypt. Solomon dies after having reigned for forty years and is succeeded by his son Rehoboam.
The political and religious schism (12:1–13:34)
[edit]Rehoboam travels to Shechem to be proclaimed king. Upon hearing this, Jeroboam returns from Egypt and joins Rehoboam's older advisors in asking for the people to be treated better than under Solomon. Instead, Rehoboam turns to his friends for advice, and proclaims that he will treat the people worse. This greatly displeases the Israelites. When he sends a new minister of forced labour named Adoniram, they stone him to death. Rehoboam returns to safety in Jerusalem. The Israelites proclaim Jeroboam king. Judah remains loyal to Rehoboam, and he also controls Benjamin. From these two tribes, Rehoboam amasses an army to attack the north, but the prophet Shemaiah prevents the war.
Back in Shechem, Jeroboam becomes worried about the possible return of his tribes to loyalty to the House of David, and decides the best way to prevent this is to stop them worshipping the God of Israel, since he considers the point at which they are most likely to defect to be when they travel to Jerusalem to offer sacrifices. To this end, he sets up golden calves at altars at Bethel and Dan and appoints his own priests and festivals. One day, a prophet comes by and announces that some day a Davidic king named Josiah will be born and violently abolish Jeroboam's religion. Seeking to seize him, Jeroboam stretches out his hand, but it becomes withered and, as a sign, the altar splits open and its ashes pour out. Despite all this, Jeroboam does not change his ways. Later, the prophet is tested by a false prophet from Samaria and fails, dying in a lion attack as punishment. The Samarian prophet mourns his demise and requests to be buried next to him upon his own death.
The two kingdoms until Elijah (14:1–16:34)
[edit]Jeroboam's son Abijah becomes ill, so Jeroboam tells his wife to go in disguise to Ahijah, who has become blind with age. God tells Ahijah of the arrival of Jeroboam's wife. Ahijah prophesies the end of the House of Jeroboam, beginning with the death of Abijah, who will be the only member of the royal house to be buried. He prophesies that a usurper king will arise who will accomplish this. Jeroboam dies, and is succeeded by his son Nadab.
Meanwhile, in the Kingdom of Judah, the people set up high places, sacred stones and Asherah poles to foreign gods, and even allow male temple prostitution. The pharaoh Shishak sacks Jerusalem and takes all the royal and Temple treasures, including Solomon's gold shields, prompting Rehoboam to make bronze ones to replace them. Rehoboam dies and is succeeded by his son Abijah, a grandson of Absalom. Abijah is as bad as his father, but God continues to protect him and his family because of the promise He made to David. When Abijah dies, he is succeeded by his son Asa.
Asa, in contrast to his father and grandfather, is a good king, on par with David. He abolishes male temple prostitution and destroys idols, and even deposed his grandmother as Queen mother due to idolatry. He moves a collection of gold and silver objects back into the Temple. However, when he goes to war against Baasha of Israel, he gives the royal and Temple gold and silver to Ben-Hadad, king of Aram, to get him to break a treaty with Israel and attack with him. Ben-Hadad is surprisingly successful, and Baasha must withdraw from Ramah, leading Asa to issue a decree that Ramah's fortifications be taken down and used to build Geba and Mizpah. Asa dies an old man and is succeeded by his son Jehoshaphat.
Back in Israel, Nadab is on the throne. Like his father, he is evil. Baasha, son of an Issacharite named Ahijah, plots to kill him and succeeds in a sneak attack, taking him by surprise during the Siege of Gibbethon, a Philistine city. He then proceeds to kill Jeroboam's whole family, fulfilling the prophecy of Ahijah the prophet. However, Baasha commits the same sins as Jeroboam. God therefore informs the prophet Jehu that he will also end the House of Baasha. Baasha dies and is succeeded by his son Elah, who soon falls victim to a plot led by his charioteer Zimri. Zimri becomes king after Elah's killing, and fulfills the prophecy of Jehu; however, Zimri's army now proclaims its commander Omri as king and returns to Tirzah to lay siege to it. Seeing he is losing, Zimri sets fire to the palace.
The start of Omri's reign faces factionalism, with half his subjects supporting Tibni, son of Gibnath as king. He buys the hill of Shemer, upon which he builds the city of Samaria. However, he is the worst king yet. When he dies, he is succeeded by his son Ahab, who himself overtakes Omri in his evilness. Upon his marriage to Jezebel, daughter of Ethbaal, king of Sidon, he introduces the worship of Baal, building him a temple and setting up an Asherah pole. Meanwhile, a nobleman named Hiel of Bethel activates the curse proclaimed by Joshua by rebuilding Jericho, resulting in the death of his oldest and youngest sons.
The Elijah cycle (17:1–22:54)
[edit]The great drought (17:1–18:46)
[edit]A new prophet arises in Israel, named Elijah, who informs Ahab of a years-long drought about to begin. God then tells Elijah to hide in the Kerith Ravine, where he drinks from the stream and is fed by ravens. When the brook dries up, God tells Elijah to travel to Zarephath, where a widow will feed him. She is more than happy to give him water, but when he asks for bread, she informs him that she is just about to make a small loaf – only enough that she and her son may eat it as their last meal. Elijah instructs her to make him some anyway, telling her that she will not run out of food until the famine is over. Soon, the widow's son becomes ill and dies. At the widow's insistence, Elijah raises him from the dead.
Three years later, God tells Elijah to return to Ahab because the drought is coming to an end. On the way, Elijah meets his administrator Obadiah, who was hiding prophets during Jezebel's persecutions, and asks him to tell Ahab of his arrival. Seeking to end the worship of Baal for good, Elijah tells Ahab to invite four hundred priests of Baal and four hundred of Asherah to the top of Mount Carmel. There, he upbraids the people for their duplicity, telling them to choose either worship of the God of Israel or of Baal.
He then proposes a challenge: he and the priests will each prepare a sacrifice, and then call upon their respective gods to send fire to burn it. When the priests attempt to call down fire, none comes. On the other hand, despite having the Israelites pour much water over his altar, when Elijah prays for fire God sends it, accepting the sacrifice. Elijah orders the priests of Baal be killed, and informs Ahab of the coming rain. Climbing to the top of the mountain, Elijah sends his servant to look out to sea. After returning seven times, the servant eventually sees a small cloud rising far out at sea. Elijah tells the servant to inform Ahab to return to Jezreel in his chariot, while Elijah manages to run ahead of him.
Elijah at Horeb (19:1–21)
[edit]When she hears what has happened, Jezebel threatens to kill Elijah, causing him to run for his life. In the wilderness near Beersheba, Elijah, fed up, asks God to kill him. Instead, an angel supplies him with food, which gives him the strength to continue a further forty days until he reaches Mount Horeb, where he falls asleep in a cave. When Elijah wakes up, God tells him He is about to pass by. An earthquake occurs and a fire starts, but neither contain God.
Instead, God appears in the form of a whisper. After hearing Elijah's concerns about being killed, he instructs him to go to Damascus, where he is to anoint Hazael as king of Aram, Jehu as king of Israel and Elisha as Elijah's own successor. Elijah finds Elisha plowing with oxen. Elisha says goodbye to his parents, kills his oxen and cooks them by burning his plowing equipment. He distributes the meat to his neighbours and sets off to follow Elijah.
The Aramean wars (20:1–43)
[edit]Ben-Hadad II, the new king of Aram, raises an army and sends messengers demanding all Ahab's gold and silver, and the best of his wives and children. While agreeing to this demand, after consulting his advisors he decides not to accept a follow-up demand requesting anything else of value in his palace or his officials' houses. In response to this situation, Ben-Hadad attacks Samaria. At this point, Ahab receives a prophecy that his junior officers will defeat Ben-Hadad if Ahab starts the battle. Ben-Hadad tells his men to take the advancing troops alive, but each junior officer kills his Aramean equivalent.
The Arameans, including Ben-Hadad, begin a retreat, but Ahab's army inflicts heavy losses. The prophet who brought the first prophecy tells Ahab to improve his defences, since the Arameans will attack again. Ben-Hadad's advisors reason that the reason they lost was because God lives in the hills, leading them to attack Aphek, a city on the plains, the following spring. In response to this, God agrees to give the Israelites another victory to demonstrate his omnipresence. After a disastrous first day, Ben-Hadad sends messengers to Ahab, begging him to spare him. Ahab sends for Ben-Hadad, who offers to return the land his father took from Israel. The two kings sign a treaty and Ben-Hadad leaves.
After failing to get another prophet to strike him with his weapon, resulting in that prophet's death by lion, a prophet manages to get someone else to do it and appears before Ahab, telling him a parable about how his failing to guard a man in battle means he now must pay a talent. When he removes his headband, and Ahab sees he is a prophet, he tells Ahab that he will die because he spared Ben-Hadad, who God had told him to kill.
Naboth's vineyard (21:1–28)
[edit]Some time later, Ahab attempts to buy a vineyard belonging to Naboth the Jezreelite. When Naboth will not sell it to him on account of it being his inheritance, Ahab sulks and refuses to eat. Jezebel proclaims a day of fasting, upon which two false witnesses accuse Naboth of cursing God and the king. He is stoned to death, allowing Ahab to take possession of the vineyard. In response, God tells Elijah to confront Ahab and inform him that he will die in the vineyard and that his descendants and Jezebel will be wiped out. This has marked the peak of Ahab's evilness, and indeed the evilness of any king of Israel. Ahab repents, so God allows the disaster Elijah prophesied to come during the reign of his son instead.
Another war with Aram (22:1–38)
[edit]Three years pass with peace between Aram and Israel. Aram still possesses Ramoth-Gilead and, when Jehoshaphat agrees for the Judahite army to accompany him on a campaign during a state visit, Ahab decides to take it back. Four hundred prophets agree this is a good idea, but Jehoshaphat asks to speak with a prophet of God. Ahab reluctantly calls Micaiah, whom he dislikes for never prophesying in his favour. When he arrives, a prophet named Zedekiah uses a strange hat with horns to claim that Ahab will have victory over the Arameans.
Michaiah tells Ahab that if he attacks Ramoth-Gilead, he will die and Israel will be leaderless but that this is part of God's plan. Zedekiah slaps him, leading Michaiah to prophesy impending destruction, and Ahab tells his jailer to put Michaiah in prison with no food or water until Ahab returns safely.
Ahab and Jehoshaphat begin their campaign, agreeing that Ahab will be disguised while Jehoshaphat will wear his royal robes. The Arameans, being under instructions to kill no one except Ahab, begin pursuing Jehoshaphat but cease their pursuit when they see he is not Ahab. Ahab is hit between the plates of his armour by a random Aramean arrow. He withdraws from the battle and dies that evening. He is buried, his chariot is washed in a pool where prostitutes bathe, and his blood is licked by dogs.
After the death of Ahab (22:39–53)
[edit]Ahab's son Ahaziah succeeds him.
Jehoshaphat has been a good king his entire reign, following the example of his father Asa. He has not destroyed the high places, but he has kept peace with Israel. He has also gotten rid of the remaining male temple prostitutes and there is now a provincial governor rather than a king in Edom. He has built a merchant navy, but it was wrecked at Ezion-Geber. Ahaziah suggests they join forces in this regard, but Jehoshaphat refuses. Jehoshaphat dies and is succeeded by his son Jehoram.
Ahaziah does evil and allows the idol worship which flourished under his father to continue.
2 Kings
[edit]The Elijah cycle (continued) (1:1–18)
[edit]After the death of Ahab (continued) (1:1–18)
[edit]Ahaziah falls through a lattice on an upper floor and injures himself. He sends a party to Ekron to consult its god, Baal-Zebub, about whether he will recover. The messengers are met by Elijah, who tells them to inform Ahaziah that he will die where he is for seeking advice from a non-Israelite god. Ahaziah sends two captains and fifty men each to summon Elijah, but both parties are consumed by fire at Elijah's command. When Ahaziah sends a third group, God tells Elijah to go with them and deliver his prophecy directly. Ahaziah dies and, having no sons, his brother Joram succeeds him.
The Elisha cycle (2:1–13:25)
[edit]Its opening (2:1–25)
[edit]Elijah and Elisha are walking from Gilgal. Elijah asks that Elisha stay where they are, but Elisha insists on coming with him to Bethel. Elijah informs him that he is going to be taken by God. Elisha seems to have some kind of knowledge of this. Once again, Elijah asks Elisha to stay where they are, but Elisha insists on coming with him to Jericho. Eventually, they reach the Jordan, where fifty prophets are. Elijah strikes the water with his cloak, the water divides, and the pair cross over. Elijah asks what Elisha wants when he is gone, and Elisha asks for a double portion of his spirit, which Elijah says will be given to him if he watches him go.
Suddenly, a fiery horse-drawn chariot takes Elijah and he ascends to heaven in a whirlwind. After mourning, Elisha picks up Elijah's cloak and himself uses it to part the Jordan. This leads the other prophets to recognise him as Elijah's successor, and offer to look for Elijah, an offer which Elisha refuses. They persist but, naturally, are unable to find him. As Elisha's first task, he throws salt into a spring in Jericho, resolving the locals' water problem by purifying the water. When Elisha leaves for Bethel, some boys start jeering him on account of his baldness. Bears come and maul them.
The Moabite war (3:1–27)
[edit]Joram is evil but gets rid of the sacred stone of Baal. After the death of Ahab, the king of Moab refused to continue paying tribute to Israel, so Joram teams up with Jehoshaphat and the king of Edom to put down the rebellion. They attack through the Desert of Edom but soon run out of water. They ask Elisha for advice. He first makes it very clear that he is only doing this for Jehoshaphat's sake and then calls for a harpist. Elisha prophesies a coming flood in the valley in addition to a complete defeat of Moab.
The water comes but looks like blood to the Moabites, which they conclude can only have come from the three kings having killed each other. However, when they cross, Israel wins a great victory and completely plunders the land. When the king of Moab sacrifices his firstborn son on the city walls, the Israelites are overwhelmed by great wrath and withdraw.
Some miracles of Elisha (4:1–6:7)
[edit]Elisha meets a widow whose creditors are threatening to take her two sons into slavery as payment. When he finds out the only other thing she has is a small jar of olive oil, he tells her to go and ask all her neighbours for jars. He tells her to pour oil into the jars, and it holds out until every jar is filled. Elisha finally tells her to sell the oil, pay the creditors and live off the rest. He then moves on to Shunem, where a woman invites him to eat and soon decides to build a room for use whenever he passes through.
His servant Gehazi informs him that she has no son, so Elisha tells her that she will have a child within a year, as payment for her kindness. One day, the child is helping his father's reapers when he complains of a pain in his head. He is returned to his mother and dies. His mother therefore seeks out Elisha, whom she meets at Mount Carmel. He tells Gehazi to quickly make his way to the house and lay his staff on the boy's face. When Elisha gets there with the woman, Gehazi informs him that this has not worked.
