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Scott Stringer
Scott Stringer
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Scott M. Stringer (born April 29, 1960) is an American politician who served as the 44th New York City Comptroller. A Democrat, Stringer also previously served as a New York State Assemblyman, and as the 26th borough president of Manhattan.[1][2]

Key Information

In 1983, Stringer became a legislative assistant to New York State Assemblyman and future United States Congressman Jerry Nadler. In 1992, he successfully ran for a seat in the New York State Assembly vacated by Nadler, covering the Upper West Side. Stringer served as New York State Assemblyman for 13 years and six terms, from 1992 until 2005, when he was elected the 26th borough president of Manhattan. He won the 2013 election to become New York City's 44th comptroller, and began serving on January 1, 2014.

Stringer was an unsuccessful candidate in the 2021[3] and in the 2025 Democratic primaries for mayor of New York City.[4]

Early life and education

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Stringer is Jewish, and was born and raised in Washington Heights in Upper Manhattan.[5][6] His mother, Arlene Stringer-Cuevas, was a cousin of former U.S. Representative Bella Abzug, and served on the New York City Council before working in the New York City Human Resources Administration.[7][8][9] His father, Ronald, was counsel to former New York City Mayor Abe Beame.[7][10] His stepfather, Carlos Cuevas, was at one time the New York City clerk and a Deputy Borough President in the Bronx.[7]

Stringer attended Manhattan public schools, including PS 152, JHS 52, and John F. Kennedy High School (where he was editor of the school newspaper). When Stringer was still in high school at age 16, then-Manhattan Borough President Percy Sutton named Stringer to the Community Planning Board.[10][11] Stringer graduated from the John Jay College of Criminal Justice with a Bachelor of Arts in Government Studies in 1986.[12][13][14][15]

He has distant roots from Russia and Ireland, he has said, and his great-grandfather was from Poland.[16]

Career

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In 1983, he became a legislative assistant to New York State Assemblyman, and future Congressman, Jerry Nadler. During these years, he supported Democratic candidate Governor Mario Cuomo.[citation needed]

New York State Assembly

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In 1992, Stringer ran for and won Nadler's New York State Assembly seat representing the Upper West Side, when Nadler replaced deceased Congressman Ted Weiss. Stringer served for 13 years and six terms in the New York State Assembly, from 1992 until 2005. During his Assembly career, Stringer served as Chairman of the Cities Committee, Chairman of the Real Property Taxation Committee, and Chairman of the Oversight, Analysis and Investigation Committee. He led the fight to end empty seat voting and reform the State Assembly's rules of operation. He authored anti-stalking legislation and was an advocate of affordable housing, and good government reform.

In 1999, Stringer was arrested at a police brutality protest outside 1 Police Plaza following the shooting of Amadou Diallo.[17] Later that year, Stringer organized a counter-rally to a Ku Klux Klan march.[17]

On August 28, 2001, Village Voice political writer Wayne Barrett wrote a piece entitled, "Mother Dearest & the Courthouse Cabal," in which he discussed Stringer's involvement in courtroom politics, specifically questioning how Stringer's parents had benefited financially from his political ties, and whether some of his campaign contributors had done unethical things.[vague] Barrett also raised questions about whether acting Supreme Court judge Louis York had attempted to gain Stringer's support in his bid for a full term on the court by appointing Stringer's mother nine times as a court evaluator and conservator.[18] In 2001, while a member of the Assembly, Stringer explored a run for New York City Public Advocate.[citation needed]

Manhattan Borough President

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Stringer in 2011

In 2005, he entered the race to succeed C. Virginia Fields as Manhattan Borough President. His candidacy was endorsed by The New York Times. In September 2005, he won the Democratic primary against 9 other candidates and was later elected in the November general election. He took office as Borough President on January 1, 2006.

Stringer issued over 40 policy reports designed to raise awareness about local issues and improve New York City. These reports have led the charge in addressing many of Manhattan's most important challenges and issues, including: increasing community input and response to development and planning projects across the borough; introducing comprehensive reform and empowerment measures to Manhattan's Community Boards; leading the fight to maintain[19] and create[20] new affordable housing units[21] and schools [22] across the borough; empowering[23] parents[24] to better participate in the public school system; investigating and recommending policy action on the city's many transportation issues;[25] and helping working families[26] and small businesses[27] access resources to become and remain self-sufficient.

