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Runaway Scrape
Runaway Scrape
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A map of Mexico, 1835–46, showing administrative divisions
A map of Mexico, 1835–46, showing administrative divisions.

The Runaway Scrape events took place mainly between September 1835 and April 1836 and were the evacuations by Texas residents fleeing the Mexican Army of Operations during the Texas Revolution, from the Battle of the Alamo through the decisive Battle of San Jacinto. The ad interim government of the new Republic of Texas and much of the civilian population fled eastward ahead of the Mexican forces. The conflict arose after Antonio López de Santa Anna abrogated the 1824 Constitution of Mexico and established martial law in Coahuila y Tejas. The Texians resisted and declared their independence. It was Sam Houston's responsibility, as the appointed commander-in-chief of the Provisional Army of Texas (before such an army actually existed), to recruit and train a military force to defend the population against troops led by Santa Anna.

Residents on the Gulf Coast and at San Antonio de Béxar began evacuating in January upon learning of the Mexican army's troop movements into their area, an event that was ultimately replayed across Texas. During early skirmishes, some Texian soldiers surrendered, believing that they would become prisoners of war — but Santa Anna demanded their executions. The news of the Battle of the Alamo and the Goliad massacre instilled fear in the population and resulted in the mass exodus of the civilian population of Gonzales, where the opening battle of the Texian revolution had begun and where, only days before the fall of the Alamo, they had sent a militia to reinforce the defenders at the mission. The civilian refugees were accompanied by the newly forming provisional army, as Houston bought time to train soldiers and create a military structure that could oppose Santa Anna's greater forces. Houston's actions were viewed as cowardice by the ad interim government, as well as by some of his own troops. As he and the refugees from Gonzales escaped first to the Colorado River and then to the Brazos, evacuees from other areas trickled in and new militia groups arrived to join with Houston's force.

The towns of Gonzales, Beason’s Crossing (present day Columbus) and San Felipe de Austin were burned to keep them out of the hands of the Mexican army. Santa Anna was intent on executing members of the Republic's interim government, who fled from Washington-on-the-Brazos to Groce's Landing to Harrisburgh and New Washington. The government officials eventually escaped to Galveston Island, and Santa Anna burned the towns of Harrisburgh and New Washington when he failed to find them. Approximately 5,000 terrified residents of New Washington fled from the Mexican army. After a little over a month of training the troops, Houston reached a crossroads where he ordered some of them to escort the fleeing refugees farther east while he took the main army southeast to engage the Mexican army. The subsequent Battle of San Jacinto resulted in the surrender of Santa Anna and the signing of the Treaties of Velasco.

Prelude

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Changes in Mexico: 1834 – 1835

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In 1834, Mexican President Antonio López de Santa Anna shifted from a federalist political ideology to creating a centralist government and revoked the country's constitution of 1824.[FN 1] That constitution had established Coahuila y Tejas[FN 2] as a new Mexican state and had provided for each state in Mexico to create its own local-level constitution.[3] After eliminating state-level governments, Santa Anna had in effect created a dictatorship, and he put Coahuila y Tejas under the military rule of General Martín Perfecto de Cos.[4] When Santa Anna made Miguel Barragán temporary president, he also had Barragán install him as head of the Mexican Army of Operations.[5] Intending to put down all rebellion in Coahuila y Tejas, he began amassing his army on November 28, 1835,[6] soon followed by General Joaquín Ramírez y Sesma leading the Vanguard of the Advance across the Rio Grande in December.[7]

Temporary governments in Texas: November 1835 – March 1836

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Sam Houston army recruitment proclamation December 12, 1835
Sam Houston army recruitment proclamation December 12, 1835

Stephen F. Austin was commander of the existing unpaid volunteer Texian army, and at his urging[8] the Consultation of 1835 convened in San Felipe de Austin on November 3 of that year. Their creation of a provisional government based on the 1824 constitution[9] established the General Council as a legislative body with each municipality allotted one representative.[10] Henry Smith was elected governor without any clearly defined powers of the position.[11] Sam Houston was in attendance as the elected representative from Nacogdoches, who also served as commander of the Nacogdoches militia.[12] Edward Burleson replaced Austin as commander of the volunteer army on December 1.

On December 10, the General Council called new elections to choose delegates to determine the fate of the region.[13] The Consultation approved the creation of the Provisional Army of Texas, a paid force of 2,500 troops. Houston was named commander-in-chief of the new army and issued a recruitment proclamation on December 12.[FN 3][FN 4] The volunteer army under Burleson disbanded on December 20.[16]

Harrisburgh was designated the seat of a deeply divided provisional government on December 30.[17] Most of the General Council wanted to remain part of Mexico, but with the restoration of the 1824 constitution. Governor Smith supported the opposing faction who advocated for complete independence. Smith dissolved the General Council on January 10, 1836, but it was unclear if he had the power to do that. He was impeached on January 11. The power struggle effectively shut down the government.[18]

The Convention of 1836 met at Washington-on-the-Brazos on March 1.[19] The following day, the 59 delegates created the Republic of Texas by affixing their signatures to the Texas Declaration of Independence.[20] Houston's military authority was expanded on March 4 to include "the land forces of the Texian army both Regular, Volunteer, and Militia."[21] The delegates elected the Republic's ad interim government on March 16,[22] with David G. Burnet as president, Lorenzo de Zavala as vice president, Samuel P. Carson as secretary of state, Thomas Jefferson Rusk as secretary of war, Bailey Hardeman as secretary of the treasury, Robert Potter as secretary of the navy, and David Thomas as attorney general.[23]

Battle of Gonzales: October 2, 1835

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Battle of Gonzales cannon
Battle of Gonzales cannon

The Battle of Gonzales was the onset of a chain of events that led to what is known as the Runaway Scrape. The confrontation began in September 1835, when the Mexican government attempted to reclaim a bronze cannon that it had provided to Gonzales in 1831 to protect the town against Indian attacks. The first attempt by Corporal Casimiro De León resulted in De León's detachment being taken prisoners, and the cannon being buried in a peach orchard.[24] James C. Neill, a veteran who had served at the Battle of Horseshoe Bend under Andrew Jackson, was put in charge of the artillery after it was later dug up and wheel mounted.[25] When Lieutenant Francisco de Castañeda arrived accompanied by 100 soldiers and made a second attempt at repossessing the cannon, Texians dared the Mexicans to "come and take it".[24] John Henry Moore led 150 Texian militia on October 2 in successfully repelling the Mexican troops. A "Come and Take It" flag was later fashioned by the women of Gonzales.[26] The cannon was moved to San Antonio de Béxar and became one of the artillery pieces used by the defenders of the Alamo.[FN 5]

The immediate result of the Texian victory at Gonzales was that two days later the number of volunteers had swelled to over 300, and they were determined to drive the Mexican army out of Texas.[28] Simultaneously, a company of volunteers under George M. Collinsworth captured the Presidio La Bahía from the Mexicans on October 9 at the Battle of Goliad.[29] The Mexican government's response to the unrest in Texas was an October 30 authorization of war.[30] On the banks of the Nueces River 3 miles (4.8 km) from San Patricio on November 4 during the Battle of Lipantitlán, volunteers under Ira Westover captured the fort from Mexican troops.[31]

Béxar: 1835–1836

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Siege of Béxar and its aftermath: October 1835 – February 1836

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By October 9, Cos had taken over San Antonio de Béxar.[30] Stephen F. Austin sent an advance scout troop of 90 men under James Bowie and James Fannin to observe the Mexican forces. While taking refuge at Mission Concepción on October 28, they repelled an attack by 275 Mexicans under Domingo Ugartechea.[32] Austin continued to send troops to Béxar. Bowie was ordered on November 26 to attack a Mexican supply train allegedly carrying a payroll. The resulting skirmish became known as the Grass Fight, after it was discovered that the only cargo was grass to feed the horses.[33] When Austin was selected to join Branch T. Archer and William H. Wharton on a diplomatic mission to seek international recognition and support, Edward Burleson was named as commander.[34] On December 5, James C. Neill began distracting Cos by firing artillery directly at the Alamo, while Benjamin Milam and Frank W. Johnson led several hundred volunteers in a surprise attack. The fighting at the siege of Béxar continued until December 9 when Cos sent word he wanted to surrender. Cos and his men were sent back to Mexico but later united with Santa Anna's forces.[35]

Approximately 300 of the Texian garrison at Béxar departed on December 30 to join Johnson and James Grant on the Matamoros Expedition, in a planned attack to seize the port for its financial resources.[36] Proponents of this campaign were hoping Mexican Federalists[FN 1] would oust Santa Anna and restore the 1824 constitution.[37] When Sesma crossed the Rio Grande, residents of the Gulf Coast began fleeing the area in January 1836.[38] On February 16, Santa Anna ordered General José de Urrea to secure the Gulf Coast.[39] About 160 miles (260 km) north of Matamoros at San Patricio, Urrea's troops ambushed Johnson and members of the expedition on February 27 at the Battle of San Patricio. In the skirmish, 16 Texians were killed, 6 escaped, and 21 were taken prisoner.[40] Urrea's troops then turned southwest by some 26 miles (42 km) to Agua Dulce Creek and on March 2 attacked a group of the expedition led by Grant, killing all but 11, six of whom were taken prisoner. Five of the men escaped the Battle of Agua Dulce and joined Fannin who wanted to increase the defense force at Goliad.[41]