Elisha prays, paces, and lays himself on the boy, who then awakens. Elisha continues on to Gilgal, where a famine is raging. Seeking to help the local prophets, he tells his servant to cook a stew. One of the prophets inadvertently adds some poisonous berries to the pot, but Elisha adds some flour, negating the poison. A man comes from Baal-Shalish with twenty loaves of bread. Elisha uses them to miraculously feed the hundred people present.
An Aramean general named Naaman has leprosy. He hears of Elisha from an Israelite slave-girl and receives permission from the king to travel in an attempt to have his leprosy cured. He travels first to the king of Israel, but is eventually called by Elisha, who sends a messenger to tell him to wash seven times in the Jordan. He does what Elisha told him to and his leprosy is cured. Naaman offers Elisha a gift of thanks, but Elisha refuses. Naaman contents himself with taking earth back to Damascus in order to build an altar to God and asking God's forgiveness for when he has to participate in Aramean religious rituals when accompanying the king. As Naaman is leaving Gehazi catches up with him and lies about prophets arriving so that at least he can get a gift. As punishment for this, Elisha curses him to become leprous.
Several other prophets begin complaining that their meeting place with Elisha is too small, so he agrees to allow them to build a new one on the banks of the Jordan. During the building, someone's borrowed axehead falls in the river but miraculously floats.
The Aramean wars (6:8–8:29)
[edit]By this point, Aram is back at war with Israel. Elisha warns the king of Israel where the Arameans are camped several times, frustrating the king of Aram, who seeks him out. One morning, Elisha wakes up to find Dothan, the city where he is staying, surrounded by Arameans. His servant is frightened, until Elisha shows him the angels protecting them. He then prays that the Aramean army go blind, and they do. He then leads them to Samaria, where their eyes are opened.
The king of Israel asks Elisha whether he should kill them, but Elisha instead tells him to treat them with hospitality. This ends the war, but soon Ben-Hadad is back at war and laying siege to Samaria. The resulting famine gets so severe that soon people resort to cannibalism. The king feels the best way to deal with the situation is to execute Elisha, blaming God for the famine. Elisha prophesies that huge amounts of the finest flour and barley will soon come to Samaria, but that the king's official will not taste any of it.
Four lepers sit at the gate of Samaria and decide to surrender to the Arameans in the hope of not dying in the famine. God made the Arameans hear horses and chariots the night before and, thinking the Hittites and Egyptians were helping the Israelites, they fled. The lepers find the abandoned camp and tell the king. The Samaritans then go and plunder the camp, driving down the price of food in the city. In the chaos, the king's official who was with him when he went to see Elisha is trampled to death.
Elisha has warned the Shunammite woman about the famine, so she and her husband have gone to live in Philisitia. Upon return, she goes to the king to appeal for her land back. When she arrives, Gehazi is telling the king about how Elisha raised her son from the dead. This works in her favour, and her house and land are restored to her, as well as all her income. Next, Elisha goes to Damascus, where Ben-Hadad is ill. When he hears of Elisha's arrival, Ben-Hadad sends Hazael to him with a gift to ask whether he will get better. Elisha tells Hazael to tell the king that he will, even though he will in fact die, and Hazael will become king and cause much damage to Israel. The next day, Hazael smothers the king and succeeds him.
Back in Judah, Jehoram is king. Unlike his father and grandfather, he is evil and follows the ways of Israel, even marrying a daughter of Ahab. However, he is not destroyed, again because of God's covenant with David. His reign is plagued with instability, including revolts in Edom, who restores its monarchy, and Libnah. Jehoram dies and is succeeded by his son Ahaziah, who, like his father, follows in Ahab's footsteps. Ahaziah and Joram go to war together against Hazael. Joram is wounded, and after the battle Ahaziah goes to Jezreel to see him.
The history of Jehu (9:1–10:36)
[edit]Elisha tells a prophet to go to Ramoth-Gilead and anoint a commander of the royal guard named Jehu as king. Jehu leads his troops to Jezreel to challenge Joram. Joram sends two messengers, but both join Jehu. Jehu accuses Joram of continuing the idolatry of Jezebel. Joram flees, warning Ahaziah, but is struck in his heart between his shoulders and dies. Jehu tells his charioteer Bidkar to place him in Naboth's field. Jehu wants to kill Ahaziah too, but merely succeeds in wounding him, although he dies from his injuries at Megiddo.
His body is taken back to Jerusalem for burial. As Jehu enters Jezreel, Jezebel looks out of a window and compares him to Zimri. Two eunuchs push her out of a window at Jehu's behest and she dies. When two servants later go to prepare her body for burial as a king's daughter, they find nothing but some bones. She has been eaten by dogs, in accordance with Elijah's prophecy.
Jehu writes to Samaria, challenging the palace officials to pick Ahab's strongest son, put him on the throne and have him challenge Jehu. They refuse, and so Jehu instead asks for the heads of Ahab's seventy sons. After he has had them put inside the city gate of Jezreel, Jehu massacres the remaining members of the House of Ahab in order to fulfil Elijah's prophecy. Jehu then sets off for Samaria. On the way, he meets some of Ahaziah's relatives and has them killed too. Further along, he meets Jehonadab, who becomes his ally.
Upon finally reaching Samaria, he kills the rest of Ahab's family. Under the guise of preparing a sacrifice for Baal, he next summons all the priests of Baal. After the sacrifice is over, he has guards enter the temple and kill them. He destroys the sacred stone and tears down the temple, replacing it with a toilet, thus ending the worship of Baal. However, he does not destroy the golden calves at Bethel and Dan, which was Jeroboam's original sin. Nonetheless, God is pleased with his destruction of the Baal religion, and promises that his House will reign in Israel for four generations. However, Jehu is not meticulous in his worship of God, so God allows Hazael to conquer large portions of Israel. Jehu dies and is succeeded by his son Jehoahaz.
From the reign of Athaliah to the death of Elisha (11:1–13:25)
[edit]Athaliah, the mother of Ahaziah, seizes the throne after the death of her son and begins killing off members of the royal family. Ahaziah's sister, Jehosheba, manages to hide her nephew Joash. Seven years later, Jehosheba's husband, the priest Jehoiada, introduces Joash to the army, and informs all five units that they will now be required to guard the Temple on the Sabbath in order to protect Joash. He also gives them all the spears and shields from David's day that are kept in the Temple. Joash is crowned and anointed, and proclaimed king by the army. Athaliah claims treason, but Jehoiada has her taken back to the palace and killed. Next, the altars of Baal are destroyed, thus ending the religion in Judah as well. Finally, Joash is taken back to the palace and enthroned.
Joash is a good king, but does not remove the high places. When he grows up, his first act is to reform priestly pay, and use whatever is left to repair the Temple. Twenty-three years later, when the Temple is still not repaired, Joash once again reforms priestly pay so that all money from the Temple treasury goes towards repairs. Instead, the priests will earn money from offerings. This succeeds, and the Temple is repaired. Hazael is back at war with Israel, and it looks like he will cross the border and attack Jerusalem, so Joash sends him gifts and he leaves. Joash is assassinated and is succeeded by his son Amaziah.
Jehoahaz is evil, so God allows Hazael to continue oppressing Israel. He repents, so God allows the war to end. However, Jehoahaz does not get rid of Jeroboam's religion, or remove the Asherah pole in Samaria. In addition, the war has almost completely eradicated the Israelite army. Jehoahaz dies and is succeeded by his son Jehoash, who continues the evil of the previous kings of Israel. He goes to war with Amaziah. The key event of Joash's reign, is the death of Elisha. When Joash goes to see him, he tells him to shoot an arrow out of the east window, and prophesies that, based on this, the Arameans will be defeated at Aphek.
He then tells him to throw arrows at the floor. Joash throws three, which Elisha is angry about, since it means there will only be three victories there. He then dies and is buried. During a Moabite raid, some Israelite men burying a dead body panic and throw the body in Elisha's tomb. As soon as it touches Elisha's bones, the dead body returns to life. Hazael's wars have plagued Israel since the reign of Jehoahaz, but God does not destroy Israel because of the Abrahamic and Israelite covenants. Hazael dies and is succeeded by his son Ben-Hadad III. As prophesied, Jehoash defeats him three times, taking back the towns Hazael conquered.
The two kingdoms to the fall of Samaria (14:1–17:41)
[edit]Amaziah is a good king, but the high places have still not been abolished. Upon assumption of the throne, he executes his father's assassins, but spares their children in accordance with the Mosaic law. Amaziah defeats the Edomites and challenges Israel, but Jehoash advises him to stay at home. The pair meet at Beth Shemesh and Israel thoroughly defeats Judah, scattering Amaziah's troops and allowing Jehoash to sack Jerusalem. Jehoash dies and is succeeded by his son Jeroboam II. Amaziah faces a conspiracy and is killed in Lachish. He is buried in Jerusalem and succeeded by his son Azariah, who recovers and rebuilds Elath.
Jeroboam II is evil. He restores Israelite territory from Lebo-Hamath to the Dead Sea, in accordance with a prophecy by Jonah. This is because God has promised not to destroy Israel and has seen how much the Israelites are suffering. He dies and is succeeded by his son Zechariah.
Azariah is a good king, although the high places still exist. He is, however, a leper, and so is relieved of his responsibilities while his son Jotham acts as regent. Azariah dies and Jotham succeeds him.
Zechariah is evil, and falls victim of a conspiracy by Shallum, who assassinates and succeeds him, thus fulfilling God's promise to Jehu that his family would rule for four generations. Shallum is himself assassinated and succeeded by Menahem, who attacks Tiphsah, sacks it and rips open its pregnant women. During Menahem's reign, Pul of Assyria (also called Tiglath-Pileser) attacks Israel.
Menahem raises taxes to pay Pul both to leave and to support him on the throne. Menahem dies and is succeeded by his son Pekahiah, who is assassinated by his official Pekah and fifty mercenaries from Gilead. During Pekah's reign, Pul comes back and captures many towns in northern Israel, including all of the land belonging to the Tribe of Naphtali, and deports their populations to Assyria. Pekah is assassinated by Hoshea, who succeeds him as king.
Jotham is a good king, but, again, the high places are still being used. He rebuilds the Upper Gate of the Temple. Aram and Israel attack Judah during his reign. He dies and is succeeded by his son Ahaz. Ahaz is a bad king, even going so far as to sacrifice his son. Rezin, king of Aram, retakes Elath and gives it to Edom during the ongoing attacks. In an attempt to resolve the situation, Ahaz writes to Pul for help, which he gives by capturing Damascus, deporting its citizens and killing Rezin. Ahaz travels to Damascus to meet Pul, and while there sends a sketch of a new altar back to Jerusalem, which is built before he returns. He places it in the Temple upon his arrival. To symbolise his deference to the king of Assyria, he then removes much of the decoration in the Temple. He dies and is succeeded by his son Hezekiah.
Hoshea is evil, but not as bad as the preceding kings of Israel. During Hoshea's reign, Shalmaneser of Assyria attacks Israel in response to Israel's maintaining diplomatic relations with Egypt and refusing to pay tribute to Assyria. Shalmaneser conquers Samaria and deports its citizens to Media. All this happens because Israel has broken the commandments, principally by worshipping other gods and ignoring the prophets. This leaves only Judah, and even they are guilty of following the religious practices introduced by Israel. The king of Assyria then sends his subjects to resettle Samaria, led by an Israelite priest, whose job is to teach them the rites God requires. While they take this on board, they nonetheless continue worshipping their own national gods.
The last years of the Kingdom of Judah (18:1–25:30)
[edit]Hezekiah, the prophet Isaiah; Assyria (18:1–20:21)
[edit]Hezekiah, the 13th king of Judah, does "what [is] right in the Lord's sight just as his ancestor David had done".[8] He institutes a far-reaching religious reform: centralising sacrifice at the temple in Jerusalem, and destroying the images of other gods, including the Nehushtan, the bronze snake Moses erected in the wilderness, which the Israelites have turned into an idol. He breaks his alliance with the Assyrians and defeats the Philistines. Following the capture of Samaria, the Assyrians attack Judah, but withdraw in return for money. The Assyrians soon attack again, and send a threatening and blasphemous message to Hezekiah, supposing that he has sought an alliance with Egypt.
The Assyrian commander then attempts to turn the Judahites against Hezekiah, claiming that he is powerless to protect him, but Hezekiah pre-empts and stops this from happening. When Hezekiah hears the message, he sends a delegation to the prophet Isaiah, who tells them that God will save Jerusalem and the kingdom from Assyria. When Sennacherib, king of Assyria, hears of the advance of Tirhakah, king of Cush, he retreats, but warns of a coming invasion. Hezekiah prays, and Isaiah sends another prophecy of Assyria's destruction. God sends an angel to kill the Assyrians, and the remaining Assyrians retreat in horror. Sennacherib is killed by his sons and is succeeded by a third son.
Hezekiah becomes ill, and Isaiah tells him he will die. Hezekiah prays, and God agrees to give him fifteen more years if he goes to the temple in three days. Isaiah prescribes a poultice of figs, and Hezekiah recovers. When Hezekiah goes to the Temple and stands on the steps of Ahaz, his shadow moves back ten steps, thus proving God's words to be true. The king of Babylon sends an embassy to Hezekiah, who shows them everything in the palace. Isaiah prophesies that one day the Babylonians will carry away everything in the palace. However, there is peace for the rest of Hezekiah's reign. Hezekiah builds an aqueduct consisting of a pool and a tunnel before he dies. He is succeeded by his son Manasseh.
Two wicked kings (21:1–26)
[edit]Manasseh reverses his father's reforms, murders the innocent, and sets up altars in the Temple. This breaches the Davidic-Solomonic covenant, and so God announces that he will destroy Jerusalem because of this apostasy by the king. He is succeeded by his son Amon. Amon follows in his father's footsteps, and is eventually assassinated by his officials. The assassins are executed, and Amon is succeeded by his son Josiah.
Josiah and the religious reform (22:1–23:30)
[edit]Josiah begins his reign with a rebuilding of the Temple. During this effort, Hilkiah, the high priest, finds a copy of the Book of Deuteronomy and has Shaphan, the royal secretary, read it to the king. When Josiah hears the laws which have been broken, he becomes sorrowful and sends a delegation to the prophetess Huldah to ask what to do. Huldah tells the delegation that God will destroy Jerusalem, but not until after Josiah has died.
Josiah plans a ceremony to renew the Mosaic covenant. First, he reads to the people from the scroll and has them all renew the covenant. Then, he has Hilkiah remove all the objects dedicated to other gods from the Temple, burn them in the Kidron Valley and take the ashes to Bethel. Finally, he fires the priests of the other gods, desecrates the high places and gets rid of the male shrine prostitutes and weavers of Asherah in the temple.