Food policy

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In November 2008 and December 2009 as Borough President, he hosted day-long conferences on the subject of progressive food policy. For the second conference, attended by 1,000 New Yorkers, he joined with New York University and the not-for-profit Just Food to address the impact of food on the health of New York City's people and their environment. He released several policy reports on food policy, including "Food in the Public Interest",[28] "FoodStat",[29] and "Red Tape, Green Vegetables".[30]

Bike lanes

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Throughout his tenure as Borough President, Stringer supported new transportation initiatives such as bike lanes.[31] After numerous constituent complaints, in 2010 he undertook a survey, "Respect the Lane – Clear the Path", a policy report analyzing bike lane safety in Manhattan. During the course of the three-day survey, a total of 1,700 infractions were witnessed.[32] The survey found that while bike lanes have a tremendous positive impact on New York City, the lanes were being misused by all parties; pedestrians, motorists, and cyclists. Working with community leaders, elected officials, local businesses, and local residents, Stringer worked to raise awareness about bike lane safety, and recommended an "increase in protected bicycle lanes, which are separated from traffic by a physical barrier and stepped-up patrol by traffic enforcement agents to ticket scofflaws, along with better signage," among other ideas.[25][31]

Hydraulic fracturing

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Stringer led the fight in New York City against hydraulic fracturing in New York State.[33] Stringer hosted many Manhattan Community Boards to discuss the potential problems associated with "fracking", such as contamination to the water supply.[33] Stringer also released a policy report in 2009, Uncalculated Risk: How Plans to Drill for Gas in Upstate New York could threaten New York City's Water System, a report highlighting the impacts of "fracking".[34]

2009 re-election

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On November 6, 2008, Stringer announced his decision to seek re-election as Manhattan Borough President.[35] His Republican opponent, David Casavis, a history professor and foreign affairs writer/commentator, got 16% of the vote[36] on a platform to abolish the office.[37] In an October 5, 2009, article in City Limits, Stringer dismissed calls by Casavis and Mayor Michael Bloomberg to eliminate his office: "There are people who are going to call for the elimination of the public advocate office, borough president, the City Council. There are people who believe that we should have a king system here," says Stringer. "Borough presidents are part of a new era and a different kind of government. It has real responsibilities and it gives you a large footprint on the issues you get involved with. It's up to the individual to take advantage of that, that you might have an impact."[38]

United States Senate consideration

[edit]

In Spring 2009, Stringer considered a primary challenge to incumbent U.S. Senator Kirsten Gillibrand.[39] However, he announced in May 2009 that he would not run. In his statement he said: "In light of President Obama's clear desire to avoid a Democratic primary in New York State, I have decided to focus on my re-election race for Manhattan Borough President and to suspend my exploratory committee and fund-raising efforts for the 2010 Senate race. I firmly believe that innovative thinking on issues like education and the urban environment must be joined with bedrock Democratic values on gun control and immigration if New York's interests are to be effectively represented in Washington."[40]

New York City Comptroller

[edit]

2013 election

[edit]

Stringer was the Democratic nominee for New York City Comptroller in the 2013 election. He defeated former New York Governor Eliot Spitzer in the Democratic primary.[41]

Stringer was considered one of several contenders for the 2013 New York City Mayoral primary before he announced in mid-November 2012 that he would instead run for city comptroller in the 2013 election.[42] His campaign team included spokesperson Audrey Gelman,[43] advertising agency GMMB,[44] and pollster Mark Mellman.[45] Stringer was challenged by former New York Governor Eliot Spitzer in the Democratic party primary.[46] Stringer, originally thought to have the lead unopposed, trailed Spitzer in the polls until late August, when he took a two-point lead.[47][48][49] Stringer defeated Spitzer in the September 10 primary 52%–48%.[50] In the days prior to the Democratic primary, several media outlets published a piece describing Stringer's vote against legislation that stripped NAMBLA of its tax-exempt status.[51]

Tenure

[edit]

In 2014, Stringer criticized the health department's response to complaints about rats in New York City as "weak", because they failed in their oversight and their inability to follow their own procedures.[52]