The Alamo: February 1836

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Neill was promoted to lieutenant colonel during his participation in the siege of Béxar,[25] and 10 days later Houston placed him in charge of the Texian garrison in the city.[42] In January residents had begun evacuating ahead of Santa Anna's approaching forces.[43] Neill pleaded with Houston for replenishment of troops, supplies and weaponry. The departure of Texians who joined the Matamoros Expedition had left Neill with only about 100 men. At that point Houston viewed Béxar as a military liability and did not want Santa Anna's advancing army gaining control of any remaining soldiers or artillery. He dispatched Bowie with instructions to remove the artillery, have the defenders abandon the Alamo mission and destroy it.[FN 6] Upon his January 19 arrival[18] and subsequent discussions with Neill, Bowie decided the mission was the right place to stop the Mexican army in its tracks. He stayed and began to help Neill prepare for the coming attack. Lieutenant Colonel William B. Travis arrived with reinforcements on February 3.[45] When Neill was given leave to attend to family matters on February 11, Travis assumed command of the mission, and three days later he and Bowie agreed to a joint command.[46] Santa Anna crossed the Rio Grande on February 16, and the Mexican army's assault on the Alamo began February 23.[39] Captain Juan Seguín left the mission on February 25, carrying a letter from Travis to Fannin at Goliad requesting more reinforcements.[47] Santa Anna extended an offer of amnesty to Tejanos inside the fortress; a non-combatant survivor, Enrique Esparza, said that most Tejanos left when Bowie advised them to take the offer.[48] In response to Travis' February 24 letter To the People of Texas, 32 militia volunteers formed the Gonzales Ranging Company of Mounted Volunteers and arrived at the Alamo on February 29.[FN 4]

If you execute your enemies, it saves you the trouble of having to forgive them.

— General Antonio López de Santa Anna, February 1836[49]

Fall of the Alamo, and the runaway flight: March – April 1836

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Houston begins forming his army

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As the closest settlement to San Antonio de Béxar, Gonzales was the rallying point for volunteers who responded to both the Travis letter from the Alamo and Houston's recruitment pleas. Recently formed groups came from Austin and Washington counties and from the Colorado River area.[50] Volunteers from Brazoria, Fort Bend and Matagorda counties organized after arriving in Gonzales.[51] The Kentucky Rifle company under Newport, Kentucky, business man Sidney Sherman had been aided by funding from Cincinnati, Ohio, residents.[52]

Alamo commandant Neill was in Gonzales purchasing supplies and recruiting reinforcements on March 6, unaware that the Alamo had fallen to Mexican forces that morning. When Seguin learned en route that Fannin would be unable to reach the Alamo in time,[53] he immediately began mustering an all-Tejano company of scouts.[54] His men combined with Lieutenant William Smith's and volunteered to accompany Neill's recruits. They encountered the Mexican army 18 miles (29 km) from the Alamo on March 7, and Neill's men turned back while the Seguin-Smith scouts moved forward.[55] As the scouts neared the Alamo, they heard only silence.[56] Andrew Barcena and Anselmo Bergara from Seguin's other detachment inside the Alamo showed up in Gonzales on March 11, telling of their escape and delivering news of the March 6 slaughter. Their stories were discounted; Houston, who had arrived that same day, denounced them as Mexican spies.[57]

Smith and Seguin confirmed the fate of the Alamo upon their return. Houston dispatched orders to Fannin to abandon Goliad, blow up the Presidio La Bahía fortress, and retreat to Victoria,[58] but Fannin delayed acting on those orders. Believing the approach of Urrea's troops brought a greater urgency to local civilians, he sent 29 men under Captain Amon B. King to help evacuate nearby Refugio.[59]

Houston promptly began organizing the troops at Gonzales into the First Regiment under Burleson who had arrived as part of the Mina volunteers.[60] A second regiment would later be formed when the army grew large enough.[61] As others began to arrive, individual volunteers not already in another company were put under Captain William Hestor Patton.[62] Houston had 374 volunteers and their commanders in Gonzales on March 12.[63]

Santa Anna sent Susanna Dickinson with her infant daughter Angelina, Travis' slave Joe, and Mexican Colonel Juan Almonte's cook Ben to Gonzales, with dispatches written in English by Almonte to spread the news of the fall of the Alamo.[64] Scouts Deaf Smith, Henry Karnes and Robert Eden Handy encountered the survivors 20 miles (32 km) outside of Gonzales on March 13. When Karnes returned with the news, 25 volunteers deserted. Wailing filled the air when Dickinson and the others reached the town with their first-hand accounts.[38]

There was not a soul left among the citizens of Gonzales who had not lost a father, husband, brother or son ... That terrible massacre had, for a time, struck terror into every heart.

— John Milton Swisher, private in William W. Hill's volunteers.[65]

The Sam Houston Oak where the Provisional Army of Texas rested after the burning of Gonzales
The Sam Houston Oak[FN 7] where the Provisional Army of Texas rested after the burning of Gonzales

Although civilian evacuations had begun in January for the Gulf Coast and San Antonio de Béxar, the Texian military was either on the offensive or standing firm until the smaller Gulf Coast skirmishes happened in February. Houston was now facing a choice of whether to retreat to a safe place to train his new army, or to meet the enemy head-on immediately.[66] He was wary of trying to defend a fixed position – the debacle at the Alamo had shown that the new Texian government was unable to provide sufficient provisions or reinforcements.[67]

Burning of Gonzales

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Houston called for a council of war. The officers voted that the families should be ordered to leave, and the troops would cover the retreat. By midnight, less than an hour after Dickinson had arrived, the combined army and civilian population began a frantic move eastward,[66] leaving behind everything they could not immediately grab and transport. Much of the provisions and artillery were left behind, including two 24-pounder cannon.[68] Houston ordered Salvador Flores along with a company of Juan Seguin's men to form the rear guard to protect the fleeing families. Couriers were sent to other towns in Texas to warn that the Mexican army was advancing.[69]

The retreat took place so quickly that many of the Texian scouts did not fully comprehend it until after the town was evacuated.[70] Houston ordered Karnes to burn the town and everything in it so nothing would remain to benefit the Mexican troops. By dawn, the entire town was in ashes or flames.[71]

Volunteers from San Felipe de Austin who had been organized under Captain John Bird on March 5 to reinforce the men at the Alamo[72] had been en route to San Antonio de Béxar on March 13 when approximately 10 miles (16 km) east of Gonzales they encountered fleeing citizens and a courier from Sam Houston. Told of the Alamo's fall, Bird's men offered assistance to the fleeing citizens and joined Houston's army at Bartholomew D. McClure's plantation on the evening of March 14.[FN 7]

At Washington-on-the-Brazos, the delegates to the convention learned of the Alamo's fall on March 13.[74] The Republic's new ad interim government was sworn in on March 17, with a department overseeing military spy operations, and adjourned the same day.[75] The government then fled to Groce's Landing where they stayed for several days before moving on to Harrisburgh on March 21, where they established temporary headquarters in the home of widow Jane Birdsall Harris.[76]

King's men at Refugio had taken refuge in Mission Nuestra Señora de la Rosario when they were subsequently attacked by Urrea's forces. Fannin sent 120 reinforcements under William Ward, but the March 14 Battle of Refugio cost 15 Texian lives.[77] Ward's men escaped, but King's men were captured and executed on March 16.[78]

Colorado River crossings

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Upon learning of the flight, Santa Anna sent General Joaquín Ramírez y Sesma with 700 men to pursue Houston, and 600 men under General Eugenio Tolsa as reinforcements. Finding only burned remains at Gonzales, Sesma marched his army toward the Colorado River.[79]

The Texian army camped March 15–18 on the Lavaca River property of Williamson Daniels[80] where they were joined by combined forces under Joe Bennett and Captain Peyton R. Splane.[81] Fleeing civilians accompanied Houston's army turning north at the Navidad River as they crossed to the east side of the Colorado River at Burnam's Crossing.[82] The ferry and trading post, as well as the family home of Jesse Burnam, were all burned at Houston's orders on March 17 to prevent Santa Anna's army from making the same crossing.[FN 8]

Campaigns of the Texas Revolution
Campaigns of the Texas Revolution

Beason's Crossing was located where Columbus is today.[84] DeWees Crossing was 7 miles (11 km) north of Beason's. From March 19 through March 26, Houston split his forces between the two crossings.[85] Additional Texian volunteer companies began arriving at both crossings, including three companies of Texas Rangers, the Liberty County Volunteers and the Nacogdoches Volunteers.[86]