While he is at Bethel, in the midst of destroying the tombs there, he finds the tomb of the prophet who prophesied his coming and spares it along with that of the Samarian prophet who had then tested him. He then instructs his people to celebrate Passover, since its celebration had fallen out of use for many years. He gets rid of the mediums and spiritists. He is the best king in the history of Israel and Judah. Josiah goes to battle against Necho II of Egypt and the king of Assyria, but is defeated and killed by Necho at Megiddo.
The destruction of Jerusalem (23:31–25:30)
[edit]Necho takes Josiah's successor, Jehoahaz, captive and imposes huge demands on Judah. He places another of Josiah's sons, Jehoiakim, on the throne, who pays the demands by increasing taxes. Both of Josiah's successors are evil.
Nebuchadnezzar II of Babylon invades, and Jehoiakim becomes his vassal for three years until he rebels. In response to this, in order to fulfil what God had said with regards to Manasseh, a large number of raiders from neighbouring kingdoms and empires attack Judah. This time, there is no support from Egypt because it has already been invaded by the Babylonians. Jehoiakim dies and is succeeded by his son Jehoiachin, who is also evil. Nebuchadnezzar lays siege to Jerusalem, and the Judahites surrender.
Nebuchadnezzar takes Jehoiachin and his family hostage, and takes away everything from the Temple and the palace, fulfilling Isaiah's prophecy to Hezekiah. He then takes away everyone into exile except the very poorest people. He then puts Jehoiachin's uncle, Zedekiah, on the throne. Zedekiah is also evil. Eventually, he rebels against Nebuchadnezzar and Jerusalem is put under siege for two years. Finally, famine overcomes the city and the walls are broken through. Zedekiah's punishment, which he serves at Riblah, is to watch his sons being killed before having his eyes gouged out and being carried as prisoner to Babylon.
Nebuchadnezzar burns down Jerusalem, including the Temple, the palace and all the important buildings. The walls are broken down, and everyone left is carried off, except some of the poorest people to act as farmers. He also kills the remaining priests at Riblah. He appoints Gedaliah as provincial governor. However, he is eventually killed by the last remaining member of the royal family, Ishmael son of Nethaniah, and a large number of Judahites and Babylonians flee to Egypt. Awel-Murduk becomes king of Babylon on Nebuchadnezzar's death. He releases Jehoiachin, gives him a place at his table and an allowance, and places him higher in honour than all other kings in Babylon other than himself.
Composition
[edit]
Textual history
[edit]In the Hebrew Bible, First and Second Kings are a single book, as are the First and Second Books of Samuel. When this was translated into Greek in the last few centuries BC, Samuel was joined with Kings in a four-part work called the Book of Kingdoms. Orthodox Christians continue to use the Greek translation (the Septuagint), but when a Latin translation (called the Vulgate) was made for the Western church, Kingdoms was first retitled "The Book of Kings, parts One to Four", and eventually both Samuel and Kings were separated into two books each.[9]
Thus, the books now commonly known as 1 Samuel and 2 Samuel are known in the Vulgate as 1 Kings and 2 Kings (in imitation of the Septuagint). What are now commonly known as 1 Kings and 2 Kings would be 3 Kings and 4 Kings in old Bibles before the year 1516, such as in the Vulgate and the Septuagint.[10] The division known today, used by Protestant Bibles and adopted by Catholics, came into use in 1517. Some Bibles—for example, the Douay Rheims Bible—still preserve the old denomination.[11]
Deuteronomistic history
[edit]According to Jewish tradition the author of Kings was Jeremiah, who would have been alive during the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BC.[12] The most common view today accepts Martin Noth's thesis that Kings concludes a unified series of books which reflect the language and theology of the Book of Deuteronomy, and which biblical scholars therefore call the Deuteronomistic history.[13]
Noth argued that the History was the work of a single individual living in the 6th century BC, but scholars today tend to treat it as made up of at least two layers,[14] a first edition from the time of Josiah (late 7th century BC), promoting Josiah's religious reforms and the need for repentance, and (2) a second and final edition from the mid-6th century BC.[3][4] Further levels of editing have also been proposed, including: a late 8th century BC edition pointing to Hezekiah of Judah as the model for kingship; an earlier 8th-century BC version with a similar message but identifying Jehu of Israel as the ideal king; and an even earlier version promoting the House of David as the key to national well-being.[15]
Sources
[edit]The editors/authors of the Deuteronomistic history cite a number of sources, including (for example) a "Book of the Acts of Solomon" and, frequently, the "Annals of the Kings of Judah" and a separate book, "Chronicles of the Kings of Israel". The "Deuteronomic" perspective (that of the book of Deuteronomy) is particularly evident in prayers and speeches spoken by key figures at major transition points: Solomon's speech at the dedication of the Temple is a key example.[3] The sources have been heavily edited to meet the Deuteronomistic agenda,[16] but in the broadest sense they appear to have been:
- For the rest of Solomon's reign the text names its source as "the book of the acts of Solomon", but other sources were employed, and much was added by the redactor.
- Israel and Judah: The two "chronicles" of Israel and Judah provided the chronological framework, but few details, apart from the succession of monarchs and the account of how the Temple of Solomon was progressively stripped as true religion declined. A third source, or set of sources, were cycles of stories about various prophets (Elijah and Elisha, Isaiah, Ahijah and Micaiah), plus a few smaller miscellaneous traditions. The conclusion of the book (2 Kings 25:18–21, 27–30) was probably based on personal knowledge.
- A few sections were editorial additions not based on sources. These include various predictions of the downfall of the northern kingdom, the equivalent prediction of the downfall of Judah following the reign of Manasseh, the extension of Josiah's reforms in accordance with the laws of Deuteronomy, and the revision of the narrative from Jeremiah concerning Judah's last days.[17]
Manuscript sources
[edit]Three of the Dead Sea Scrolls feature parts of Kings: 5QKgs, found in Qumran Cave 5, contains parts of 1 Kings 1; 6QpapKgs, found in Qumran Cave 6, contains 94 fragments from all over the two books; and 4QKgs, found in Qumran Cave 4, contains parts of 1 Kings 7–8.[18][19][20] The earliest complete surviving copy of the book(s) of Kings is in the Aleppo Codex (10th century CE).[21]
Themes and genre
[edit]
Kings is "history-like" rather than history in the modern sense, mixing legends, folktales, miracle stories and "fictional constructions" in with the annals, and its primary explanation for all that happens is God's offended sense of what is right; it is therefore more fruitful to read it as theological literature in the form of history. The theological bias is seen in the way it judges each king of Israel on the basis of whether he recognises the authority of the Temple in Jerusalem (none do, and therefore all are "evil"), and each king of Judah on the basis of whether he destroys the "high places" (rivals to the Temple in Jerusalem); it gives only passing mention to important and successful kings like Omri and Jeroboam II and ignores one of the most significant events in ancient Israel's history, the battle of Qarqar.[22]
The major themes of Kings are God's promise, the recurrent apostasy of the kings, and the judgement this brings on Israel:[23]
- Promise: In return for Israel's promise to worship Yahweh alone, Yahweh makes promises to David and to Israel – to David, the promise that his line will rule Israel forever, to Israel, the promise of the land they will possess.
- Apostasy: the great tragedy of Israel's history, meaning the destruction of the kingdom and the Temple, is due to the failure of the people, but more especially the kings, to worship Yahweh alone (Yahweh being the God of Israel).
- Judgement: Apostasy leads to judgement. Judgement is not punishment, but simply the natural (or rather, God-ordained) consequence of Israel's failure to worship Yahweh alone.
Another and related theme is that of prophecy. The main point of the prophetic stories is that God's prophecies are always fulfilled, so that any not yet fulfilled will be so in the future. The implication, the release of Jehoiachin and his restoration to a place of honour in Babylon in the closing scenes of the book, is that the promise of an eternal Davidic dynasty is still in effect, and that the Davidic line will be restored.[24]
Textual features
[edit]
Chronology
[edit]The standard Hebrew text of Kings presents an impossible chronology.[25] To take just a single example, Omri's accession to the throne of the Kingdom of Israel is dated to the 31st year of Asa of Judah[26] meanwhile the ascension of his predecessor, Zimri, who reigned for only a week, is dated to the 27th year of Asa.[27][28] The Greek text corrects the impossibilities but does not seem to represent an earlier version.[29] A large number of scholars have claimed to solve the difficulties, but the results differ, sometimes widely, and none has achieved consensus status.[30]
Kings and 2 Chronicles
[edit]The second Book of Chronicles covers much the same time-period as the books of Kings, but it ignores the northern Kingdom of Israel almost completely, David is given a major role in planning the Temple, Hezekiah is given a much more far-reaching program of reform, and Manasseh of Judah is given an opportunity to repent of his sins, apparently to account for his long reign.[31] It is usually assumed that the author of Chronicles used Kings as a source and emphasised different areas as he would have liked it to have been interpreted.[31]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Nelson, pp. 1–2
- ^ a b Sweeney, p. 1
- ^ a b c Fretheim, p. 7
- ^ a b Grabbe, Lester L. (2016-12-01). 1 & 2 Kings: An Introduction and Study Guide: History and Story in Ancient Israel (1 ed.). T&T Clark. ASIN B01MTO6I34.
- ^ "8199. shaphat". Strong's Hebrew Concordance.
Judges people 1 Kings 3:9 (twice in verse)
- ^ Rendered "govern" in the New Revised Standard Version Auld, A. Graeme (1986). I & II Kings. Edinburgh, Scotland: The Saint Andrew Press. p. 23.
The hardest terms to translate in the whole passage are the related Hebrew verb and noun rendered "govern" (1 Kings 3:9) and right (v. 11) The Hebrew word shaphat has overtones of both ruling and judging.
- ^ "2450. chakam". Strong's Hebrew Concordance.
- ^ 2 Kings 18:3
- ^ Tomes, p. 246.
- ^ Schets, Joseph (1910). . Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 8.
- ^ Bible (Douay Rheims ed.), DRBO.
- ^ Spieckermann, p. 337.
- ^ Perdue, xxvii.
- ^ Wilson, p. 85.
- ^ Sweeney, p. 4.
- ^ Van Seters, p. 307.
- ^ McKenzie, pp. 281–84.
- ^ Trebolle, Julio (January 1, 1992). "LIGHT FROM 4Qjudg AND 4QKgs ON THE TEXT OF JUDGES AND KINGS". The Dead Sea Scrolls: 315–324. doi:10.1163/9789004350113_028. ISBN 9789004350113 – via brill.com.
- ^ "Qumran Fragments of the Books of Kings | orion-editor.dev". orion-bibliography.huji.ac.il.
- ^ "5Q2 / 5QKgs | orion-editor.dev". orion-bibliography.huji.ac.il.
- ^ Friedman, Matti (September 28, 2008). "Scholars search for pages of ancient Hebrew Bible". Los Angeles Times.
- ^ Sutherland, p. 489
- ^ Fretheim, pp. 10–14
- ^ Sutherland, p. 490
- ^ Sweeney, p. 43
- ^ 1 Kings 16:23
- ^ 1 Kings 16:15
- ^ Sweeney, pp. 43–44
- ^ Nelson, p. 44
- ^ Moore & Kelle, pp. 269–71
- ^ a b Sutherland, p. 147
Bibliography
[edit]Commentaries on Kings
[edit]- Fretheim, Terence E (1997). First and Second Kings. Westminster John Knox Press. ISBN 978-0-664-25565-7.
- Nelson, Richard Donald (1987). First and Second Kings. Westminster John Knox Press. ISBN 978-0-664-22084-6.
- Sweeney, Marvin (2007). I & II Kings: A Commentary. Westminster John Knox Press. ISBN 978-0-664-22084-6.
General
[edit]- Knight, Douglas A (1995). "Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomists". In Mays, James Luther; Petersen, David L.; Richards, Kent Harold (eds.). Old Testament Interpretation. T&T Clark. ISBN 978-0-567-29289-6.
- Knight, Douglas A (1991). "Sources". In Mills, Watson E.; Bullard, Roger Aubrey (eds.). Mercer Dictionary of the Bible. Mercer University Press. ISBN 978-0-86554-373-7.
- Leuchter, Mark; Adam, Klaus-Peter (2010). "Introduction". In Leuchter, Mark; Adam, Klaus-Peter; Adam, Karl-Peter (eds.). Soundings in Kings: Perspectives and Methods in Contemporary Scholarship. Fortress Press. ISBN 978-1-4514-1263-5.
- Moore, Megan Bishop; Kelle, Brad E (2011). Biblical History and Israel's Past: The Changing Study of the Bible and History. Eerdmans. ISBN 978-0-8028-6260-0.
- McKenzie, Steven L (1994). "The Books of Kings". In McKenzie, Steven L.; Patrick Graham, Matt (eds.). The History of Israel's Traditions: The Heritage of Martin Noth. Sheffield Academic Press. ISBN 978-0-567-23035-5.
- Perdue, Leo G (2001). "Preface: The Hebrew Bible in Current Research". In Perdue, Leo G. (ed.). The Blackwell Companion to the Hebrew Bible. Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-631-21071-9.
- Spieckerman, Hermann (2001). "The Deuteronomistic History". In Perdue, Leo G. (ed.). The Blackwell Companion to the Hebrew Bible. Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-631-21071-9.
- Sutherland, Ray (1991). "Kings, Books of, First and Second". In Mills, Watson E.; Bullard, Roger Aubrey (eds.). Mercer Dictionary of the Bible. Mercer University Press. ISBN 978-0-86554-373-7.
- Tomes, Roger (2003). "1 and 2 Kings". In Dunn, James D.G.; Rogerson, John William (eds.). Eerdmans Commentary on the Bible. Eerdmans. ISBN 978-0-8028-3711-0.
- Van Seters, John (1997). In search of history: historiography in the ancient world and the origins of biblical history. Eisenbrauns. ISBN 978-1-57506-013-2.
- Walton, John H. (2009). "The Deuteronomistic History". In Hill, Andrew E.; Walton, John H. (eds.). A Survey of the Old Testament. Zondervan. ISBN 978-0-310-22903-2.
- Wilson, Robert R (1995). "The Former Prophets: Reading the Books of Kings". In Mays, James Luther; Petersen, David L.; Harold Richards, Kent (eds.). Old Testament Interpretation: Past, Present and Future: Essays in honor of Gene M. Tucker. Continuum International. ISBN 978-0-567-29289-6.
External links
[edit]Original text
[edit]- מלכים א Melachim Aleph – Kings A (Hebrew – English at Mechon-Mamre.org)
- מלכים ב Melachim Bet – Kings B (Hebrew – English at Mechon-Mamre.org)
Jewish translations
[edit]- 1 Kings at Mechon-Mamre (Jewish Publication Society 1917 translation)
- 2 Kings at Mechon-Mamre (Jewish Publication Society 1917 translation)
Christian translations
[edit]Other links
[edit]- "books of Kings." Encyclopædia Britannica Online.