In November 2014, Comptroller Stringer announced an initiative, on behalf of the $160 billion New York City Pension Funds, to give long-term shareholders the right to nominate their own directors at 75 U.S. companies.[53] The "proxy access" initiative, known as the Boardroom Accountability Project, requests that these companies change their bylaws to allow shareholders who meet a threshold of owning three percent of a company for three or more years the right to list their director candidates, representing up to 25 percent of the board, on a given company's proxy. Proxy access is the ability for shareowners to nominate directors to run against a company's chosen slate of director candidates on the corporate ballot. The 75 proposals were filed based on three priority issues: climate change, board diversity and excessive CEO pay. Stringer called proxy access "the defining issue for the 2015 proxy season".[54]

2017 election

[edit]

In 2017, there was no Democratic primary for the position with Stringer defeating Republican Michel Faulkner in the general election.[55]

New York City mayoral candidacies

[edit]

2021 election

[edit]

On September 8, 2020, Stringer formally announced his candidacy for Mayor of New York City. He was endorsed by a number of progressive politicians shortly after his announcement, such as Jerry Nadler, Adriano Espaillat, Jamaal Bowman, Alessandra Biaggi, Julia Salazar, Yuh-Line Niou, Jessica Ramos, and others. At his announcement, he criticized incumbent mayor de Blasio saying: "We never closed the book on a tale of two cities. If anything over the last eight years, we've written more chapters."[56][57][58]

In April and June 2021, two women accused Stringer of sexual misconduct.[59][60] Stringer denied the allegation and sued the latter woman for defamation, which was still pending as of March 2025.[61][62][63] In May 2021, City & State published an article detailing allegations of bullying by former employees of Stringer, although noting that some who were contacted disputed that characterization.[64]

Stringer finished in fifth place with 5.0% of the vote.[65]

2025 election

[edit]

On January 18, 2024, Stringer announced that he was forming an exploratory committee to determine whether he should run for mayor in the 2025 New York City mayoral election.[4] Stringer officially launched his mayoral campaign in January 2025.[66]

Scott Stringer discussing issues with a person on Sunday, May 4, 2025, at the Cortelyou Farmer's Market

Personal life

[edit]

On September 3, 2010, Stringer married Elyse Buxbaum, an arts administrator at the time, who is the deputy director of development at The Jewish Museum.[7] The couple chose to receive a marriage license in Connecticut as a statement of solidarity with LGBT couples who had not yet been given the right to marry in New York State.[67] They have two sons, Max and Miles.[7]

References

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Bibliography

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Scott M. Stringer (born April 29, 1960) is an American Democratic politician who has held multiple elected offices in , including as the 44th from January 1, 2014, to December 31, 2021. In that role, he oversaw the city's $240 billion pension funds, achieving a 9.12% return and divesting $4 billion from fossil fuels while auditing agencies like NYCHA to identify billions in potential savings from waste and mismanagement. Prior to becoming , Stringer served as Borough President from 2006 to 2013, transforming the office into a platform for policy advocacy on and , and as a member representing the from 1992 to 2005, where he chaired committees on real property taxation and pushed ethics reforms. Stringer's political career emphasizes fiscal accountability and progressive reforms, such as expanding by mapping over 1,000 vacant city-owned lots for potential development and launching initiatives for childcare affordability. His 2021 mayoral bid, initially leading polls, collapsed amid allegations from two women—one claiming a 2001 relationship involving coercion when she was an intern, which Stringer denied as consensual and brief, and another accusing —prompting him to sue the first accuser for after investigative reporting revealed inconsistencies in her account, including prior unsubstantiated claims against others. Courts later permitted his case to proceed, rejecting the accuser's motion to dismiss. In 2025, Stringer launched a second mayoral campaign, positioning himself as a competent reformer against incumbent , focusing on public safety, , and efficiency amid ongoing voter concerns over and service delivery.

Early life and education

Family background and upbringing

Scott Stringer was born on April 29, 1960, in . He grew up in the Washington Heights neighborhood of , raised primarily by his single mother, Arlene Stringer-Cuevas, following his parents' . His mother served as a member representing Washington Heights in the 1970s and worked as a public school teacher and English instructor at the . Stringer's mother was a cousin of , the prominent feminist congresswoman and activist who represented parts of in the U.S. House from 1971 to 1976. His father worked in city government under Mayor , contributing to a family environment steeped in New York politics. Stringer also had a stepfather, , who later married his mother. Arlene Stringer-Cuevas died on April 3, 2020, at age 86 from complications of COVID-19. From an early age, Stringer was exposed to political activities through his mother's council work, often accompanying her to events and gaining an insider's view of local governance. This upbringing in a politically active household in a diverse, working-class area like Washington Heights shaped his early interest in , though specific details on his childhood education or non-political family dynamics remain limited in .