Sesma's battalion of approximately 725 men and artillery camped on the opposite side of the Colorado, at a distance halfway between the two Texian camps.[87] To prevent Sesma's troops from using William DeWees' log cabin, Sherman ordered it burned.[88] Three Mexican scouts from Sesma's army were captured by Sherman's men, and although Sherman argued for an attack on Sesma's troops, Houston was not ready.[89]

Fannin had begun evacuating Presidio La Bahía on March 19. The estimated 320 troops were low on food and water, and the breakdown of a wagon allowed Urrea's men to overtake them at Coleto Creek, ending in Fannin's surrender on March 20.[90] Peter Kerr, who had served with Fannin and claimed to have been held prisoner, arrived at DeWees Crossing on March 25. Houston announced Fannin's surrender[91] but would later claim to have uncovered evidence that Kerr was a spy for the Mexicans.[92]

The Texian army was a force of 810 volunteers and staff at this point,[93] but few had any military training and experience. Faced with past desertions, discipline flaws, and individual indecisiveness of volunteers in training, Houston knew they were not yet ready to engage the Mexican army. Compounding the situation were the civilian refugees dependent upon the army for their protection.[94] The news of Fannin's capture, combined with his doubts about the readiness of the Texian army, led Houston to order a retreat on March 26.[95] Some of the troops viewed the decision as cowardice with Sesma sitting just on the other side of the Colorado, and several hundred men deserted.[96]

... the only army in Texas is now present ... There are but few of us, and if we are beaten, the fate of Texas is sealed. The salvation of the country depends upon the first battle had with the enemy. For this reason, I intend to retreat, if I am obliged to go even to the banks of the Sabine.

— Sam Houston[97]

Brazos River training camp

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Groce's Landing

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Texian survivors of the Battle of Coleto Creek believed their surrender agreement with Urrea would, at worst, mean their deportation. Santa Anna, however, adhered to the 1835 Tornel Decree that stated the insurrection was an act of piracy fomented by the United States and ordered their executions.[FN 9] Although he personally disagreed with the need to do so, Urrea carried out his commander's orders on March 27.[99] Of the estimated 370 Texians being held, a few managed to escape the massacre at Goliad. The remainder were shot, stabbed with bayonets and lances and clubbed with gun butts. Fannin was shot through the face and his gold watch stolen. The dead were cremated on a pyre.[100]

Runaway Scrape and Texas Revolution Map

The retreating Texian army stopped at San Felipe de Austin[101] on March 28–29 to stock up on food and supplies.[102] Houston's plan to move the army north to Groce's Landing on the Brazos River was met with resistance from captains Wyly Martin and Moseley Baker, whose units balked at further retreat. Houston reassigned Martin 25 miles (40 km) south to protect the Morton Ferry crossing at Fort Bend, and Baker was ordered to guard the river crossing at San Felipe de Austin.[103]

News of approaching Mexican troops and Houston's retreat caused panic among the population in the counties of Washington, Sabine, Shelby and San Augustine. Amid the confusion of fleeing residents of those counties, two volunteer groups under captains William Kimbro and Benjamin Bryant arrived to join Houston on March 29. Kimbro was ordered to San Felipe de Austin to reinforce Baker's troops, while Bryant's men remained with the main army.[104]

After an erroneous scouting report of approaching Mexican troops, Baker burned San Felipe de Austin to the ground on March 30.[105] When Baker claimed Houston had given him an order to do so, Houston denied it.[106] Houston's account was that the residents burned their own property to keep it out of the hands of the Mexican army.[91] San Felipe de Austin's residents fled to the east.[105]

During a two-week period beginning March 31, the Texian army camped on the west side of the Brazos River in Austin County, near Groce's Landing (also known as Groce's Ferry).[107] As Houston led his army north towards the landing, the unrelenting rainy weather swelled the Brazos and threatened flooding.[108] Groce's Landing was transformed into a training camp for the troops.[109] Major Edwin Morehouse arrived with a New York battalion of recruits who were immediately assigned to assist Wyly Martin at Fort Bend.[110] Civilian men who were fleeing the Mexicans enlisted,[111] and displaced civilian women in the camp helped the army's efforts by sewing shirts for the soldiers.[112]

Samuel G. Hardaway, a survivor of Major William Ward's group who had escaped the Battle of Refugio and re-joined Fannin at the Battle of Coleto, also managed to escape the Goliad massacre. As he fled Goliad, he was eventually joined by three other survivors, Joseph Andrews, James P. Trezevant and M. K. Moses. Spies for the Texian army discovered the four men and took them to Baker's camp near San Felipe de Austin on April 2.[113] Several other survivors of the Goliad massacre were found on April 10 by Texian spies. Survivors Daniel Murphy, Thomas Kemp, Charles Shain, David Jones, William Brenan and Nat Hazen were taken to Houston at Groce's Landing where they enlisted to fight with Houston's army.[114]

Houston learned of the Goliad massacre on April 3. Unaware that Secretary of War Rusk was already en route to Groce's Landing with orders from President Burnet to halt the army's retreat and engage the enemy, he relayed the Goliad news by letter to Rusk.[115]

The enemy are laughing you to scorn. You must fight them. You must retreat no further. The country expects you to fight. The salvation of the country depends on your doing so.

— David G. Burnet, ad interim president of the Republic of Texas[116]

Empowered to remove Houston from command and take over the army himself, Rusk instead assessed Houston's plan of action as correct, after witnessing the training taking place at Groce's Landing. Rusk and Houston formed the Second Regiment on April 8 to serve under Sherman, with Burleson retaining command of the First Regiment.[FN 10]

Yellowstone steamboat

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The steamboat Yellowstone[112] under the command of Captain John Eautaw Ross was impressed into service for the Provisional Army of Texas on April 2 and initially ferried patients across the Brazos River when Dr. James Aeneas Phelps established a field hospital at Bernardo Plantation.[118] Three days later, Santa Anna joined with Sesma's troops[119] and had them build flatboats to cross the Brazos as the Mexicans sought to overtake and defeat the Texians.[120] Wyly Martin reported on April 8 that Mexican forces had divided and were headed both east to Nacogdoches and southeast to Matagorda.[121] Houston reinforced Baker's post at San Felipe de Austin on April 9,[122] as Santa Anna continued moving southeast on April 10.[123]

The Texian army was transported by the Yellowstone over to the east side of the Brazos on April 12, where they set up camp at the Bernardo Plantation.[124] After walking 50 miles (80 km) from Harrisburgh, Mirabeau B. Lamar arrived at Bernardo to enlist as a private in Houston's army and suggested using the steamer for guerilla warfare.[125]

Had it not been for its service, the enemy could never have been overtaken until they had reached the Sabine ... use of the boat enabled me to cross the Brazos and save Texas.

— Sam Houston on the Yellowstone's contributions[126]

With Baker guarding the crossing at San Felipe de Austin, and Martin guarding the Morton Ferry crossing[127] at Ford Bend, Santa Anna opted on April 12 to cross the Brazos halfway between at Thompson's Ferry,[128] with Sesma's men and artillery crossing over the next day.[129] The Mexican army attacked the steamer numerous times in an attempt to capture it, but Ross successfully used cotton bales to protect the steamer and its cargo and was able to keep the Yellowstone away from Mexican control.[129] Houston released the steamboat from service on April 14, and it sailed on to Galveston.[130]

Burning of Harrisburgh and the crucial crossroads

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The ad interim government departed Harrisburgh on the steamboat Cayuga for New Washington ahead of Santa Anna's April 15 arrival,[131] thwarting his plans to eliminate the entire government of the Republic of Texas.[132] Three printers still at work on the Telegraph and Texas Register told the Mexican army that everyone in the government had already left, and Santa Anna responded by having the printers arrested and the printing presses tossed into Buffalo Bayou.[133] After days of looting and seeking out information about the government, Santa Anna ordered the town burned on April 18.[134] He later tried to place the blame for the destruction on Houston.[135]

Replicas of the Twin Sisters cannons at San Jacinto Battleground State Historic Site
Replicas of the Twin Sisters at San Jacinto Battleground State Historic Site

Before the Texian army left Bernardo Plantation, they welcomed the arrival of two cannon cast in Cincinnati, Ohio, funded entirely by the people of that city as a donation to the Texas Revolution. The idea had arisen as a suggestion from Robert F. Lytle, one of the businessmen who helped fund Sherman's Kentucky Riflemen.[136] Arriving in New Orleans after a lengthy trip from Ohio on the Mississippi River, the cannon were transported to the Gulf Coast aboard the Pennsylvania schooner. The cannons were nicknamed the "Twin Sisters", perhaps in honor of the twins Elizabeth and Eleanor Rice traveling aboard the Pennsylvania, who were to present the cannon upon their arrival at Galveston in April 1836.[137][138] At Galveston, Leander Smith had the responsibility of transporting the cannon from Harrisburgh to Bernardo Plantation. Along the way, Smith recruited 35 men into the army.[139] Lieutenant Colonel James Neill was put in charge of the cannon once they arrived in camp.[140]