- Cook, Stanley Arthur (1911). . In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 15 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 810–815.
- Books of Kings article (Jewish Encyclopedia)
- 1 & 2 Kings: introduction Archived 2015-09-06 at the Wayback MachineForward Movement
- Schets, Joseph (1910). . Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 8.
Books of Kings
View on GrokipediaNarrative Overview
Succession of David and Rise of Solomon
In the opening chapters of 1 Kings, the succession narrative depicts King David in advanced age, unable to generate body heat despite being covered with blankets and attended by Abishag the Shunammite, prompting concerns over the throne's stability.[6] Adonijah, David's fourth son, attempts to claim the kingship by allying with Joab and Abiathar, proclaiming himself ruler while David remains alive, an act interpreted as usurpation amid the absence of a designated heir.[7] This intrigue is countered by the prophet Nathan and Bathsheba, Solomon's mother, who inform David of the plot; David reaffirms his earlier promise to make Solomon king, leading to Solomon's anointing at Gihon by Zadok the priest and Nathan.[6] David charges Solomon to adhere to Yahweh's law and eliminate threats, resulting in Solomon's consolidation of power: Adonijah is executed for requesting Abishag as wife, Joab is killed at the altar for past murders, and Shimei is confined then slain for boundary violation.[6] Abiathar is deposed but spared, fulfilling prophecy against Eli's house, while Zadok replaces him as priest.[8] Scholars identify 1 Kings 1-2 as part of the Succession Narrative (encompassing 2 Samuel 9-20 and 1 Kings 1-2), a coherent ancient source integrated into the Deuteronomistic History, possibly composed in the Solomonic era to legitimize Solomon's rule through court intrigues and divine favor.[7] [9] Biblical chronology places David's reign from approximately 1010 to 970 BCE, with Solomon ascending around 970 BCE and ruling until 930 BCE, a 40-year tenure marked by initial wisdom and prosperity.[10] [11] Historical verification of the accession remains elusive, with no direct extra-biblical evidence for these events; archaeological findings, such as monumental gates at sites like Megiddo attributed to the 10th century BCE, support a centralized Judahite authority under a figure like Solomon but do not confirm specific succession details.[12] [13] Critical analyses suggest the narrative employs literary tension and hermeneutics of suspicion to portray Solomon's ruthless pragmatism as divinely ordained, potentially masking propagandistic elements favoring the Davidic line over rivals.[8] [14] While minimalist scholars question the historicity of a grand united monarchy, maximalist interpretations align the account with emerging Iron Age IIA material culture indicating expanded Judean influence.[15]Reign and Achievements of Solomon
Solomon ascended to the throne following the death of his father David, consolidating power by executing or exiling potential rivals such as Adonijah, Joab, and Shimei to secure his rule over the united kingdom of Israel.[16] Early in his reign, at Gibeon, Solomon petitioned Yahweh for wisdom to govern justly, requesting "an understanding mind to govern your people, that I may discern between good and evil."[17] God granted this request, adding incomparable riches and honor, provided Solomon obeyed divine commandments.[18] A hallmark of Solomon's wisdom was his adjudication of a dispute between two prostitutes over a living child, proposing to divide the infant with a sword; the true mother's plea to spare the child revealed her identity, earning widespread acclaim for his discernment.[19] This judgment, along with his composition of 3,000 proverbs and 1,005 songs, and expertise in botany and zoology, spread his fame across the earth, drawing seekers from all nations.[20] Solomon's paramount achievement was the construction of the Temple in Jerusalem, begun in his fourth regnal year—480 years after the Exodus—and completed after seven years using cedar and cypress from Tyre, supplied by King Hiram in exchange for wheat, oil, and 20 cities in Galilee.[21] [22] The structure measured 60 cubits long, 20 cubits wide, and 30 cubits high, with an inner sanctuary overlaid in gold, cherubim, and intricate carvings; its dedication involved Solomon's prayer and the filling of the space with Yahweh's glory via fire from heaven.[23] [24] He concurrently built his palace complex over 13 years, encompassing the House of the Forest of Lebanon and the Hall of Judgment, totaling 20 years for major edifices.[25] [26] Under Solomon, the kingdom expanded from the Euphrates River to the border of Egypt, encompassing tributary states like Edom, Moab, Ammon, and Aram, with annual provisions for his court numbering 30,000 loaves of bread and vast quantities of flour, meal, and wine.[27] His wealth amassed through trade in horses from Egypt and Kue, chariots, and gold—receiving 666 talents annually—surpassed all earthly kings, evidenced by his throne of ivory and gold, shields of beaten gold, and a sea of cast bronze supported by oxen.[28] The visit of the Queen of Sheba, who tested his wisdom with riddles and beheld his prosperity, further attested to his renown, as she praised Yahweh for placing such a king over Israel.[29] Solomon reigned 40 years in Jerusalem, achieving a zenith of prosperity and centralized administration divided into 12 districts for taxation and labor levies.[30] [31]Schism into Two Kingdoms
Following the death of Solomon around 931 BCE, the narrative in the Books of Kings describes the division of the united monarchy into the northern Kingdom of Israel, comprising ten tribes under Jeroboam I, and the southern Kingdom of Judah under Rehoboam.[32][33] This schism is portrayed as a consequence of Solomon's idolatry, which prompted the prophet Ahijah to tear his cloak into twelve pieces and allocate ten to Jeroboam, signifying God's rending of the kingdom from the house of David while preserving one tribe for David's sake and the temple site in Jerusalem.[34][35] In 1 Kings 12, Rehoboam travels to Shechem for acclamation as king, where the northern assembly demands he lighten the "heavy yoke" of forced labor and taxation imposed under Solomon.[36] The elder advisors urge conciliation to secure loyalty, but Rehoboam heeds the younger counselors' recommendation for severity, retorting that his "little finger is thicker than my father's thighs" and threatening even harsher burdens.[37] This arrogance incites rebellion, with the northerners declaring, "What portion do we have in David? ... To your tents, O Israel!"—leaving Rehoboam with the allegiance of Judah and Benjamin alone.[38][39] Jeroboam, previously a Solomon-appointed overseer who fled to Egypt after Ahijah's prophecy, returns from exile and is proclaimed king over Israel.[40] To consolidate power and avert pilgrimage to Jerusalem's temple—which risked transferring loyalty to Rehoboam—Jeroboam erects two golden calves, one at Bethel and one at Dan, announcing, "Behold your gods, O Israel, who brought you up out of the land of Egypt."[41] He appoints non-Levitical priests from among the people, establishes an unauthorized sanctuary system, and institutes a festival on the fifteenth day of the eighth month, diverging from the Jerusalem calendar.[42] This religious innovation, echoing Aaron's earlier calf at Sinai, is depicted as the foundational sin precipitating Israel's subsequent idolatries.[43][44] The Books of Kings frame the schism as divinely ordained retribution for Solomon's foreign alliances and worship of other gods, compounded by Rehoboam's imprudence, while Jeroboam's countermeasures ensure political independence at the cost of fidelity to Mosaic law.[45] Rehoboam's attempt to reclaim the north by force fails when a prophet intervenes, underscoring the event's theological inevitability over mere tribal discontent.[46] Archaeological evidence for the united monarchy remains contested, with the divided kingdoms' existence better attested from the 9th century BCE onward through inscriptions like the Mesha Stele, but the narrative prioritizes causal links between royal conduct, prophetic fulfillment, and national fracture.[33]Kings of Israel and Judah to Elijah
Following the division of the united monarchy around 931 BCE, the Books of 1 Kings detail the parallel reigns of kings in Israel and Judah, assessing each ruler's adherence to covenantal laws as the measure of legitimacy.[47] Northern kings are critiqued for perpetuating Jeroboam's innovations—golden calves at Bethel and Dan to deter pilgrimages to Jerusalem—deemed idolatrous schisms from Yahwistic purity.[48] Judah's rulers vary, with commendation for reforms against high places and Asherah poles, though incomplete fidelity persists. In Israel, Jeroboam I ruled circa 931–910 BCE, fortifying Shechem and Penuel while instituting priestly orders outside Levites, prompting prophetic condemnation via Ahijah's withering sash and a man of God's oracle against Bethel's altar.[47] His dynasty ended when Baasha assassinated his son Nadab (910–909 BCE) during Gibbethon's Philistine siege, eradicating Jeroboam's house as foretold, then warring against Judah's Asa.[47] Baasha (909–886 BCE) mirrored this pattern, but Jehu prophesied his line's annihilation, fulfilled by Zimri's coup against Elah (886–885 BCE).[47] Zimri's seven-day reign ended in suicide amid Omri's revolt; Omri (885–874 BCE) consolidated power at Samaria, establishing a dynasty noted for might, though condemned for Jeroboam's sins—extrabiblical records like the Mesha Stele affirm his house's regional influence.[47][49] Judah's Rehoboam (931–913 BCE) faced Egyptian plunder by Shishak, losing temple treasures, and perpetual border skirmishes with Israel, halted by prophet Shemaiah.[47] Abijah (913–911 BCE) briefly warred victoriously against Jeroboam, invoking Davidic covenant, but tolerated high places.[47] Asa (911–870 BCE) removed idols, deposed his idolatrous grandmother Maacah, and allied with Syria's Ben-Hadad against Baasha, earning prophetic rebuke for reliance on foreign aid over Yahweh, yet praised for heart-directed zeal.[47] His son Jehoshaphat (870–848 BCE) followed suit, destroying sacred stones and Asherim, appointing priests for teaching Torah, and strengthening defenses, though reproved for maritime ties to Ahaziah.[47] Omri's son Ahab (874–853 BCE) ascended amid ongoing condemnation for calf worship; his marriage to Phoenician Jezebel intensified Baal promotion, building a Samaria temple and altar, provoking Elijah's drought announcement in 1 Kings 17.[47] Archaeological attestations, including the Kurkh Monolith's record of Ahab's 2,000 chariots at Qarqar (853 BCE), confirm Israel's military capacity under him, countering portrayals of uniform decline.[49] The narrative underscores prophetic opposition as divine check against royal apostasy, setting the stage for Elijah's confrontations.[48]| Kingdom | King | Reign (BCE, approx.) | Key Actions and Evaluation |
|---|---|---|---|
| Israel | Jeroboam I | 931–910 | Instituted calf worship; dynasty doomed by prophecy. Evil.[47] |
| Israel | Nadab | 910–909 | Continued sins; killed by Baasha. Evil.[47] |
| Israel | Baasha | 909–886 | Destroyed Jeroboam's house; warred on Judah. Evil.[47] |
| Israel | Elah | 886–885 | Assassinated by Zimri. Evil.[47] |
| Israel | Zimri | 885 (7 days) | Usurper; self-immolated. Evil.[47] |
| Israel | Omri | 885–874 | Built Samaria; strong but sinful. Evil.[47] |
| Israel | Ahab | 874–853 | Married Jezebel; promoted Baal; faced Elijah. Evil.[47] |
| Judah | Rehoboam | 931–913 | Lost to Shishak; tribal wars. Evil.[47] |
| Judah | Abijah | 913–911 | Victory over Jeroboam. Evil but covenant appeal.[47] |
| Judah | Asa | 911–870 | Removed idols; Syrian alliance. Good heart, but flawed.[47] |
| Judah | Jehoshaphat | 870–848 | Judicial reforms; destroyed Asherim. Good.[47] |
Ministry of Elijah
Elijah, identified as "the Tishbite, of Tishbe" in Gilead, emerges in the narrative as a prophet opposing the Baal worship promoted by King Ahab of Israel, who reigned approximately 874–853 BCE, and his Phoenician wife Jezebel.[50] Elijah's initial act is to declare to Ahab a drought as divine judgment, stating, "As the Lord, the God of Israel, lives, before whom I stand, there shall be neither dew nor rain these years, except by my word," initiating a period of famine lasting about three years.[50][51] This prophecy aligns with the Deuteronomistic theme in Kings linking national calamity to covenant infidelity, particularly the introduction of foreign cults under Ahab.[52] Directed by God, Elijah hides at the Brook Cherith east of the Jordan, where ravens miraculously provide bread and meat twice daily, sustaining him until the brook dries up due to the drought.[53] He then travels to Zarephath in Sidon, Jezebel's homeland, where a widow's handful of flour and jug of oil do not diminish, enabling their survival, and Elijah revives her deceased son through prayer, affirming Yahweh's power over life and death.[54][55] In the third year of drought, Elijah confronts Ahab again, arranging a public contest on Mount Carmel against 450 prophets of Baal and 400 prophets of Asherah, where Yahweh sends fire to consume Elijah's water-drenched sacrifice, leading to the execution of the Baal prophets and the return of rain.[56] Fleeing Jezebel's death threat after the Carmel victory, Elijah journeys 40 days and nights to Mount Horeb, where God reveals himself not in wind, earthquake, or fire, but in a low whisper, commissioning Elijah to anoint Hazael as king of Syria, Jehu as king of Israel, and Elisha as his prophetic successor to continue judgment on idolatry.[57] Later, Elijah denounces Ahab's seizure of Naboth's vineyard through Jezebel's judicial murder, prophesying that dogs would lick Ahab's blood at the site and devour Jezebel in Jezreel, with calamity falling on Ahab's house despite Ahab's temporary repentance delaying it to his son's reign.[58] Under Ahab's son Ahaziah, who succeeds around 853 BCE and inquires of Baal-zebub for healing after a fall, Elijah intercepts messengers and prophesies Ahaziah's death for forsaking Yahweh; when Ahaziah dispatches two companies of 50 soldiers each, Elijah calls fire from heaven to consume them, sparing the third captain who pleads for mercy, confirming the prophecy as Ahaziah dies without heir.[59] Elijah's ministry concludes with his translation to heaven: traveling with Elisha, he parts the Jordan River with his cloak, after which a chariot of fire and horses of fire appear, separating them as Elijah ascends in a whirlwind, leaving Elisha to inherit a double portion of his spirit and mantle.[60] This ascension underscores Elijah's unique role as a defender of Yahwism amid royal apostasy, with the narrative portraying his miracles—drought, sustenance, resurrection, fire, and ascension—as direct interventions contrasting Baal's impotence.[61]Ministry of Elisha