Martin and Baker abandoned the river crossings on April 14 and re-joined Houston's army which had marched from Bernardo to the Charles Donoho Plantation near present-day Hempstead in Waller County.[141] As news spread of the Mexican army's movements, residents of Nacogdoches and San Augustine began to flee east towards the Sabine River. After refusals to continue with the army, Martin was ordered by Houston to accompany displaced families on their flight eastward. Hundreds of soldiers left the army to help their families. The main army parted from the refugees at this point, and acting Secretary of War David Thomas[FN 10] advised Houston to move southward to secure Galveston Bay.[142] Houston, however, was getting conflicting advice from the cabinet members. President Burnet had sent Secretary of State Carson to Louisiana in hopes of getting the United States army and individual state militias involved in the Texas fight for independence. While he attempted to secure such involvement, Carson sent a dispatch to Houston on April 14 advising him to retreat all the way to the Louisiana-Texas border on the Sabine River and bide his time before engaging the Mexican army.[143]

The Texian army camped west of present-day Tomball on April 15, at Sam McCarley's homestead.[144] They departed the next morning[145] and 3 miles (4.8 km) east reached a crucial crossroads.[FN 11] One road led east to Nacogdoches and eventually the Sabine River and Louisiana, while the other road led southeast to Harrisburgh. The army was concerned that Houston would continue the eastward retreat. Although Houston discussed his decision with no one, he led the army down the southeast road. Rusk ordered that a small group of volunteers be split from the army to secure Robbins's Ferry on the Trinity River.[147] Houston's troops stopped overnight on April 16 at the home of Matthew Burnet and the next morning continued marching towards Harrisburgh, 25 miles (40 km) southeast.[148]

With the refugee families being accorded a military escort eastward and Houston marching southeast, the retreat of the Provisional Army of Texas was over. On the march which would lead to San Jacinto, moving the heavy artillery across rain-soaked terrain slowed the army's progress.[140] The army had previously been assisted in moving the Twin Sisters with oxen borrowed from refugee Pamela Mann when she believed the army was fleeing towards Nacogdoches. When she learned the army was headed towards Harrisburgh and a confrontation with the Mexican army, she reclaimed her oxen.[149] The Texian army had expanded to 26 companies by the time they reached Harrisburgh on April 18 and saw the destruction Santa Anna had left behind.[150][151]

New Washington

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On orders of Santa Anna after the burning of Harrisburgh, Almonte went in pursuit of the ad interim government at New Washington. During their flight the Republic officials switched from steamer to ferry to skiff. On the final leg of the trip, Almonte finally had them in his sights but refused to fire after he saw Mrs. Burnet and her children on the skiff.[152] In addition to letting the government get away one more time, Almonte's spies had misread Houston's troop movements, and Santa Anna was told that the Texian army was still retreating eastward, this time through Lynchburg.[153]

New Washington was looted and burned on April 20 by Mexican troops,[154] and as many as 5,000 civilians fled, either by boat or across land. Those attempting to cross the San Jacinto River were bottlenecked for three days, and the vicinity around the crossing transformed into a refugee camp. Burnet ordered government assistance all across Texas for fleeing families.[155]

Battle of San Jacinto

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In a troop movement that took all night on a makeshift raft, the Texian army crossed Buffalo Bayou at Lynchburg April 19 with 930 soldiers, leaving behind 255 others as guards or for reasons of illness.[156] It was suggested that Twin Sisters be left behind as protection, but Neill was adamant that the cannons be taken into the battle.[157] In an April 20 skirmish, Neill was severely wounded,[158] and George Hockley took command of the heavy artillery.[159] Estimates of the Mexican army troop strength on the day of the main battle range from 1,250 to 1,500.[160]

The Texians attacked in the afternoon of April 21 while Santa Anna was still under the misconception that Houston was actually retreating.[161] He had allowed his army time to relax and feed their horses, while he took a nap.[162] When he was awakened by the attack, he immediately fled on horseback but was later captured when Sergeant James Austin Sylvester found him hiding in the grass.[163] Houston's own account was that the battle lasted "about eighteen minutes",[161] before apprehending prisoners and confiscating armaments.[164] When the Twin Sisters went up against the Mexican army's Golden Standard cannon, they performed so well that Hockley's unit was able to capture the Mexican cannon.[FN 12]

Aftermath

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The Yellowstone saw war service for the Republic one more time on May 7, when it transported Houston and his prisoner Santa Anna, along with the government Santa Anna tried to extinguish, to Galveston Island.[FN 13] From there, the government and Santa Anna traveled to Velasco for the signing of treaties.[167] Houston had suffered a serious wound to his foot during the battle[168] and on May 28 boarded the schooner Flora for medical treatment in New Orleans.[169]

Not until news of the victory at San Jacinto spread did the refugees return to their homesteads and businesses, or whatever was left after the destruction caused by both armies.[38] Throughout Texas, possessions had been abandoned and later looted. Businesses, homes and farms were wiped out by the devastation of war. Often there was nothing left to go back to, but those who went home began to pick up their lives and move forward. San Felipe de Austin never really recovered from its total destruction. The few people who returned there moved elsewhere, sooner or later. Secretary of War Rusk later commended the women of Texas who held their families together during the flight, while their men volunteered to fight: "The men of Texas deserve much credit, but more was due the women. Armed men facing a foe could not but be brave; but the women, with their little children around them, without means of defense or power to resist, faced danger and death with unflinching courage."[155]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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from Grokipedia
The Runaway Scrape was the desperate flight of Texian civilians from their homes in central and eastern Texas between March and April 1836, as they evacuated ahead of the Mexican army under General following the falls of the Alamo on March 6 and Goliad on March 27. Triggered by reports of Mexican advances and massacres, the exodus involved approximately 30,000 settlers, including , , and enslaved individuals, who abandoned possessions and fled eastward toward the Sabine River for refuge in the United States. , commanding the , ordered retreats from key points like Gonzales on , leading to the burning of settlements such as Gonzales and San Felipe de Austin to prevent their use by Mexican forces. Civilians endured severe hardships during the retreat, marked by panic, inadequate preparation, and harsh weather including cold rains and mud, which caused widespread illness, , and deaths—hundreds perished, with many buried hastily along the route. Families traveled by , sled, horseback, or foot, often leaving half-prepared meals and facing delays at swollen river crossings like Lynch's Ferry on the San Jacinto, where thousands congested awaiting passage. Firsthand accounts, such as that of ten-year-old Dilue Rose Harris, describe the exhaustion, limited rations of cold cornbread and beef, and personal losses, including her sister's death en route to . The Scrape concluded abruptly with news of the Texian victory at San Jacinto on , 1836, prompting refugees to reverse course and return to devastated homes, though the event underscored the vulnerability of the settler population and facilitated the concentration of Texian forces for the decisive battle. By denying resources to the Mexicans and preserving civilian morale, the evacuation indirectly contributed to the Texas Revolution's success, despite the destruction and human cost.

Historical Context

Mexican Centralization and Texian Grievances: 1834–1835

In 1834, Mexican President shifted from federalist principles to centralism, dissolving the federal Congress on May 16 amid opposition to Vice President Valentín Gómez Farias's liberal reforms, which conservatives viewed as excessive. This action suspended aspects of the 1824 Constitution, which had granted states significant autonomy, and initiated a conservative backlash that prioritized national unity over regional powers. Santa Anna's regime began reorganizing the country into military departments, diminishing the state government's authority over , where Anglo-American settlers, or , held most lands under federalist-era grants. Texian grievances intensified due to centralist policies enforcing the 1830 Law of April 6, which halted , restricted coastal , and increased garrisons to curb and perceived disloyalty. Customs collectors, such as those at Anahuac, rigorously applied tariffs on imports, straining settlers reliant on overland from the , while Mexican authorities demanded payment in specie amid local economic shortages. Fears mounted over potential enforcement of the 1829 emancipation decree abolishing , as imported enslaved labor essential to plantations; though lax before, centralist oversight threatened stricter application. Land title validations remained unresolved, with many settlers facing bureaucratic delays or invalidations under new departmental structures. Tensions erupted in the Second Anahuac Disturbance of June 1835, when Mexican Captain Antonio Tenorio arrested , including lawyer , for resisting customs enforcement and aiding runaway slaves from . On June 30, approximately 100 under Travis and Henry Smith seized the Anahuac garrison, capturing 40 Mexican troops and freeing prisoners without bloodshed, prompting Mexican General Domingo Ugartechea to withdraw forces temporarily to avoid broader conflict. This incident, coupled with Santa Anna's May 1835 crushing of federalist rebels at , convinced many that centralism endangered their self-governance, leading to and calls for a consultative assembly to petition reforms while affirming loyalty to the 1824 Constitution. Despite a "peace party" advocating negotiation, events radicalized settlers, setting conditions for armed resistance by October.

Formation of Texas Provisional Governments: November 1835–March 1836

The Consultation convened at San Felipe de Austin on November 3, 1835, comprising delegates from Texian settlements to address the escalating conflict with Mexican central authorities and organize resistance following initial victories like the . Its primary aims included legitimizing revolutionary actions, restoring the federalist principles of the Mexican Constitution of 1824—which had been undermined by President Antonio López de Santa Anna's shift to centralized rule via the of 1835—and establishing interim governance without immediate , as a favored to the 1824 framework over outright separation. On November 7, the body issued a "Declaration to the Public," affirming Texian rights under the 1824 Constitution, condemning Santa Anna's abolition of state legislatures and militias, and vowing armed defense until federalism was reinstated. By November 13, after debates reflecting divisions between advocates for caution and bolder action, the Consultation voted 33–14 to form a modeled on the 1824 Constitution, effective November 15. This structure featured an executive branch with Henry Smith elected as , James W. Robinson as lieutenant governor, and a General Council of 13 members (one per ) to handle legislation and oversight, effectively creating a bicameral-like system for civil administration amid wartime needs. The Council, meeting initially at San Felipe, assumed responsibilities for raising funds, organizing supplies, and coordinating municipalities, while the focused on executive directives; however, the absence of clear soon fostered tensions, as the Council frequently overrode Smith's vetoes and interfered in appointments. Militarily, the prioritized army formation, appointing as major general and commander-in-chief on November 14 to unify disparate volunteer forces into a , with provisions for regular pay and enlistments to professionalize the effort against Mexican advances. Houston issued recruitment proclamations, such as one on December 12, 1835, calling for volunteers to bolster defenses, reflecting the government's push to sustain momentum after the Siege of Béxar. Despite these steps, logistical strains emerged, including disputes over funding loans and militia organization, exacerbated by the Council's decentralized structure that allowed local representatives to prioritize parochial interests. Internal discord intensified by late 1835, pitting Governor Smith against the General Council over authority; Smith dissolved the Council on January 14, 1836, citing overreach, but the Council responded by declaring the governorship vacant and appointing Robinson as acting governor, paralyzing unified decision-making as Mexican threats loomed. On , 1835, the Council had called for municipal elections on February 1, 1836, to select 44 delegates for a constitutional convention, signaling a pivot toward formal amid fading hopes for restoration. The Convention assembled on March 1, 1836, at Washington-on-the-Brazos, superseding the provisional framework; on March 2, delegates unanimously adopted the Texas Declaration of Independence, severing ties with Mexico and establishing the Republic of Texas, with David G. Burnet named interim president and Lorenzo de Zavala as vice president. This transition dissolved the provisional government by March 16, when the Convention approved a temporary constitution, marking the end of the interim regime that had bridged local resistance to sovereign statehood. The provisional period's fractious governance highlighted Texian organizational challenges but enabled critical mobilizations that sustained the revolution through early 1836.

Initial Conflicts

Battle of Gonzales: October 2, 1835

In September 1835, amid escalating tensions between Texian settlers and the centralist Mexican government under Antonio López de Santa Anna, Mexican Colonel Domingo de Ugartechea ordered Lieutenant Francisco de Castañeda to retrieve a small cannon previously loaned to the settlement of Gonzales in 1831 for defense against Native American raids. The six-pound bronze cannon had been provided by Ramón Músquiz, political chief of Texas, to Green DeWitt's colonists on March 10, 1831, with the stipulation that it be returned upon request. On September 27, Castañeda departed San Antonio de Béxar with approximately 100 dragoons, but upon reaching the Guadalupe River near Gonzales on September 29, he encountered resistance from 18 local militiamen, known as the "Old Eighteen," who refused to surrender the artillery piece. Reinforcements swelled Texian ranks to over 140 volunteers within days, determined to retain the cannon as a symbol of defiance. On October 1, 1835, the crossed the Guadalupe River under cover of a , positioning themselves for confrontation. The following day, , they advanced on the Mexican encampment, raising a makeshift bearing an image of the and the words "," crafted from donated materials by local women under direction from a committee of Texian officers. During the skirmish, the Texians mounted the cannon on at John Sowell's shop and fired it twice—loaded with scrap iron—at the Mexican forces, marking the first shots of the . Castañeda attempted a but, facing determined resistance and informed by a scout of the growing Texian numbers, ordered a withdrawal toward Béxar after minimal engagement. Casualties were light, with no Texian fatalities reported and Mexican losses consisting of one soldier killed according to contemporary accounts, though some sources note two deaths. The Texians' victory allowed them to retain the cannon, which was subsequently assigned to Captain James C. Neill's company and used in the Siege of Béxar before being left at the Alamo, where it was captured by Mexican forces in March 1836. This minor clash galvanized Texian resistance, serving as the opening military engagement that escalated into broader conflict, ultimately contributing to the chain of events leading to the Runaway Scrape evacuation later in the revolution. Primary accounts, including Castañeda's reports from October 2 and 4, 1835, preserved in the Bexar Archives, corroborate the sequence of events.

Siege of Béxar and Early 1836 Engagements

Following the Texian victory at Gonzales on October 2, 1835, a volunteer army swelled to approximately 300 men and elected Stephen F. Austin as commander-in-chief, prompting an advance toward San Antonio de Béxar to confront Mexican forces under General Martín Perfecto de Cos. The siege commenced in mid-October, with Texian forces establishing positions around the town and engaging in preliminary skirmishes, including the Battle of Concepción on October 28, where about 90 Texians under James W. Fannin and James Bowie repelled a larger Mexican sortie, inflicting significant casualties while suffering only one wounded. Further actions, such as the Grass Fight on November 26, disrupted Mexican supply lines but failed to dislodge Cos's garrison of roughly 1,000–1,500 troops fortified within Béxar. By early December, frustration mounted among the Texians, who numbered around 800 volunteers under after Austin's departure due to internal disputes. On December 5, Benjamin R. Milam rallied troops with his famous call—"Who will go with old Ben Milam into ?"—leading a divided force in a daring urban assault that devolved into five days of intense street-to-street fighting. Milam was killed on the first day, but Texian momentum prevailed, forcing Cos to surrender on December 9; the Mexican commander agreed to evacuate his approximately 1,300 remaining troops southward by December 10, pledging not to reenter with arms. Texian losses totaled about 38 killed and wounded, contrasted with heavier Mexican casualties exceeding 50 dead and many wounded or captured. The triumph at Béxar boosted Texian morale but exposed logistical frailties, as unpaid volunteers disbanded en masse during the ensuing winter, returning to farms amid shortages of food, clothing, and ammunition. By 1836, only a skeletal of around 100 men under Colonel James Clinton Neill occupied the Alamo, with additional small detachments scattered elsewhere, leaving the Texian structure fragmented and unprepared for Centralist Mexico's counteroffensive. , appointed of the by the in December 1835, struggled to reorganize forces, mustering fewer than 1,000 effectives by February amid desertions and supply failures. No significant field engagements occurred in during January, though reconnaissance and minor musters at Gonzales hinted at brewing tensions as Mexican advances loomed. This post-Béxar dispersal contributed to the vulnerability that precipitated widespread evacuations later in the spring.

Catalysts for Evacuation

Fall of the Alamo: February 23–March 6, 1836

On February 23, 1836, Mexican forces under General Antonio López de Santa Anna arrived at San Antonio de Béxar and surrounded the Alamo mission, where approximately 150 Texian defenders under co-commanders William B. Travis and James Bowie had fortified themselves following the earlier siege of Béxar. Travis immediately dispatched a plea for reinforcements, reporting the Mexican army's presence in large force and estimating his own command at 150 men. Santa Anna's vanguard numbered around 1,800 troops, with additional reinforcements arriving during the siege, vastly outnumbering the Texians. The Mexican commander raised a red flag signaling no quarter, prompting Travis to fire a cannon in defiance and initiate sporadic combat. The siege commenced on February 24 with Mexican artillery bombardment, as Bowie fell ill with , leaving Travis in sole command. Defenders repaired walls and maintained their position amid intermittent shelling, rejecting a to surrender. On March 1, 32 men from Gonzales reinforced the garrison, bringing the total to approximately 182 combatants, including and volunteers like . Travis continued appeals for aid from the and settlements, expressing determination to hold but doubting relief from James Fannin's command at Goliad. On March 5, Santa Anna ordered a general assault for the following dawn, rejecting advisors' calls for continued bombardment due to concerns over low ammunition and potential Texian reinforcements. At approximately 5:00 A.M. on March 6, Mexican infantry advanced in columns from four directions, scaling walls amid heavy fighting that lasted about 90 minutes. Texian artillery and rifle fire inflicted significant losses, but the defenders were overwhelmed; all military personnel—estimated at 182 to 189—were killed, with Mexican casualties around 600 killed or wounded. Noncombatants, including women, children, and enslaved individuals (totaling about 20–30), were spared and released with reports of the defeat. News of the Alamo's fall spread rapidly, reaching Gonzales by March 11, where General learned of the disaster and ordered his army's eastward. This triggered immediate panic among Texian settlements, as couriers disseminated accounts of the , fueling fears of Santa Anna's advancing army and no-quarter policy. The event shattered morale, prompting officials, volunteers, and civilians to abandon positions and homes, initiating the mass evacuation later termed the Runaway Scrape as settlers fled toward the Sabine River in dread of Mexican reprisals.