Elisha's prophetic ministry commences in 2 Kings 2, immediately following Elijah's ascension to heaven in a chariot of fire and whirlwind, an event witnessed by Elisha who had requested a double portion of Elijah's spirit.[62] Elisha inherits Elijah's mantle, strikes the Jordan River to part its waters—mirroring Elijah's earlier miracle—and crosses on dry ground, affirming his succession and divine empowerment.[62] This transition underscores the continuity of Yahweh's prophetic authority amid the apostasy of Israel's kings, with Elisha operating primarily in the northern kingdom during the reigns of Joram of Israel (c. 852–841 BCE) and associated Judean rulers.[63][64] Early acts establish Elisha's regional influence: he purifies the contaminated spring at Jericho by casting salt into it, rendering the water wholesome and ending barrenness and death in the land, as declared in Yahweh's name.[65] En route to Bethel, a group of youths mocks him as "baldhead," prompting Elisha to curse them in Yahweh's name; two bears then emerge from the woods and maul 42 of them, interpreted in the narrative as judgment on irreverence toward the prophet.[66] These incidents parallel Elijah's confrontations but shift toward Elisha's role in sustaining life and community, contrasting the northern kingdom's Baalist influences.[67] Elisha's miracles often address domestic crises, emphasizing provision and restoration. For a prophet's widow facing creditors who threaten to enslave her sons, Elisha instructs her to borrow vessels and pour oil, which miraculously multiplies to fill them, enabling debt repayment and sustenance.[68] He resurrects the son of a Shunammite woman by stretching upon the child and praying, restoring breath after the boy collapses from apparent heatstroke.[69] During a famine, Elisha neutralizes a poisonous stew by adding flour and multiplies twenty loaves of barley to feed 100 men with leftovers, prefiguring themes of abundance amid scarcity.[70] A further sign of divine control over nature occurs when an iron axe head floats after Elisha fells a tree, retrieved by throwing a stick into the water.[71] On the international stage, Elisha heals Naaman, the Aramean army commander afflicted with leprosy, after Naaman dips seven times in the Jordan as instructed, rejecting more elaborate rituals.[72] Naaman's conversion to worshiping Yahweh alone, coupled with his request for soil to build an altar, highlights the prophet's outreach beyond Israel, though his servant Gehazi pursues Naaman for unrevealed gifts and incurs the leprosy as punishment for greed.[73] Amid Aramean incursions under Ben-Hadad (c. 9th century BCE), Elisha repeatedly discloses Syrian military ambushes to Israel's king via divine revelation, frustrating the enemy.[74] When an Aramean force surrounds Elisha at Dothan to capture him, he prays for their blindness, leads them into Samaria, and upon restoration, feeds and releases them, prompting a temporary halt to raids.[75] Elisha's interventions extend to royal crises and sieges. During Ben-Hadad's siege of Samaria, extreme famine leads to cannibalism, with prices soaring to 80 shekels of silver for a donkey's head; Elisha prophesies abundant provisions at reduced rates the next day, fulfilled through an Aramean camp's erroneous panic-induced abandonment, allowing Israelites to plunder supplies.[76] A skeptical royal officer witnesses the plenty but dies trampled in the rush, as foretold.[77] In Damascus, Elisha weeps upon anointing Hazael as Ben-Hadad's successor through prophecy, foreseeing Hazael's brutal atrocities against Israel.[78] He directs a disciple to anoint Jehu ben Nimshi as king over Israel, catalyzing the purge of Ahab's house and Baal worship.[79] Nearing death during Jehoash's reign (c. 798–782 BCE), Elisha instructs the king to shoot an arrow eastward—symbolizing victory over Aram—and strike ground with arrows, prophesying partial triumph in three campaigns against Hazael's successor.[80] Even in death, his bones revive a slain man thrown into Elisha's tomb during a Moabite raid, demonstrating enduring prophetic power.[81] Archaeological findings at Tel Rehov, including a 9th-century BCE ostracon inscribed with "Elisha" and a structure with cultic elements destroyed in a layer aligning with biblical timelines, offer tentative extra-biblical attestation to a figure of this name and era, though direct linkage to the prophet remains unproven and debated among scholars.[82][83] The miracles, unverified empirically, serve the Deuteronomistic framework to validate Yahweh's sovereignty against idolatrous kings.[64]Decline and Fall of Northern Kingdom
Following the death of Jeroboam II around 753 BCE, the Northern Kingdom of Israel entered a phase of political instability marked by short reigns and frequent assassinations, exacerbating its vulnerability to external threats. Zechariah, son of Jeroboam II, ruled for only six months before being assassinated by Shallum in a coup, ending the dynasty of Jehu after five generations as prophesied.[84] Shallum's reign lasted one month until he was overthrown and killed by Menahem, who then ruled from approximately 752 to 742 BCE.[85] Menahem's rule involved paying tribute to the Assyrian king Tiglath-Pileser III (also known as Pul) to secure his throne, extracting 1,000 talents of silver from Israel's wealthy citizens in 738 BCE to avert invasion.[86] His son Pekahiah succeeded him, reigning until 740 BCE when he was assassinated by Pekah, son of Remaliah, with the aid of 50 Gileadites. Pekah ruled from 740 to 732 BCE, during which he allied with Rezin of Aram-Damascus against Judah, prompting Ahaz of Judah to appeal to Tiglath-Pileser III; Assyria subsequently conquered significant territories including Galilee and Gilead, reducing Israel's land and population.[87] Pekah was assassinated by Hoshea, son of Elah, who became the final king, reigning from 732 to 722 BCE.[85] Hoshea initially submitted as a vassal to Shalmaneser V of Assyria but later rebelled, seeking alliance with Egypt's So (likely Osorkon IV) and withholding tribute around 725 BCE, triggering Assyrian retaliation. Shalmaneser V besieged Samaria for three years, but the city fell in 722/721 BCE under his successor Sargon II, who claimed to have deported 27,290 inhabitants to Assyria and other provinces, resettling the area with foreigners from Babylon, Cuthah, Avva, Hamath, and Sepharvaim.[88] [89] This event, corroborated by Sargon's Great Summary Inscription and biblical accounts, ended the Northern Kingdom, with archaeological evidence of destruction layers at Samaria supporting the siege's intensity.[90] The decline stemmed from chronic idolatry, social inequities, and prophetic condemnations by Amos and Hosea, who attributed the fall to covenant violations rather than solely Assyrian military superiority, though the empire's expansion under Tiglath-Pileser III and [Sargon II](/page/Sargon II) provided the proximate cause through conquest and deportation policies aimed at preventing rebellion. Internal dynastic upheavals—eight of the nine kings after Jeroboam II died violently—weakened defenses, making Assyrian subjugation inevitable amid broader Levantine campaigns.[91] The repopulation led to syncretistic worship in the region, forming the basis for later Samaritan identity, as diverse groups adopted a mix of Israelite and foreign practices.[92]Final Kings of Judah and Exile
![Genealogy of the kings of Israel and Judah.svg.png][float-right] Following the Assyrian conquest of the Northern Kingdom of Israel in 722 BC, the Books of Kings shift focus to the Kingdom of Judah, where a series of kings ruled until the Babylonian exile.[93] Hezekiah, reigning approximately from 715 to 686 BC, initiated religious reforms by destroying high places, sacred stones, and Asherah poles, centralizing worship in Jerusalem.[94] His reign faced the Assyrian invasion led by Sennacherib in 701 BC, during which Judah's fortified cities were captured, but Jerusalem was spared after divine intervention according to the biblical account, corroborated in part by the Sennacherib Prism describing the siege of Lachish and tribute from Hezekiah.[95] [94] Hezekiah's successor, Manasseh, who ruled from about 686 to 642 BC, reversed these reforms, promoting idolatry, child sacrifice, and astral worship, leading to Judah's deepened vassalage under Assyria.[93] His son Amon, reigning briefly from 642 to 640 BC, continued similar practices until assassinated by officials, after which the people installed his son Josiah.[96] Josiah's 31-year reign (640–609 BC) marked a revival: in his eighteenth year, the discovery of a "Book of the Law" in the temple prompted extensive reforms, including the destruction of pagan altars in Judah, Jerusalem, and former Israelite territories, and the centralization of Passover observance.[97] Josiah died in 609 BC at the Battle of Megiddo, intervening against Pharaoh Necho II's army en route to support Assyria, with recent pottery evidence indicating Egyptian presence at the site.[98] The final decades saw instability: Josiah's son Jehoahaz ruled three months in 609 BC before Necho deposed him and installed Jehoiakim (609–598 BC), who initially served Egypt then Babylon.[99] Jehoiakim rebelled against Nebuchadnezzar II in 601 BC, prompting a Babylonian siege; his son Jehoiachin surrendered in 597 BC, leading to the deportation of elites, including the king, confirmed by Babylonian ration tablets naming Jehoiachin.[100] Nebuchadnezzar appointed Zedekiah (597–586 BC), who also rebelled around 589 BC, resulting in a prolonged siege of Jerusalem ending in its fall on July 18, 586 BC, the temple's destruction by fire, and mass exile to Babylon.[101] [102] Archaeological layers of destruction and ash at Jerusalem and sites like Lachish support the Babylonian conquest's severity.[101] ![Tissot_The_Flight_of_the_Prisoners.jpg][center] The exile marked the end of Judah's monarchy, with Gedaliah appointed governor but assassinated, leading to further flight to Egypt; the Books of Kings conclude with a note of hope in Jehoiachin's improved status in Babylon around 561 BC.[100] Babylonian chronicles and inscriptions align with the sequence of events, including the 597 BC deportation, though the theological framing in Kings attributes the fall to persistent covenant unfaithfulness.[103]Composition and Redaction
Traditional Attribution and Early Views
The Babylonian Talmud, in tractate Bava Batra 15a, attributes the authorship of the Books of Kings (along with the Book of Jeremiah and Lamentations) to the prophet Jeremiah.[104] This attribution reflects a rabbinic consensus compiled around 500 CE but drawing on earlier Second Temple period traditions regarding prophetic composition of historical-prophetic texts.[104] The Talmud's statement positions Jeremiah as the primary compiler or writer, integrating earlier court records and prophetic annals mentioned within Kings itself (e.g., the "book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah" in 1 Kings 14:29). Early Jewish views emphasized prophetic authority for such works, viewing Jeremiah—active during the final kings of Judah and the Babylonian exile—as fitting due to thematic parallels, such as the emphasis on covenant failure and exile, which align with his oracles.[105] Some variant rabbinic traditions occasionally suggested figures like Ezra or Ezekiel, but the Talmudic designation of Jeremiah prevailed as the standard.[106] In early Christian exegesis, this Jewish tradition was largely adopted, with patristic writers like Jerome affirming Jeremiah's role in compiling Kings from preexisting sources during or after the exile, consistent with the text's conclusion at 2 Kings 25:30 referencing Jehoiachin's release circa 561 BCE.[107] This view persisted into medieval commentaries, prioritizing a unified prophetic voice over anonymous or multiple authorship until modern critical shifts.[108]Development of Critical Theories
Critical theories on the composition of the Books of Kings emerged during the Enlightenment and gained momentum in the 19th century, as biblical scholars shifted from traditional attributions of unified authorship—such as to the prophet Jeremiah, per Babylonian Talmud traditions—to analyses emphasizing multiple sources, redactions, and theological agendas shaped by historical contexts. This approach drew from broader historical-critical methods pioneered in Pentateuchal studies, applying rational inquiry to identify inconsistencies, anachronisms, and ideological layers in the narrative, often prioritizing naturalistic explanations over supernatural claims. Early efforts focused on the text's self-references to sources like the "chronicles of the kings of Judah" (e.g., 1 Kings 14:29) and prophetic records, suggesting compilation from archival materials rather than eyewitness prophetic dictation.[109] A foundational advance came with Wilhelm Martin Leberecht de Wette's 1805 dissertation Dissertatio critico-exegetica, which argued that the "book of the law" found in the temple during Josiah's reforms (2 Kings 22:8–13) was Deuteronomy, newly composed in the late 7th century BCE to justify those reforms, and that the Books of Kings retrospectively interpreted monarchic history through this Deuteronomic lens of covenantal fidelity and retribution. De Wette's analysis of parallels between Kings and Chronicles further highlighted selective sourcing and theological editing, positing Kings as drawing from earlier, more factual annals while imposing evaluative judgments (e.g., "did evil in the sight of the Lord"). This work laid groundwork for viewing Kings not as impartial chronicle but as didactic historiography, influencing subsequent source criticism by disconnecting the text from pre-exilic origins.[110][111] In the mid-19th century, scholars like Karl Heinrich Graf extended de Wette's insights, proposing layered compositions where pre-exilic sources were reworked during the Babylonian exile (circa 586 BCE) to address theological crises like Jerusalem's fall, with phrases evaluating kings' reigns (e.g., adherence to "statutes and ordinances") reflecting Deuteronomic criteria. Julius Wellhausen, in his 1878 Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels, integrated Kings into a broader documentary framework, arguing for evolutionary development from tribal alliances to centralized cult, with the book's final form post-dating the monarchy to promote ethical monotheism amid Persian-period realities. These theories, while innovative, often presupposed progressive religious evolution—henotheism yielding to monotheism—aligning with 19th-century philosophical trends but later critiqued for underemphasizing archaeological evidence of early Israelite covenantal practices.[112] Twentieth-century developments refined source and redaction criticism, with figures like Gerhard von Rad (1930s–1950s) emphasizing "salvation history" (Heilsgeschichte) motifs linking patriarchal promises to monarchic fulfillment and prophetic critiques, positing an initial Yahwist layer expanded by Deuteronomic editors. Form criticism, inspired by Hermann Gunkel, isolated genres such as accession reports and miracle stories (e.g., Elijah's confrontations), attributing them to oral traditions before literary fixation. These methods revealed tensions, such as idealized Solomonic portrayals versus Assyrian records of regional weakness, but assumed editorial bias toward Judahite perspectives, potentially marginalizing northern sources. By mid-century, such analyses underscored Kings' role in constructing identity post-exile, though debates persisted over the extent of pre-exilic material versus retrospective invention.[113]Deuteronomistic History Hypothesis
The Deuteronomistic History hypothesis posits that the books of Deuteronomy, Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings constitute a cohesive literary work composed or edited by a Deuteronomist (Dtr) or school of authors, rather than independent chronicles. This theory was first systematically articulated by German scholar Martin Noth in 1943, who argued for a unified narrative spanning from Moses' death to the Babylonian exile, drawing on earlier traditions but shaped by a singular theological perspective.[114][4] Noth dated the primary composition to the mid-6th century BCE, shortly after the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BCE, viewing it as an exilic reflection on Israel's history.[115] Central to the hypothesis is the Deuteronomist's retrospective interpretation of events through the lens of covenant theology derived from Deuteronomy, emphasizing obedience to Yahweh's laws as the condition for national prosperity and disobedience as the cause of calamity. Key motifs include the centralization of worship in Jerusalem (echoing Deuteronomy 12), formulaic evaluations of monarchs based on adherence to Yahweh alone (e.g., rejection of foreign cults), and the fulfillment of prophetic warnings, such as those against the northern kingdom's fall in 722 BCE and Judah's in 586 BCE.[114][116] The narrative frames history as a cycle of fidelity, apostasy, judgment, and occasional repentance, culminating in exile as divine punishment for persistent covenant breach, with no restoration promised in the original edition.[115] Evidence for unity includes recurrent Deuteronomistic phrases (e.g., "did evil in the sight of the Lord," "as it is written in the Torah of Moses"), bridging speeches (like Joshua 1 or 1 Samuel 12), and theological consistency in attributing disasters to idolatry rather than geopolitical factors. Noth identified these as insertions by the Dtr, who collected and edited disparate sources—such as royal annals, prophetic stories, and tribal etiologies—into a didactic history justifying the exile.[4][114] Subsequent refinements, such as Frank Moore Cross's 1973 model, propose a two-edition process: an initial pre-exilic version (ca. 620 BCE, during Josiah's reforms) promoting covenant renewal, revised post-exile to incorporate the temple's destruction.[117] While influential in 20th-century scholarship for explaining textual coherence, the hypothesis faces challenges from those advocating multiple redactional layers or block compositions, arguing that linguistic variations and anachronisms suggest gradual accretion rather than single authorship; empirical support remains textual and inferential, with no direct archaeological attestation of the Dtr figure.[118][119]Alternative Models and Block Theories