Goliad Massacre and Heightened Panic: March 1836

Following the fall of the Alamo on , 1836, Colonel James W. Fannin ordered his approximately 400-man command at (Goliad) to abandon the post and retreat toward Victoria in an effort to join General Sam Houston's main army. Delays in executing the withdrawal, including efforts to retrieve artillery and supplies, left Fannin's forces vulnerable; on March 19, Mexican General José de Urrea's overtook the retreating Texans near Coleto Creek, about 4 miles east of Goliad. The ensued on March 19–20, with Fannin's men forming a defensive square against Urrea's roughly 800 troops; despite inflicting significant casualties on the Mexicans (estimated at 50–100 killed or wounded), the Texans exhausted their ammunition and water supplies, leading Fannin to surrender on March 20 under terms promising treatment as prisoners of war and potential parole or exchange. Urrea initially complied, marching the prisoners back to Goliad, but Fannin's command—comprising about 342 men, including regulars, volunteers, and some —faced execution orders from Mexican President-General , who insisted on for captured combatants under his February 1836 decree treating rebels as pirates. On March 27, 1836 (), Mexican forces under Colonel José Nicolás de la Portilla executed the prisoners in groups near Goliad; most were marched out under pretense of labor details and shot, while the wounded, including Fannin, were killed inside the . Approximately 342 Texans died, with their bodies subsequently burned and left unburied until reinterred years later; a small number, including some interpreters and Urrea's preferred captives, were spared but later faced uncertain fates. Urrea protested the order privately, citing military honor, but complied to avoid insubordination, highlighting tensions within the Mexican command over Santa Anna's uncompromising policy. News of the massacre spread rapidly via survivors and couriers, compounding the terror from the Alamo's annihilation and igniting among Texian settlers east of the Guadalupe River. By late March, reports of the executions—coupled with Urrea's advancing divisions toward the Sabine River—convinced civilians that Mexican forces intended total extermination of Anglo-American sympathizers, prompting mass flight from Gonzales, Washington-on-the-Brazos, and other settlements. This "" crystallized fears of reprisal, accelerating Houston's retreat strategy and transforming scattered withdrawals into the chaotic civilian exodus known as the Runaway Scrape, with families abandoning homes, livestock, and provisions amid rumors of imminent invasion. The event's brutality, verified through eyewitness accounts like those of survivor Herman Ehrenberg, underscored Santa Anna's centralist resolve, eroding any Texian illusions of negotiated mercy and galvanizing resolve for despite the human cost.

The Evacuation Phase

Sam Houston's Retreat and Army Reorganization: March 1836

Following the fall of the Alamo on March 6, 1836, arrived at Gonzales on to assume command of the Texian forces, which numbered approximately 374 demoralized volunteers amid reports of the disaster. The army, composed largely of short-term enlistees facing non-reenlistment and calls for immediate retaliation against Mexican advances, lacked cohesion and training, prompting Houston to prioritize a defensive withdrawal over direct confrontation with the superior under . This decision initiated a series of eastward retreats designed to preserve forces, evade , and allow time for recruitment and discipline. On March 13, Houston ordered the evacuation and burning of Gonzales to deny resources to pursuing Mexican troops, leading his contingent—camped briefly under a prominent oak tree—to fall back toward the Colorado River. The retreat proceeded methodically, with the army crossing the Colorado on March 17 after destroying bridges behind them, establishing defensive positions at Rodes Ferry, and continuing to the Brazos River by late March. Throughout this phase, Houston contended with internal dissent, including near-mutinous demands from officers like Sidney Sherman for offensive actions, but enforced centralized command to prevent fragmentation. Reorganization efforts focused on transforming the ad hoc volunteer force into a more disciplined unit capable of sustained operations. implemented daily drills during halts, integrated arriving reinforcements from fleeing settlers—swelling ranks despite desertions to around 700 by month's end—and emphasized logistical to sustain mobility. These measures addressed prior deficiencies in the "nonexistent ," shifting from to structured companies under appointed officers, which proved crucial for later cohesion. By March 28–29, at San Felipe de Austin, the army paused to resupply, further solidifying its readiness amid the ongoing civilian exodus known as the Runaway Scrape. This calculated delay in engagement, though controversial among troops seeking vengeance for the Alamo and Goliad, enabled the force to evade Santa Anna's divided pursuits and position for a decisive counterstrike.

Colorado River Crossings and Initial Flight

As news of the Alamo's fall reached Gonzales on March 13, 1836, General Sam Houston ordered the evacuation of the town and its surroundings, initiating the mass flight eastward known as the Runaway Scrape. The Texian army, numbering around 700-1,000 men including volunteers and raw recruits, departed Gonzales that day under Houston's command, accompanied by civilian families fleeing Mexican advances. Continuous heavy rains since March 12 had swollen streams and turned roads to mud, complicating the movement of ox-drawn wagons, livestock, and refugees burdened with household goods. Houston directed settlers between the Guadalupe and Colorado Rivers to join the retreat, aiming to consolidate forces while denying resources to pursuing Mexicans. The initial phase culminated in crossings of the , a natural barrier rising rapidly from spring floods. Houston's forces reached the river around March 17, crossing primarily at Beason's Ferry near present-day , where the army encamped from March 19 to 26. An alternative site, Burnham's Crossing, facilitated some army and civilian passage amid high waters that delayed ferries and forced improvised fords. Here, Houston paused to await reinforcements from Colonel James Fannin's command at Goliad, growing his ranks through enlistments but facing desertions as news of Mexican atrocities spread. Conditions were dire: refugees endured cold downpours, inadequate shelter, and shortages of food and , with many women and children exposed in open carts. Mexican General José de Urrea's forces captured Victoria on March 15, prompting further panic among , while General Martín Perfecto de Cos's division approached the from the west. On March 20, General Antonio López de Santa Anna's advance under General Vicente Filisola's subordinate Sesma arrived at the with about 800 men but hesitated due to flooded conditions and supply issues, allowing time to reorganize. During the encampment, Houston drilled troops and issued scorched-earth orders, burning bridges and supplies west of the river to impede Mexican pursuit. Civilian crossings involved hundreds of families from Gonzales and nearby settlements like Rutersville, who ferried across amid chaos, abandoning furniture, mills, and crops; some households lost enslaved individuals or draft animals to drownings or straggling. By March 26, intelligence of Fannin's defeat at Goliad on March 27—though not yet confirmed—prompted to break camp and resume retreat eastward, marking the transition from defensive positioning at the to deeper evacuation. This phase saw the first concentrated wave of the Scrape, with settlers prioritizing flight over salvage, as scouts probed the . Estimates suggest thousands participated in these early crossings, though precise counts vary due to disorganized records; the episode underscored the fragility of Texian settlements, reliant on riverine defenses that proved untenable against superior mobility.

Brazos River Encampments and Logistical Challenges

Following the retreat across the Colorado River in mid-March 1836, Sam Houston's Texas army advanced eastward to the Brazos River, establishing its primary encampment on the west bank at Groce's Landing (also known as Groce's Ferry or Plantation), a site owned and operated by Leonard Waller Groce. The army arrived there by March 30 and remained until April 12, using the period to reorganize after the defeats at the Alamo and Goliad. This location, approximately 10 miles southeast of present-day Hempstead, Texas, provided temporary respite amid the broader civilian exodus of the Runaway Scrape, where settlers crossed the Brazos at ferries such as Fort Bend and Jones' Ferry to evade advancing Mexican forces. Meanwhile, civilian encampments dotted the river's east bank and bottomlands, with families sheltering in makeshift camps amid canebrakes and abandoned settlements like San Felipe de Austin, which had been torched by retreating on or around March 20 to deny resources to the Mexicans. Houston's forces, numbering around 1,200 by late March, paused briefly at San Felipe on March 28–29 to for food and ammunition before proceeding to Groce's. The Groce plantation itself offered critical stores of provisions, enabling the army to replenish supplies depleted during the rapid retreat from Gonzales. Reinforcements arrived during this encampment, bolstering Houston's ranks as he planned defensive positions along the river, though no major engagement occurred there. Logistical strains intensified due to persistent heavy rains that swelled the Brazos to near-flood levels, complicating crossings and threatening inundation of campsites. The army relied on the steamboat Yellow Stone, detained at Groce's Landing, to ferry troops, equipment, and artillery—including the Twin Sisters cannons—across the river starting around April 12, averting potential stranding as Mexican pursuit loomed. Desertions plagued the command, with soldiers abandoning posts to rejoin families fleeing in the Scrape, exacerbated by low morale and perceptions of Houston's retreat as overly cautious; by early April, two companies outright refused further withdrawal and were detailed to guard the Brazos crossing. These challenges were compounded by scorched-earth tactics, including the burning of bridges over the Brazos, which delayed advances but also limited Texian fallback options and strained supply lines reliant on local . Despite access to Groce's resources, the remained ill-equipped for prolonged campaigning, with and provisions stretched thin from prior engagements, forcing to prioritize raw recruits over immediate confrontation. The encampment ultimately served as a pivotal staging point, allowing Houston to consolidate forces before advancing toward San Jacinto, though it highlighted the precarious balance between evasion and preparation amid the chaos of the Scrape.

Burnings of Settlements and Scorched Earth Tactics

As 's retreated eastward during the Runaway Scrape in March 1836, he adopted tactics to deny advancing Mexican forces under essential supplies, , and . This policy involved systematically burning settlements, crops, and , compelling the Mexican to rely on increasingly strained supply lines as they pursued the Texans deeper into hostile territory. On March 13, 1836, following the order to evacuate Gonzales upon confirmation of the Alamo's fall, Texian forces torched the town, destroying homes, stores, and potential resources to prevent their capture by Mexican troops. had arrived in Gonzales on and, recognizing the vulnerability of his disorganized army, prioritized over defense, directing civilians to accompany the troops while ensuring nothing usable remained behind. The burning of Gonzales marked the initiation of this deliberate strategy, which extended to other key locations as the retreat progressed. Further east, the army burned Columbus (then known as Beason's Crossing) after camping there from March 19 to 26, leaving the settlement in ashes to hinder Mexican logistics. Similarly, San Felipe de Austin, a political hub of early colonization, was set ablaze around March 20 as residents fled, denying the invaders administrative centers and stored goods. On March 18, a detachment under Henry Karnes razed Victoria, ensuring that coastal advance parties under found no viable base for resupply. These actions, while devastating to Texian property and contributing to civilian hardships, effectively slowed Mexican momentum by forcing them to forage in scorched landscapes, a factor that later facilitated the Texian victory at San Jacinto.

Human Dimensions and Hardships

Civilian Suffering, Mortality, and Disease

Civilians endured severe hardships during the Runaway Scrape, fleeing eastward in March and early April 1836 amid incessant rain, cold temperatures, and muddy roads that rendered travel arduous. Families, often with limited provisions and transportation, faced swollen rivers requiring perilous crossings, hunger from scarce food supplies, and exposure without adequate shelter, leading many women to traverse the terrain barefoot with bleeding feet while carrying infants. Mortality was significant, though precise figures remain elusive due to the absence of official records; historians estimate hundreds of civilians perished from exposure, exhaustion, and related causes, with many buried hastily along the route where they succumbed. Drownings occurred during river fordings, and isolated attacks by Native Americans contributed to additional fatalities, such as the scalping of two Irish immigrant families near Hallettsville. In one documented case, a young girl died of , known as the "flux," and was interred at . Diseases proliferated under these conditions, intensified by and constant dampness, including outbreaks of , , sore eyes, and among refugees. Eyewitness accounts, such as that of Dilue Rose Harris, describe widespread illness affecting men, women, and children, with "every other disease that man, woman, or child is heir to" emerging during . These epidemics claimed numerous lives, particularly among the vulnerable, exacerbating the overall toll of the evacuation.

Roles of Women, Enslaved Individuals, and Tejanos

Women played pivotal roles in organizing and enduring the civilian evacuations during the Runaway Scrape, as most able-bodied men had joined the , leaving families under female leadership from March to April 1836. They managed the flight of thousands eastward, handling wagons, , and children amid swollen rivers, incessant rains, and shortages of and , often traveling through mud-choked roads that delayed progress and led to widespread exhaustion. Specific hardships included prolonged exposure to wet conditions, as exemplified by Ann Raney Coleman, who endured soaked clothing for weeks, and Signey Kellogg, who gave birth in a rain-drenched cart during the retreat. Women also demonstrated agency by defending their groups; for instance, Mrs. Moss repelled potential threats to her ox-cart with a , safeguarding her invalid husband, while others like Jane Birdsall Harris stood guard over government officials in Harrisburg. Over 20 women from Gonzales, widowed by the Alamo's fall on , 1836, fled with children, sometimes aided by soldiers who discarded supplies to lighten loads. Enslaved individuals, numbering around 5,000 in at the time, accompanied Anglo-American families in , providing essential labor such as driving teams, ferrying goods across rivers, and protecting vulnerable groups despite the threat of Mexican forces promising under Santa Anna's campaign. Their roles often involved guarding evacuees overnight and managing chaos amid the flight; "Uncle" Jeff Parsons, enslaved to the family, recalled standing watch over his mistress's party until morning and described the scene at the Sabine River as one where "people and things were all mixed, and in" disarray by late March . Enslaved men and women contributed to survival efforts, including hauling provisions and caring for children, but remained bound to owners, with the Scrape reinforcing slavery's entrenchment as fled policies that had abolished it in by 1829. Tejanos, estimated at about 3,500 in the region, participated in the Runaway Scrape either by evacuating their own families or aiding -Texian refugees, though they encountered suspicion from some settlers who questioned their loyalty amid Santa Anna's advance. Captain Juan N. Seguín, leading Tejano volunteers, was tasked by General in March 1836 to escort and protect non-combatants, including Gonzales widows and his own relatives, eastward beyond the , shielding them from potential Mexican and Native American threats before rejoining the army for scouting ahead of San Jacinto. Rancheros from Victoria joined the effort, bolstering security for fleeing women and children, while families like that of Doña Patricia DeLeon abandoned homes to join the retreat, highlighting Tejano alignment with despite postwar calls for their expulsion to Mexico. This involvement underscored Tejanos' stake in the revolution, as many viewed Santa Anna's centralism as a greater peril than dominance.

Assistance from Native Americans and Other Groups

The Alabama-Coushatta and tribes in provided essential support to Texian refugees and the retreating army during the Runaway Scrape in March–April 1836. As settlers fled eastward toward the Sabine River, these groups offered food, shelter, and other necessities to those reaching their villages, helping mitigate and exposure amid harsh conditions. General , leveraging prior diplomatic ties, dispatched a messenger to Chief Colita of the Alabama-Coushattas requesting provisions; the chief responded by supplying 100 beeves and 100 bushels of corn to sustain the army as it maneuvered to evade Mexican forces. The Coushattas, who had agreed to neutrality during the broader at Houston's urging, extended similar aid to civilians, enabling many to continue their evacuation without immediate collapse from privation. Houston's February 23, 1836, treaty with the Cherokees and affiliated bands—including Delawares, Shawnees, Biloxis, and others—further secured non-aggression in territories, preventing raids that could have compounded the chaos of the flight and indirectly aiding passage through lands for some groups. While direct provisioning from these northern bands is less documented, their restraint aligned with Houston's strategy to maintain rear-area stability during . Other non-Native groups, such as scattered Anglo-American volunteers and agents, occasionally organized relief at river crossings, but Native assistance proved uniquely vital in the most remote and resource-scarce eastern frontiers.

Resolution and Turning Point

Advance to San Jacinto and Final Preparations: April 1836

By early April 1836, General Sam Houston's Texas army, reduced to around 800 men after the exhaustive retreats of the Runaway Scrape, encamped near the east bank of the , awaiting reinforcements and intelligence on Mexican movements. Scouts reported that had split his forces, dispatching contingents toward Harrisburg and Lynchburg to seize the fledgling Texas government and block supply lines to , leaving his main column vulnerable. Houston, facing mounting criticism for his Fabian strategy of evasion, consulted officers and resolved to advance southeast, shifting from defense to offense to exploit the division. On , the army broke camp and marched eastward through rain-soaked prairies and muddy roads, covering roughly 18 miles daily despite low morale and logistical strains from depleted provisions. By April 18, they reached the ruins of Harrisburg, which Mexican vanguard under had torched days earlier upon learning the government had fled. Houston dispatched Colonel with a cavalry detachment to scout ahead, confirming Santa Anna's camp along the San Jacinto River, approximately 20 miles distant. The advance covered about 70 miles from the Brazos encampment in three days, a grueling push that tested the infantry's endurance but reinvigorated spirits with the prospect of decisive engagement. Redirecting toward Lynch's Landing to sever Mexican retreat routes, the army arrived on April 19, swelling to nearly 900 effectives with the arrival of volunteer companies, including Erastus "Deaf" Smith's spies who destroyed the Vince's Bridge on April 21 to trap the enemy. Final preparations emphasized rapid maneuvers over entrenchments, given the army's inexperience; Houston distributed the newly arrived Twin Sisters cannons—two 6-pounder field pieces loaned from U.S. sympathizers—for close support, while emphasizing bayonet drills and the rallying cries "Remember the Alamo! Remember Goliad!" to steel resolve. In notes dictated that day, Houston outlined plans to assault Santa Anna's poorly positioned camp, prioritizing surprise over prolonged siege, amid scarce ammunition estimated at 20 rounds per man. Disease and desertions persisted, but the strategic pivot from flight to confrontation marked a causal turning point, leveraging mobility against the Mexicans' overextended lines. On , preliminary skirmishes tested positions, with Texas cavalry repulsing Mexican probes, allowing time to reconnoiter terrain advantages like the wooded cover and marshy flanks hemming Santa Anna's site. Logistics focused on foraging and water from , while officers like coordinated flanking maneuvers. This phase solidified Houston's command amid debates over aggression, substantiated by the Mexicans' fatigue from pursuit and siesta routines, setting conditions for the imminent clash without further .