Frank Moore Cross advanced a double redaction model for the Deuteronomistic History, positing an initial pre-exilic edition (Dtr¹) composed around 621 BCE during Josiah's reforms, which presented a relatively optimistic view of Judah's fidelity to Yahweh, followed by a post-586 BCE exilic update (Dtr²) that incorporated the fall of Jerusalem and emphasized theological judgment.[120] This "block model" of composition envisions the text as assembled from large, self-contained narrative blocks—such as regnal accounts and prophetic cycles—edited and supplemented in stages rather than rewritten holistically, allowing for the integration of earlier archival materials like court annals while adapting the overall framework to new historical contexts.[121] Cross's approach contrasts with Martin Noth's single exilic redaction by attributing substantial pre-exilic shaping to the material, supported by linguistic and thematic shifts, such as the prominence of Josiah's reform in 2 Kings 22–23 as a narrative pivot.[122] The Göttingen school, led by Rudolf Smend, proposed an alternative multi-layered redaction theory, identifying at least three successive Deuteronomistic editors in the exilic or early post-exilic period: a grundschrift (DtrG) focused on prophetic evaluation of kings, a nomistic layer (DtrN) emphasizing law observance, and a prophetic layer (DtrP) highlighting individual prophetic figures like Elijah and Elisha.[123] This model fragments the composition into incremental additions rather than discrete blocks, arguing that tensions in the text—such as varying assessments of kings' reigns—arise from layered interventions rather than source insertions, with evidence drawn from inconsistencies in deuteronomistic phrases across 1–2 Kings.[124] Critics of both block and multi-redaction models note their reliance on subjective criteria for identifying layers, potentially overcomplicating what may reflect a more unified authorial intent, though proponents cite specific textual seams, like the abrupt shifts in 2 Kings 17, as empirical markers.[125] Other alternatives challenge the Deuteronomistic framework entirely, such as proposals for a Hezekian-era proto-edition of Kings (circa 700 BCE), where core blocks around Sennacherib's invasion were compiled to legitimize Judah's survival, later expanded post-exile.[122] Thomas Römer suggests a staggered formation with Kings initially independent before integration into a broader history, dividing the books into compositional phases: Solomon's reign (1 Kings 1–11), divided kingdoms (1 Kings 12–2 Kings 17), and Judah's end (2 Kings 18–25), each potentially reflecting distinct pre-exilic sources updated in Babylonian exile. These models prioritize archaeological and inscriptional alignments, like Assyrian records corroborating regnal synchronisms, over purely literary criteria, though they remain contested due to sparse extra-biblical data for editorial dates.[126] Empirical testing via textual variants in Qumran manuscripts shows stability in core blocks, supporting block-like preservation but not resolving redactional disputes.[127]Sources and Textual Transmission
Internal Biblical Sources
The Books of Kings explicitly reference several internal sources, primarily consisting of royal annals and records of deeds, which the author claims to have consulted for historical details beyond the theological narrative presented. These citations, appearing at the conclusion of most regnal summaries, underscore the work's reliance on earlier documentary traditions rather than invention, though the selected excerpts emphasize patterns of obedience or apostasy relative to Mosaic covenant standards. The referenced documents are now lost, but their frequent invocation—over 30 instances total—suggests they functioned as official court archives maintained by scribal officials, potentially including administrative logs, military campaigns, building projects, and diplomatic correspondence.[128][129][130] The earliest cited source is the "Book of the Acts of Solomon" (ספר דברי שלמה), mentioned in 1 Kings 11:41 as encompassing "the rest of the acts of Solomon, all that he did as well as his wisdom," implying a comprehensive record of his administrative achievements, wisdom sayings, and possibly economic policies omitted from the biblical account. This work likely served as a foundational historical template for the united monarchy's portrayal, distinct from proverbial collections like those in Proverbs.[131][128] For the divided kingdoms, the "Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel" (ספר דברי הימים למלכי ישראל) is invoked 18 times, typically concluding summaries of northern rulers' reigns, such as in 1 Kings 14:19 for Jeroboam I and 1 Kings 16:27 for Omri. Specific details drawn from it include Ahab's palace "inlaid with ivory" (1 Kings 22:39), indicating inclusion of material on royal opulence, wars, and dynastic intrigues not fully reproduced in Kings. Analogously, the "Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah" (ספר דברי הימים למלכי יהודה) appears 15 times, as in 1 Kings 14:29 for Rehoboam, covering southern kings' temple repairs, fortifications, and prophetic confrontations, with examples like Hezekiah's water conduit in 2 Kings 20:20. These parallel annals differ in scope and tone from the later biblical Books of Chronicles, reflecting Judahite scribal priorities post-exile rather than the pre-exilic records Kings presupposes.[132][133][134] Beyond annals, Kings embeds prophetic traditions without always naming discrete books, but allusions to written oracles exist, such as the "word of the Lord that he spoke to Jehu" in 2 Kings 10:10, hinting at preserved prophetic indictments against dynasties like Ahab's. These internal sources collectively affirm the historiographical method of Kings as selective compilation from verifiable archives, prioritizing causal links between royal fidelity and national fortune over exhaustive chronology.[135][129]Extra-Biblical Corroborations
The Mesha Stele, discovered in 1868 at Dhiban in Jordan and dated to circa 840 BCE, records the Moabite king Mesha's victories over Israel, explicitly naming Omri as king of Israel who had oppressed Moab for many years before Mesha reclaimed territories.[136] This corroborates the biblical account in 1 Kings 16:23-28 of Omri's establishment of a dynasty and control over Moabite lands.[137] The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, a Neo-Assyrian limestone monument from Nimrud dated to 825 BCE and housed in the British Museum, depicts and inscribes Jehu, identified as "son of Omri," bowing in submission and presenting tribute to the Assyrian king.[138] This aligns with 2 Kings 9-10, which describe Jehu's usurpation and subsequent Assyrian interactions following the dynasty of Omri, providing the earliest known image of an Israelite ruler.[139] For the Kingdom of Judah, the Taylor Prism (one of Sennacherib's hexagonal prisms, circa 691 BCE, British Museum) details the Assyrian campaign against Hezekiah in 701 BCE, stating that Sennacherib captured 46 Judean cities, received tribute from Hezekiah, and confined him to Jerusalem "like a bird in a cage."[140] This partially matches 2 Kings 18:13-16 on the siege and tribute but omits the biblical claim of Assyrian withdrawal without conquering the city (2 Kings 19:35-36), reflecting typical royal Assyrian propaganda emphasizing dominance.[141] The Babylonian Chronicle ABC 5, a clay tablet covering Nebuchadnezzar II's early reign and held in the British Museum, records the siege of Jerusalem in 597 BCE, the capture of King Jehoiachin (Jeconiah), his officials, and deportation of exiles on March 16, alongside the installation of Zedekiah as vassal.[142] This directly confirms 2 Kings 24:10-17, including specific deportees and the transition to Zedekiah, aligning with the prelude to Jerusalem's full destruction in 586 BCE described later in 2 Kings 25.[143] Additional inscriptions, such as the Tel Dan Stele (9th century BCE, discovered 1993), reference the "House of David" as a defeated dynasty, supporting the existence of the Davidic line central to Judah's kings in 1-2 Kings.[144] Recent decipherments of Hezekiah-era seals and bullae from Jerusalem excavations further attest to administrative continuity under named Judean officials during the events of 2 Kings 18-20.[145] These artifacts collectively validate over a dozen kings and key military encounters from the Iron Age II period (circa 930-586 BCE), though they do not address theological elements like prophetic fulfillments.[146]Manuscript Evidence and Variants
The manuscript evidence for the Books of Kings is anchored in the Hebrew textual tradition, with the earliest surviving fragments from the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSS) dated to the 2nd century BCE to 1st century CE. These include 4Q54 (portions of 1 Kings 7:20–8:18), 5Q2 (2 Kings fragments), and 6Q4 (1 Kings 3:12–14; 12:28–31; 22:28–31, plus 2 Kings remnants), recovered from Qumran Caves 4, 5, and 6. These proto-Masoretic texts exhibit close alignment with the later Masoretic Text (MT), featuring primarily orthographic variations—such as fuller (plene) versus defective spelling—and isolated minor lexical differences, without substantive alterations to events, chronology, or theological emphases.[147][148][149] The standardized MT, developed by Masoretic scholars between the 7th and 10th centuries CE through meticulous copying, vocalization, and annotation to prevent errors, represents the authoritative Hebrew tradition. The Leningrad Codex (1008 CE), the oldest extant complete Hebrew Bible manuscript, provides the foundational text for modern critical editions of Kings, such as those in the Biblia Hebraica series; the Aleppo Codex (c. 930 CE) originally included Kings but suffered damage, leaving it incomplete for this section. Extensive collations of medieval Hebrew manuscripts—over 600 by Benjamin Kennicott in 1776 and around 1,300 by Giovanni Bernardo de Rossi in the 1780s—demonstrate textual uniformity in Kings, with variants confined to rare synonymous substitutions, grammatical adjustments, or harmonizations, none of which significantly impact interpretive outcomes.[150][151][152] This sparse incidence of variants across a millennium—from DSS to medieval codices—reflects rigorous scribal discipline, including counting letters and words per column, which minimized transmission errors and preserved a stable consonantal framework for the Books of Kings.[149][153]Septuagint and Other Versions
The Septuagint renders the Books of Kings as III Kingdoms (τὰ βασιλειῶν γʹ) and IV Kingdoms (τὰ βασιλειῶν δʹ), reflecting a Hellenistic Jewish translation tradition dating to the 3rd–2nd centuries BCE.[154] This Greek version preserves textual traditions that diverge from the Masoretic Text (MT), often suggesting an underlying Hebrew Vorlage distinct from the proto-MT standardized later.[155] Major uncial manuscripts, including Codex Vaticanus (4th century CE), Codex Sinaiticus (4th century CE), and Codex Alexandrinus (5th century CE), transmit the LXX text of Kingdoms, providing key evidence for pre-Masoretic variants despite later recensions.[156] Notable differences include rearrangements and additions in III Kingdoms, such as the extended Jeroboam narrative in chapters 11–14, where the LXX integrates material absent from the MT, potentially reflecting an earlier or alternative edition emphasizing prophetic confrontations.[157] A prominent insertion occurs at III Kingdoms 12:24a–z, comprising over 100 verses on Jeroboam's rise, Nadab's reign, and Baasha's coup, which scholars attribute to a lost Hebrew source or midrashic expansion rather than Greek invention.[155] These variants, while occasionally harmonizing with Dead Sea Scrolls fragments, highlight the LXX's role in textual criticism, though its fidelity to an original Hebrew is debated, with some arguing for translational liberties over strict equivalence.[158] The Syriac Peshitta, an early Christian translation from Hebrew completed by the 5th century CE, closely aligns with the MT for Kings but exhibits unique variants in manuscripts like 9a1, including clarifications of ambiguous Hebrew terms and occasional harmonizations.[159] Studies of Peshitta Kings reveal deviations shared with the Targum, such as interpretive expansions on royal chronologies, aiding reconstruction of transmission history without contradicting core MT readings.[160] Jerome's Vulgate (late 4th century CE), translated directly from Hebrew sources akin to the MT, adopts the LXX's four-book division for Samuel–Kings but minimizes Greek-influenced additions, resulting in a text that prioritizes Hebrew fidelity over Old Latin precedents.[161] Variants in the Vulgate Kings are primarily translational, such as rendering chronological formulas to resolve perceived MT inconsistencies, though it occasionally echoes LXX phrasing in prophetic oracles.[158] Targum Jonathan, the Aramaic interpretive rendering of the Former Prophets including Kings, dates to the post-Talmudic period but draws on earlier traditions, expanding the MT with haggadic elements like elaborated miracles and moral lessons while preserving narrative structure.[162] Attributed pseudonymously to Jonathan ben Uzziel, it functions as synagogue paraphrase rather than literal translation, introducing variants that reflect rabbinic exegesis, such as emphasizing divine intervention in monarchic failures, and occasionally aligning with LXX additions for Jeroboam.[163]Historicity and Archaeology
Framework of Reliability
The reliability of the Books of Kings as historical documents is evaluated through a multi-faceted framework that prioritizes corroboration with independent evidence, internal textual indicators of sourcing, and comparative analysis with other ancient Near Eastern records, rather than accepting theological framing as inherently disqualifying factual content. This approach recognizes that ancient historiography, including Mesopotamian and Egyptian annals, routinely integrated ideological or divine elements without undermining verifiable events or chronologies; similarly, Kings' Deuteronomistic evaluations of kings based on fidelity to Yahweh do not preclude its use of administrative archives, as evidenced by frequent citations to sources like the "Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Israel" (e.g., 1 Kings 14:19) and "Book of the Chronicles of the Kings of Judah" (e.g., 1 Kings 14:29), which likely derived from royal annals and temple records maintained contemporaneously with the events described.[164][165] Extra-biblical inscriptions provide a primary test of reliability, with numerous alignments confirming the sequence and interactions of Israelite and Judean monarchs from the 9th century BCE onward; for instance, the Mesha Stele (ca. 840 BCE) references Omri's subjugation of Moab and the subsequent revolt under the dynasty's continuation, paralleling 2 Kings 3's account of Moabite rebellion against Israel. Assyrian records, such as the Kurkh Monolith (ca. 853 BCE) naming Ahab of Israel in a coalition against Shalmaneser III and the Black Obelisk (ca. 841 BCE) depicting tribute from Jehu son of Omri, verify the historicity of these figures and their geopolitical entanglements exactly as narrated in 1 Kings 16–2 Kings 10, with no contradictions in regnal timelines or alliances where dates overlap. Babylonian chronicles further attest to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BCE under Nebuchadnezzar II, aligning with 2 Kings 25's description of the siege and deportation.[166][167] Archaeological data supplements this by verifying material correlates, such as fortified structures at sites like Megiddo, Hazor, and Gezer attributable to Solomon's era (ca. 970–930 BCE) via ashlar masonry and six-chambered gates, consistent with 1 Kings 9:15's building projects, though debates persist on precise attributions due to stratigraphic complexities. Destruction layers at Lachish and Jerusalem match Sennacherib's 701 BCE campaign against Hezekiah (2 Kings 18–19), corroborated by the Sennacherib Prism's account of Hezekiah's imprisonment in his capital amid 46 fortified cities besieged. Over 50 biblical figures, including at least 20 from Kings such as Tiglath-Pileser III (2 Kings 15:29) and Jehoiachin (2 Kings 24:15), have been archaeologically attested via seals, ostraca, or inscriptions, demonstrating a pattern of name and event fidelity that exceeds random coincidence.[167][168] Challenges to reliability, often from minimalist scholars who posit late invention or heavy redaction post-exile, rely on argued silences or perceived anachronisms, but these are weighed against the empirical alignments: for example, claims of non-existent literacy or state infrastructure in early Iron Age Israel are refuted by increasing epigraphic finds like the Izbet Sartah ostracon (ca. 1200–1000 BCE) indicating proto-Canaanite writing capabilities. Where discrepancies arise, such as variant chronologies, they frequently resolve through harmonization with synchronisms to foreign rulers (e.g., aligning Jehoshaphat's and Ahab's reigns via Assyrian eclipse data fixing 763 BCE as a benchmark), underscoring the text's rootedness in archival traditions rather than free composition. This framework thus privileges verifiable convergences over speculative deconstructions, yielding high confidence in Kings' core historical outline from the divided monarchy through the exile, while acknowledging interpretive latitude for supernatural claims lacking external attestation.[169][165]Confirmed Kings and Events