Battle of San Jacinto: April 21, 1836

Following weeks of retreat during the Runaway Scrape, General Sam Houston's , numbering approximately 910 men, advanced eastward after crossing the on April 17, 1836, and encountered elements of General Antonio López de Santa Anna's Mexican forces near the San Jacinto River. Santa Anna, commanding about 1,300 troops divided into a main camp under his direct control and a separate division led by General Martín Perfecto de Cos, had pursued the Texans in an effort to prevent their reorganization and decisively crush the rebellion. On April 20, a skirmish occurred when Texian scouts clashed with Mexican cavalry, resulting in the death of Texian Colonel ’s horse but no significant casualties, as Houston ordered a withdrawal to avoid a full engagement. The decisive clash unfolded on April 21, 1836, around 4:30 p.m., when launched a surprise assault on the Mexican camp during the afternoon , catching Santa Anna's forces unprepared and without posted sentries. The Texian infantry advanced under cover of the Twin Sisters, the army's only artillery pieces—two 4-pounder cannons donated by citizens—which fired and canister into the Mexican lines, sowing chaos among the troops. Texian soldiers charged with yells of "Remember the Alamo! Remember Goliad!", referencing prior Mexican massacres that fueled their resolve, overrunning the camp in an 18-minute rout despite sustaining a severe ankle wound from . Mexican artillery, including an 8-pounder, was captured and turned against the defenders, exacerbating the disorder as many soldiers fled into the nearby marshlands or surrendered en masse. Casualties were starkly asymmetrical: Texian losses totaled 9 killed (including 2 officers) and 30 wounded, while Mexican forces suffered approximately 630 killed, 208 wounded, and 730 captured, including Santa Anna himself, who was seized the following day disguised as a common soldier. The overwhelming Texian victory shattered Mexican military cohesion in , compelling Santa Anna to sign the on May 14, 1836, recognizing Texian independence in exchange for his release, though later repudiated the agreements. This battle halted the Runaway Scrape's disruptions, enabling the return of displaced civilians and securing the path to the Republic of Texas's establishment.

Aftermath and Long-Term Impact

Repatriation and Economic Recovery: Late 1836 Onward

Following the decisive Texan victory at the on April 21, 1836, refugees who had fled during the Runaway Scrape began retracing their paths eastward, with returns accelerating into late 1836 as Mexican forces retreated and provisional stability emerged under the newly formed . Many arrivals confronted utter devastation, as settlers had systematically burned crops, homes, and infrastructure to prevent their use by Santa Anna's army, leaving families to rebuild from near-total loss amid scarce resources and ongoing threats from residual Mexican incursions. By October 1836, when the 's first Congress convened and was inaugurated as president on October 22, sufficient repatriation had occurred to support governmental functions, though the population remained depleted from its pre-revolution estimate of approximately 30,000–50,000 non-Native residents, many of whom had evacuated temporarily to and other U.S. states. Economic recovery hinged on land distribution policies designed to incentivize both returning and new immigrants, with the claiming a of 251,579,800 acres after subtracting pre-revolution grants. Heads of households received grants of 4,428 acres plus 177 additional acres for family members, while single men obtained 1,476 acres; veterans earned 320–1,240 acres based on service duration, and early immigrants (1836–1837) qualified for reduced allotments of 1,280 or 640 acres. A , 1839, homestead law further granted 50 acres or one town lot to citizens, fostering agricultural rebuilding in ravaged areas like those along the Brazos and rivers. These measures, coupled with colonization contracts—such as those authorizing 600 families under William S. Peters in 1840 and subsequent efforts by Henri Castro (settling 2,134 immigrants by 1845) and the (bringing 7,380 Germans between 1842–1846)—drove annual population increases of about 7,000, reaching 102,961 Whites and 38,753 enslaved individuals by 1847. Fiscal challenges persisted, with the Republic inheriting $1.25 million in by October 1836 from obligations, including $100,000 in loans and the balance in claims for wartime services and supplies. This swelled to $3.25 million during Houston's first term (1836–1838) and $4.855 million under (1838–1841), fueled by military expenditures and administrative costs, culminating in roughly $12 million by in 1845. To generate revenue, the government authorized a $1 million loan in October 1836 (secured against ), issued $500,000 in 10% promissory notes on June 9, 1837, and released $2,780,361 in non-interest-bearing "red-back" currency on January 19, 1839, which depreciated to 37.5 cents on the and became worthless by 1842; scrip sales at 50 cents per acre supplemented these, alongside acceptance of audited drafts and seized Mexican assets. Houston's later retrenchment (1841–1844) curbed spending to $511,000 annually (with $100,000 allocated to Indian affairs), prioritizing scaling via the "principle of equivalents" and offers, though creditors often rejected such terms, delaying full recovery until U.S. assumption of obligations in the Compromise of 1850. Despite depreciation and scarcity, these policies underpinned gradual agricultural resurgence, particularly in production, as repatriated and incoming restored farms and expanded .

Strategic Evaluations and Leadership Debates

Sam 's strategic decision to initiate a full retreat on , , after receiving news of the Alamo's fall while in Gonzales, formed the cornerstone of the Runaway Scrape's military response. With the numbering around 400 poorly trained volunteers lacking artillery and facing Santa Anna's superior force of over 1,000 advancing from the west since , Houston prioritized preservation over engagement to avoid certain defeat. The maneuver involved ordered withdrawals across the and Brazos rivers, incorporating scorched-earth tactics by burning bridges and supplies to impede pursuit, while aiming to regroup, drill recruits, and draw the enemy into overextended positions vulnerable to attrition. This approach ignited fierce leadership debates, fracturing unity within the Texian provisional forces and government. Troops, reeling from the Alamo and Goliad massacres, grew mutinous under the prolonged evasion, with desertions reaching dozens daily and officers decrying the lack of offensive action; for instance, captains Wyly Martin and Moseley Baker openly refused orders to cross the , instead detaching to conduct guerrilla harassment as a rear guard. Provisional President , evacuating eastward with his cabinet, denounced Houston's reticence as dereliction, issuing public criticisms that eroded confidence and prompted calls for the commander's resignation or arrest. Post-revolution evaluations affirm the retreat's causal efficacy in averting army dissolution, enabling force consolidation to roughly 800 men by mid-April despite initial shrinkage, and exploiting Mexican logistical strains—evidenced by Santa Anna's divided columns and supply shortages—that precipitated the San Jacinto ambush on April 21, 1836, yielding with minimal Texian losses. Historians continue to contest whether earlier interventions, such as bolstering the Alamo, could have shifted momentum without risking total collapse, given the ' matériel deficits and indiscipline, though Houston's insistence on untenable odds for such relief underscores a realist assessment prioritizing survival for a culminating battle. Empirical outcomes, including secured via San Jacinto rather than attrition, substantiate the strategy's prudence against contemporary accusations of timidity.

Legacy in Texas Independence and National Memory

The Runaway Scrape, occurring primarily from March to April 1836, played a crucial yet understated role in securing independence by enabling the under to evade decisive defeat and regroup for the on April 21, 1836, which decisively routed Mexican forces led by . This mass civilian evacuation of approximately 30,000 settlers eastward toward the Sabine River and border created chaos that diverted Mexican resources and attention, indirectly preserving the revolutionary effort amid the falls of the Alamo on March 6 and Goliad on March 27. The hardships endured—marked by widespread disease, exposure, and an estimated several hundred civilian deaths—galvanized a collective resolve among survivors, contributing to the swift repatriation following the Texian victory and the formal recognition of the . In historical memory, the event has largely been sidelined within the dominant narrative of heroism exemplified by "Remember the Alamo" and San , as its depiction of panic-driven flight and vulnerability clashed with the state's foundational myth of unyielding triumph. Historian Stephen L. Hardin, in his 2024 book Texian Exodus: The Runaway Scrape and Its Enduring Legacy, contends that this omission stems from embarrassment over the retreat's grim realities, yet emphasizes how the shared ordeal forged a distinct Texian identity of resilience and toughness that underpinned post- state-building. Personal memoirs, such as those of Dilue Rose Harris and Angelina Peyton Eberly, preserve firsthand testimonies of the suffering, influencing later accounts that integrate civilian perseverance into the independence story without romanticizing defeat. Nationally, the Runaway Scrape remains a lesser-known facet of American expansionism, occasionally referenced in broader histories of the as emblematic of the human costs borne by settlers in pursuit of , but rarely elevated to the prominence of military engagements. Sites like Lynch's Ferry on the San Jacinto River, where thousands crossed during the exodus, and a commemorative of a fleeing family at San Felipe de Austin State Historic Site serve as tangible markers of remembrance, underscoring the event's integration into rather than widespread U.S. consciousness. Recent scholarship, including Hardin's work, seeks to rectify this by highlighting its causal link to the republic's survival, arguing that the Scrape's lessons in endurance persist in Texas lore as a to sanitized victory tales.

References

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