Extra-biblical inscriptions and archaeological records corroborate the existence of several monarchs and events described in the Books of Kings, particularly from the 9th to 7th centuries BCE. These confirmations primarily derive from Assyrian, Moabite, Egyptian, and Aramean sources, establishing synchronisms with Near Eastern powers and validating the royal lineages of Israel and Judah. While the full scope of biblical narratives remains subject to interpretation, these artifacts affirm key figures and military interactions, supporting the historicity of named kings and their engagements.[167] The Tel Dan Stele, discovered in 1993 at Tel Dan in northern Israel and dated to the mid-9th century BCE, contains an Aramean inscription referencing victories over the "king of Israel" and the "House of David" (byt dwd), the earliest extra-biblical mention of the Davidic dynasty ruling Judah. This aligns with the portrayal in Kings of a Judahite monarchy tracing descent from David, as seen in reigns from Rehoboam through Zedekiah. Scholars interpret "House of David" as denoting the royal line established in the biblical account, providing evidence for the continuity of Judah's kingship.[144][170] For the northern kingdom of Israel, the Mesha Stele, erected around 840 BCE by Moabite king Mesha at Dhiban (biblical Dibon), describes Moab's subjugation under Omri, king of Israel (r. circa 884–873 BCE), and subsequent revolt after Omri's dynasty weakened. The inscription states, "Omri was king of Israel, and he oppressed Moab many days," echoing 2 Kings 3's depiction of Moabite rebellion against Israelite overlordship during the Omrides. This Moabite basalt monument, housed in the Louvre, offers the earliest non-biblical reference to Israel as a polity and confirms Omri's expansionist policies noted in 1 Kings 16.[137] The Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III, an Assyrian limestone monument from Nimrud dated to circa 825 BCE, depicts Jehu, king of Israel (r. 841–814 BCE), prostrating before the Assyrian king and paying tribute, labeled "Jehu son of Omri." This visual and textual record substantiates Jehu's coup and submission to Assyria as recounted in 2 Kings 9–10, marking the first known portrayal of an Israelite ruler in ancient art. The obelisk's inscriptions highlight Israel's geopolitical vulnerability post-Omri, aligning with biblical accounts of Assyrian incursions.[138][139] Egyptian pharaoh Shoshenq I's (biblical Shishak) campaign into Canaan around 925 BCE, documented on the Bubastite Portal at Karnak Temple, lists over 150 conquered sites, including several in Judah and Israel such as Rehob and Beth-Shean, corresponding to the invasion in Rehoboam's fifth year (1 Kings 14:25–26). While Jerusalem is not explicitly named, the route and timing match the biblical raid that stripped temple treasures, with archaeological layers at sites like Megiddo showing destruction horizons potentially linked to this incursion.[171] Sennacherib's Prism, an Assyrian clay artifact from Nineveh detailing campaigns of 701 BCE, records the siege of Judah under Hezekiah (r. 715–686 BCE), stating the king was "shut up like a bird in a cage" in Jerusalem after 46 fortified cities were captured. This corroborates 2 Kings 18:13–19:37's account of Assyrian aggression, including tribute from Hezekiah, though the prism omits any divine intervention or retreat, focusing on Assyrian successes. Excavations at Lachish reveal siege ramps and mass graves consistent with the biblical battle described in 2 Kings 18:14 and 2 Chronicles 32.[140][172]| Confirmed King/Event | Source | Key Details |
|---|---|---|
| House of David (Judahite dynasty) | Tel Dan Stele (9th c. BCE) | Aramean victory over "House of David"; confirms Davidic lineage in Kings.[144] |
| Omri of Israel | Mesha Stele (ca. 840 BCE) | Moab oppressed by Omri; revolt after his house.[137] |
| Jehu of Israel | Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III (ca. 825 BCE) | Depiction and tribute; "son of Omri."[138] |
| Shishak's invasion | Karnak Bubastite Portal (ca. 925 BCE) | Conquest of Canaanite sites matching Rehoboam's era.[171] |
| Hezekiah of Judah | Sennacherib's Prism (ca. 691 BCE) | Besieged Jerusalem; 46 cities taken.[140] |
Disputed Elements and Minimalist Challenges
Archaeological investigations have raised questions about the scale of Solomon's kingdom as depicted in 1 Kings 3–11, where he is portrayed as ruling a vast empire with extensive trade, forced labor mobilizing 180,000 workers, and monumental building projects including the Jerusalem Temple. Excavations at Jerusalem reveal a 10th-century BCE settlement of modest size, approximately 5 hectares with a population estimated at 2,000–3,000, lacking direct evidence of large-scale palatial complexes or the opulent temple described in 1 Kings 6–7, which measured 30 meters long, 10 meters wide, and 15 meters high with cedar overlays and gold furnishings.[174] Restrictions on digs at the Temple Mount preclude definitive findings, yet the absence of comparable Phoenician-influenced architecture elsewhere in Judah supports skepticism regarding the narrative's grandeur.[175] The six-chambered gates and casemate walls attributed to Solomon at Hazor, Megiddo, and Gezer (1 Kings 9:15) form another point of contention. Israel Finkelstein's low chronology, based on pottery and radiocarbon dating, reassigns these structures to the mid-9th century BCE under the Omride dynasty of Israel, rather than the traditional 10th-century attribution, implying the biblical ascription serves retrospective glorification rather than historical record.[176] Finkelstein argues the United Monarchy was not a centralized empire but a loose tribal chiefdom centered in Judah, with David's "kingdom" limited to highland villages and Solomon's achievements exaggerated to project later aspirations onto an idealized past.[177] No contemporary inscriptions or foreign annals mention Solomon, contrasting with records for later kings like Ahab, further fueling doubts about the historicity of his reign's extent.[174] Biblical minimalists extend these disputes to the broader framework of 1–2 Kings, viewing the books as primarily theological constructs composed in the exilic or Persian period (6th–5th centuries BCE) rather than reliable historiography. Scholars like Thomas L. Thompson contend that the narratives lack verifiable pre-7th-century kernels, prioritizing ideological themes of covenant fidelity and divine judgment over empirical events, with kings' reigns synchronized to prophetic fulfillments in a schematic rather than annalistic manner.[178] Niels Peter Lemche and Philip R. Davies similarly argue that the Deuteronomistic framing distorts any potential historical sources into a moral paradigm, dismissing extra-biblical corroborations as coincidental or post-hoc alignments.[179] This approach posits that events like the schism after Solomon (1 Kings 12) or the Assyrian campaigns reflect stylized etiology rather than causation grounded in verifiable sequences, challenging the texts' utility for reconstructing Iron Age II monarchies.[180]Recent Archaeological Findings
Excavations in Jerusalem's Davidson Archaeological Park yielded a fragmented bulla sealing a cuneiform letter in Akkadian, dated to the eighth or seventh century BCE, representing the first such inscription unearthed in the city.[181] The artifact, discovered amid First Temple period debris in a Second Temple drainage channel, references a tribute payment deadline and a chariot officer, consistent with Judah's vassal status under Assyrian overlordship as described in 2 Kings 18:7 and related accounts of Hezekiah's interactions with Sennacherib.[181] This find corroborates the geopolitical pressures on Judahite kings during the late monarchy, though its precise recipient—potentially Hezekiah, Manasseh, or Josiah—remains unspecified.[181] At Tel Megiddo, analysis of pottery from a 2022 excavation season, published in 2025, uncovered over 100 Egyptian vessels from the seventh century BCE alongside eastern Greek imports dated 630–610 BCE, indicating a military encampment.[182] These artifacts align with the confrontation in 2 Kings 23:29, where Josiah of Judah clashed with Pharaoh Necho II in 609 BCE, resulting in Josiah's death; the Greek pottery may suggest mercenary involvement, adding detail to the biblical narrative of Judah's expansionist ambitions under Assyrian decline.[182] A 2024 archaeomagnetic study of bricks from Tell es-Safi (biblical Gath) confirmed intense destruction by fire around 830 BCE, matching the Aramean king Hazael's campaign referenced in 2 Kings 12:17, where Joash of Judah diverted temple funds to fortify against threats following Hazael's Philistine incursions.[183] The technique, developed by researchers from Israeli universities, detected anomalous magnetic fields in burnt structures, distinguishing human-induced conflagration from natural causes and resolving prior dating debates.[184] Reevaluation of Jerusalem's Broad Wall, traditionally linked to Hezekiah's preparations against Sennacherib (2 Kings 20:20; 2 Chronicles 32:5), now attributes its construction to Uzziah's reign in the mid-eighth century BCE based on stratigraphic and ceramic evidence from ongoing City of David digs.[185] This redating, reported in 2024, implies earlier fortification efforts during Uzziah's prosperity (2 Kings 15:1–7), expanding understanding of Judah's defensive infrastructure predating the Assyrian crisis.[186] A May 2025 statistical analysis of approximately 1,000 Hebrew names inscribed on First Temple period pottery and seals highlighted sociocultural distinctions: the northern kingdom of Israel exhibited greater onomastic diversity (121 names from 97 roots), reflecting cosmopolitan influences, while Judah's corpus (643 names from 331 roots) showed more uniformity, potentially due to centralized administration and post-722 BCE refugee influxes.[187] Published in PNAS, this peer-reviewed work, drawing on WWII-era methods, affirms the archaeological footprint of the divided monarchies depicted in Kings, though it emphasizes demographic patterns over direct royal attestations.[188]Theological and Ideological Content
Covenant Theology and Divine Judgment
The Books of 1 and 2 Kings frame the history of the united and divided monarchies through the lens of Deuteronomistic theology, wherein Israel's prosperity or adversity directly correlates with adherence to the Mosaic covenant stipulations outlined in Deuteronomy.[189] Obedience to Yahweh's commandments, including exclusive worship and rejection of foreign cults, promised land retention and blessing, while covenant infidelity invoked curses such as military defeat, famine, and exile.[190] This retributive framework evaluates each king's reign using standardized formulae, praising fidelity to "the ways of David" and condemning idolatry as the root of national decline.[191] Central to this theology is the conditional nature of divine favor, as articulated in Solomon's temple dedication prayer (1 Kings 8:22–53), which anticipates judgment through drought, pestilence, or foreign invasion as covenant enforcement mechanisms, yet holds open avenues for repentance and restoration.[192] Yahweh's warning to Solomon in 1 Kings 9:6–9 explicitly ties the kingdom's endurance to Torah observance, foreshadowing the rending of the kingdom after his death due to idolatry (1 Kings 11:9–13). Subsequent northern kings, starting with Jeroboam I's golden calves (1 Kings 12:28–33), exemplify persistent breach, culminating in the Assyrian conquest of Samaria in 722 BCE as fulfillment of Deuteronomic curses (Deuteronomy 28:49–68; 2 Kings 17:7–23).[190][192] In Judah, intermittent reforms by kings like Hezekiah (2 Kings 18:3–7) and Josiah (2 Kings 22–23) temporarily avert judgment, aligning with covenant renewal motifs, but systemic apostasy under rulers like Manasseh (2 Kings 21:1–16) precipitates the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem in 586 BCE.[189] Prophets such as Elijah, Elisha, Isaiah, and Jeremiah serve as divine agents enforcing accountability, their oracles linking royal sins to tangible calamities and underscoring Yahweh's sovereignty over history.[191] The narrative thus portrays exile not as arbitrary but as inexorable consequence of accumulated covenant violations, tempered by the unconditional Davidic promise (2 Samuel 7) that preserves a remnant hope amid judgment.[192] This theology prioritizes causal fidelity to Yahweh's law as the determinant of dynastic stability, rejecting syncretism as causal agent of downfall.[190]Role of Prophecy in History
In the Books of Kings, prophecy functions as the primary mechanism for interpreting the historical trajectory of Israel's and Judah's monarchies, portraying royal success or downfall as direct consequences of adherence to or violation of divine covenants, as announced by prophets acting as God's spokesmen. Prophets intervene at critical junctures to deliver oracles that foretell specific outcomes, such as the annihilation of dynasties or national exile, thereby framing political events within a causal framework of divine sovereignty rather than autonomous human agency. This narrative device recurs throughout the text, with over ten named prophets—including Nathan, Ahijah, Elijah, Micaiah, Elisha, Isaiah, and Huldah—confronting kings and predicting judgments tied to idolatry or covenant infidelity.[193][114] Central to this role is the motif of prophecy fulfillment, which the Deuteronomistic framework employs to validate the veracity of God's word and explain historical contingencies as predetermined. For example, Ahijah of Shiloh prophesies the division of the kingdom and the end of Jeroboam's house due to his establishment of rival sanctuaries (1 Kings 11:29-39; 14:7-11), events realized in the dynasty's extinction by Baasha around 909 BCE (1 Kings 15:27-29). Similarly, the anonymous prophet's oracle against the Bethel altar (1 Kings 13:2)—declaring its desecration by a future Davidic king named Josiah—finds precise fulfillment during Josiah's reforms circa 622 BCE (2 Kings 23:15-18), spanning over three centuries and underscoring the text's emphasis on long-term divine retribution.[114][194] Elijah and Elisha dominate the prophetic narratives during the Omride period (circa 885-841 BCE), where their miracles and oracles overshadow royal figures and drive plot progression. Elijah's confrontation with Ahab predicts drought as punishment for Baalism (1 Kings 17:1), followed by a vow that dogs would devour Jezebel and lick Ahab's blood (1 Kings 21:19-24), fulfilled upon Ahab's death at Ramoth-Gilead (1 Kings 22:38) and Jezebel's demise (2 Kings 9:30-37). Elisha extends this legacy, anointing Hazael and Jehu to execute judgments against the Omrides (2 Kings 8:12-13; 9:1-13), events that dismantle the dynasty by 841 BCE. These accounts position prophets not merely as foretellers but as catalysts in historical causation, enforcing covenant stipulations amid royal apostasy.[195][196] The cumulative effect elevates prophecy above monarchy in shaping history, as seen in the foreordained exiles: Amos and Hosea's warnings of Assyrian deportation for the north (implicitly echoed in Kings' narrative) materialize in 722 BCE (2 Kings 17:6), while Isaiah's oracles against Judah presage Babylonian captivity (2 Kings 20:16-18), culminating in 586 BCE (2 Kings 25:1-21). Scholarly analysis of the Deuteronomistic History identifies these fulfillment patterns as retrospective theological constructs to rationalize the exile, yet the text itself insists on predictive authenticity to affirm prophetic authority over empirical kingship.[114][197]Monarchy and Davidic Covenant
The Books of Kings depict the monarchy as a divinely ordained institution originating with David's conquests and Solomon's temple construction, transitioning to divided rule after Solomon's death around 930 BCE, with Judah's rulers descending from David while Israel's kings varied in lineage. Successive Judean monarchs are assessed by their adherence to Yahweh worship, often benchmarked against David, who refrained from idolatry and centralized cultic practice in Jerusalem. This evaluation framework highlights monarchy's conditional prosperity under Mosaic stipulations—obedience yielding stability, disobedience provoking divine chastisement—yet contrasts with the northern kingdom's frequent dynastic upheavals and idolatrous schisms.[198][199] Central to the southern monarchy's portrayal is the Davidic covenant, promised in 2 Samuel 7:12-16 as an unconditional royal grant: God pledges to perpetuate David's throne eternally through his offspring, irrespective of personal failings, distinguishing it from the bilateral Mosaic covenant. In Kings, this manifests as God's repeated intervention to sustain the Davidic line amid royal sins; for example, despite Ahaziah's alliance with Baal worship, Jehu's purge spares the Judahite throne, and even Manasseh's extensive idolatry does not extinguish the dynasty, as affirmed in prophetic assurances like 2 Kings 19:34 where Yahweh vows defense "for my own sake and for my servant David's sake." The covenant's endurance explains Judah's survival beyond Israel's fall to Assyria in 722 BCE, preserving a Davidic remnant until Babylonian exile in 586 BCE.[198][200][201] The narrative invokes David as the fidelity archetype over a dozen times, with phrases like "did what was right in the eyes of the Lord as his father David had done" applied to reformers such as Hezekiah and Josiah, reinforcing covenantal ideals of sole Yahweh allegiance and Torah observance. This Davidic standard underscores theological realism: individual kings' deviations incur judgment—evident in Assyrian invasions under Ahaz or Babylonian sieges under Zedekiah—but the unconditional promise averts total dynastic extinction, culminating in Jehoiachin's release from prison circa 561 BCE as a token of latent restoration hope. Northern Israel's absence of such a covenant correlates with its ephemeral kingships and terminal exile, illustrating monarchy's role in exemplifying covenant dynamics where grace tempers justice.[199][48][202]Critiques of Deuteronomistic Bias
Scholars have challenged the extent and uniformity of the Deuteronomistic bias posited in the Books of Kings, arguing that the hypothesis overstates a singular theological agenda shaped by Deuteronomic ideology, such as rigid evaluations of kings based on cultic fidelity leading to national prosperity or downfall. Critics contend that the narrative incorporates diverse, sometimes contradictory traditions that resist a monolithic redactional overlay, as evidenced by inconsistencies where ostensibly "good" kings face adversity or "evil" ones achieve temporary success, undermining claims of systematic propagandistic shaping.[119] The traditional view, originating with Martin Noth's 1943 proposal of a single exilic editor imposing Deuteronomistic theology across Deuteronomy through Kings, has faced scrutiny for relying on speculative reconstructions without direct manuscript evidence, with dating of supposed redactional layers varying widely from the 7th century BCE to the Hellenistic period. K. L. Noll proposes reframing the Former Prophets (including Kings) not as a unified Deuteronomistic product but as a "Deuteronomic debate," where Joshua, Judges, Samuel, and Kings each engage Deuteronomy independently and often critically, reflecting intellectual discourse rather than authoritative imposition of bias. This approach highlights textual elements, such as prophetic critiques in Kings that diverge from Deuteronomic reward-punishment schemas (e.g., Elijah's actions in 1 Kings 17–19 emphasizing divine sovereignty over cultic metrics), as signs of preserved pre-Deuteronomistic materials not fully subordinated to ideological control.[119][203] Further critiques target methodological arbitrariness in identifying "Deuteronomistic" passages, such as linguistic markers like shifts in verb forms or phraseology, which lack inter-scholarly agreement and echo earlier Documentary Hypothesis flaws applied to the Pentateuch. J. G. McConville and others note that assumptions of a 7th-century Josianic composition to justify reforms ignore equally viable pre-exilic or post-exilic origins for core narratives, with the text's explicit citations of royal annals (e.g., 1 Kings 11:41; 14:19, 29) suggesting archival fidelity over biased invention. The "pan-Deuteronomism" label, critiqued by Graeme Auld and Norbert Lohfink, functions as a vague catch-all for any Yahwistic element, inflating perceived bias while external corroborations—like Assyrian records aligning with Kings' accounts of northern kings despite theological framing—indicate selective rather than wholesale distortion.[204][203] No scholarly consensus supports a single Deuteronomistic school orchestrating the bias, with proposals for multiple redactions (e.g., double or block models) multiplying hypothetical layers without resolving evidential gaps, as noted in surveys of 20th- and 21st-century research. This fragmentation implies that any theological slant in Kings arises from organic compilation of Judahite court records and prophetic lore, preserving causal historical patterns (e.g., internal divisions contributing to Assyrian conquest in 722 BCE) more than contrived moralism. Critics like Robert R. Wilson emphasize the absence of external attestation for Deuteronomists as historical actors, rendering the bias hypothesis more interpretive construct than verifiable process.[205][203]Literary and Structural Features
Genre Classification
The Books of Kings are classified as historical narrative within the Hebrew Bible's corpus of literature, focusing on the chronological succession of Israelite and Judahite monarchs from Solomon's reign (c. 970–930 BCE) to the Babylonian exile in 586 BCE, drawing on royal annals and court records for structure and detail.[206] This genre employs standardized formulas—such as accession notices ("In the X year of King Y, Z became king"), regnal summaries, and evaluations of rulers' fidelity to Yahweh—to organize events, akin to ancient Near Eastern chronographic traditions like neo-Babylonian king lists.[207] Scholars identify the books as integral to the Deuteronomistic History (encompassing Deuteronomy through 2 Kings), a form of theological historiography that interprets political and military outcomes as causal results of covenant adherence or violation, rather than neutral chronicle.[208] This approach privileges divine agency and prophetic fulfillment over detached empiricism, reflecting the ancient authors' presupposition of supernatural causation in history, as seen in accounts of miracles (e.g., Elijah's contest on Mount Carmel in 1 Kings 18) and judgments tied to Deuteronomic laws.[209] While the narrative incorporates verifiable synchronisms with external records, such as Assyrian inscriptions confirming kings like Ahab (d. c. 853 BCE) and Jehu (r. c. 841–814 BCE), its genre resists modern historiographic standards by embedding evaluative theology, prompting debates on whether it prioritizes didactic purpose over factual precision.[208] Proponents of the Deuteronomistic model argue this confessional style mirrors prophetic historiography, viewing events through "eyes of faith" to explain national decline without reliance on post-event fabrication.[209]Chronological Systems
The Books of Kings construct a parallel chronology for the divided kingdoms of Israel and Judah using synchronisms that link the accession of each king to a regnal year of the contemporary ruler in the opposing kingdom, supplemented by stated lengths of reigns.[210] This method traces events from the division of the monarchy under Rehoboam of Judah and Jeroboam of Israel to the Assyrian capture of Samaria in 722 BC and the Babylonian destruction of Jerusalem in 586 BC.[211] Over 120 such regnal data points appear across Kings, Chronicles, Jeremiah, and Ezekiel, forming an interlocking framework.[212] Apparent contradictions emerge when reign lengths are added sequentially, yielding totals exceeding the externally attested duration by up to 50 years, with mismatched synchronisms such as the conflicting dates for the accessions of Joram of Israel and Jehoshaphat of Judah.[213] These arise from unstated co-regencies, where fathers and sons ruled jointly, and variations in regnal reckoning systems prevalent in the ancient Near East.[214] Judah initially followed accession-year dating, counting the partial accession year separately before year 1, while Israel used non-accession reckoning, including the accession year as year 1; reversals occurred around 841 BC with Jehu's dynasty in Israel and Athaliah's usurpation in Judah. Calendar disparities—Judah's fall new year versus Israel's spring—further complicate direct summation.[211] Edwin R. Thiele's reconstruction in The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings integrates these factors, positing 12 co-regencies and the dating shifts to yield a coherent timeline beginning with the temple's foundation in Solomon's fourth year at 966 BC and the schism at 931 BC.[211] [215] This schema aligns biblical synchronisms with Assyrian eponyms and annals: Ahab's coalition at Qarqar corresponds to 853 BC under Shalmaneser III; Jehu's tribute to the same king dates to 841 BC; Menahem's payment to Tiglath-Pileser III fits 738 BC; and Hoshea's revolt precedes Samaria's fall in 722 BC under Shalmaneser V.[216]| Key Alignment | Biblical King/Event | Assyrian Record | Date (BC) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Battle of Qarqar | Ahab of Israel | Shalmaneser III annals | 853 |
| Jehu's tribute | Jehu of Israel | Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III | 841 |
| Tribute payment | Menahem of Israel | Tiglath-Pileser III inscriptions | 738 |
| Fall of Samaria | Hoshea of Israel | Sargon II accession year | 722 |
Narrative Techniques
The Books of Kings structure their narrative through standardized regnal formulae that frame each monarch's reign, typically comprising the king's name, age at accession for Judean rulers, duration of rule, synchronism with the parallel kingdom's timeline, maternal lineage for Judah, theological assessment of conduct "in the sight of the Lord" benchmarked against David, citations to source annals like the "chronicles of the kings of Israel/Judah," and details of death, burial, and successor.[219][210] These formulae, numbering around six to eight elements per introduction, impose a repetitive, annalistic rhythm that underscores continuity amid dynastic instability.[210] Synchronistic dating aligns Israelite and Judean regnal years, enabling a dual-track chronology that highlights divergence post-Solomon while maintaining historical coordination, as visualized in genealogical schemas of parallel kings.[48] This technique facilitates concise transitions between kingdoms, often alternating accounts to reflect theological interplay rather than strict linearity.[195] Prophetic episodes intercalate the regnal sequence, suspending royal annals to foreground divine agency through miracles, confrontations, and oracles that predict fulfillment across generations, such as the man of God's prophecy against Jeroboam's altar in 1 Kings 13 realized in Josiah's reforms (2 Kings 23:15-18).[220] These insertions employ dramatic dialogue, irony—evident in Ahab's vineyard dispute where Naboth's blood fulfills Elijah's word (1 Kings 21)—and typology, portraying rulers as exemplars or foils to Davidic fidelity or Jeroboam's idolatry.[48] Chiastic arrangements organize subunits, inverting elements to emphasize central theological pivots like covenant breach, while selective vividness prioritizes etiological anecdotes over comprehensive records, crafting a cohesive didactic arc from united monarchy to exile.[220] The resultant historiography integrates archival data with interpretive overlay, attributing causality to obedience rather than geopolitical factors alone.[48]Parallels and Divergences with Chronicles
The Books of Kings and Chronicles exhibit significant parallels in their coverage of the monarchic period, spanning from the united monarchy under David and Solomon to the fall of Jerusalem in 586 BCE. Both narratives draw on shared historical traditions, including royal annals and prophetic records, to recount the reigns of Judean kings such as Rehoboam, Asa, and Josiah, often synchronizing their lengths and key events like battles against foreign powers.[221] For instance, the accounts of Hezekiah's tunnel construction and Sennacherib's invasion around 701 BCE appear in both, reflecting a common factual core derived from Judean court documents.[222] Despite these overlaps, Chronicles systematically diverges by omitting much of the material on the northern kingdom of Israel, which constitutes nearly half of Kings, focusing instead exclusively on Judah to emphasize the Davidic line's continuity.[223] Kings includes extensive prophetic cycles, such as the ministries of Elijah and Elisha spanning over 2 Kings 1–13, absent in Chronicles, underscoring a deuteronomistic framework that links national downfall to covenant infidelity.[224] In contrast, Chronicles amplifies temple-centric themes, adding details on Levitical roles, musical worship, and Davidic preparations for the sanctuary not found in Kings, such as the organization of priestly divisions in 1 Chronicles 23–26.[221] Theological emphases further highlight divergences: Kings portrays history through a lens of inevitable judgment for Torah violations, with explicit critiques of kings like Manasseh for idolatry leading to exile, as in 2 Kings 21:10–15.[225] Chronicles, however, adopts a retributive theology where immediate consequences follow actions, often inserting prayers and divine responses—e.g., Manasseh's repentance and restoration in 2 Chronicles 33:12–13, unmentioned in Kings—to model post-exilic hope and the efficacy of supplication.[226] Chronicles also idealizes David and Solomon by excluding scandals like David's census (2 Samuel 24, paralleled but sanitized in 1 Chronicles 21) and Solomon's foreign wives' influence (1 Kings 11), prioritizing a unified royal-priestly ideal over Kings' moral accountability narrative.[223]| Aspect | Books of Kings | Books of Chronicles |
|---|---|---|
| Scope | United and divided kingdoms (Israel and Judah) | Primarily Judah, with minimal northern references |
| Prophetic Emphasis | Detailed miracle stories (e.g., Elijah's drought, 1 Kings 17–19) | Subordinated to royal history; focuses on court prophets |
| Omissions/Additions | Includes northern kings' sins; critiques Davidic flaws | Omits David's adultery (2 Samuel 11); adds genealogies (1 Chronicles 1–9) |
| Theological Focus | Deuteronomistic: obedience brings blessing, disobedience curse | Retributive: prayer averts disaster; temple as restoration center |