Academic and early influences

Stringer was born on April 29, 1960, in and raised in the Washington Heights neighborhood of , where he attended local public schools. His early exposure to urban challenges in a diverse, working-class area of the city informed his later focus on and . Stringer pursued higher education at College of Criminal Justice, a senior college within the system specializing in fields related to justice, law, and . He earned a degree in studies in 1986. The curriculum at John Jay, emphasizing practical governance, policy, and , aligned with Stringer's developing interest in political accountability and . A key early influence was his family background in ; Stringer's mother, Arlene Stringer-Cuevas, was a Democratic politician who served as a New York City Council member in the 1970s and later as Borough President from 1994 to 1997. Growing up in a household shaped by his mother's advocacy for community issues and public office, Stringer was immersed in progressive Democratic values and the mechanics of local governance from a young age, fostering his ambition to enter as a means of addressing systemic urban problems. This familial legacy, combined with his academic training, positioned him toward a career prioritizing fiscal oversight and progressive reforms.

Entry into politics

Initial campaigns and motivations

Scott Stringer's entry into elected politics occurred in 1992, when he campaigned for the Democratic nomination to the New York State Assembly's 67th District seat on Manhattan's Upper West Side, vacated by Jerrold Nadler after Nadler's special election victory for the U.S. House of Representatives in September 1992. The Democratic primary process was marked by disputes over petition signatures and party procedures, leading to weeks of litigation; on October 26, 1992, a state court ruled in Stringer's favor, affirming his status as the nominee against challengers including Lucille Orris and Antonio Rosario. Stringer, then 32 years old and a political aide with no prior elective experience, positioned himself as a fresh voice focused on local priorities, securing the general election on November 3, 1992, with approximately 80% of the vote in the heavily Democratic district. Stringer's motivations for launching the campaign were rooted in his decade of grassroots involvement in , having relocated to the in 1982 and worked as a community organizer and district coordinator under Nadler, where he engaged directly with residents on everyday concerns. This background exposed him to persistent local challenges, including the preservation of cooperatives like those under Mitchell-Lama regulations and infrastructure needs such as a second entrance for the 72nd Street subway station on the 1/2/3 lines, which he advocated for as essential to improving accessibility and safety. Influenced by a family steeped in public service—his mother, Arlene Stringer-Cuevas, had been elected Manhattan Borough President in 1985—Stringer emphasized progressive reforms and constituent services over partisan maneuvering, reflecting an ambition to translate organizational experience into legislative action amid New York City's early-1990s fiscal strains and urban revitalization efforts.

New York State Assembly tenure (1987–2005)

Stringer was first elected to the in a 1992 special election to fill the vacancy left by , who had advanced to , and he took office in January 1993 representing the 67th Assembly District, encompassing Manhattan's . He won re-election in every subsequent cycle through 2004, serving continuously until January 2006 when he resigned to assume the office of Borough President. During this period, Stringer focused primarily on urban policy, education, housing affordability, and legislative transparency, often critiquing state budget proposals under Governor for underfunding services; for instance, in February 2003, he issued a report detailing how Pataki's budget would increase costs for NYC families through cuts to education and social programs. As chair of Committee on Cities starting in the early , Stringer advanced initiatives addressing municipal challenges, including vendor protections and infrastructure expansion. In December 2004, the Assembly under his committee's influence passed authorizing the expansion of the Jacob K. Javits Convention Center in , signed into law by Pataki, aimed at boosting . He also sponsored A.8117 in 2003 to strengthen oversight of the New York City Department of Buildings following structural failures that endangered public safety. On , Stringer released multiple reports highlighting systemic deficiencies, such as the April 2002 "Textbook Crisis" analysis documenting shortages affecting over 100,000 NYC students, and a June 2003 critique of inadequate curricula in city schools. Stringer positioned himself as a reformer on legislative and government accountability, leading early efforts for stronger disclosure rules in the Democrat-controlled Assembly. In September 2004, he introduced a binding resolution, co-sponsored by 16 other members, to overhaul Assembly rules for greater transparency in bill drafting, committee processes, and lobbying disclosures, drawing from Brennan Center recommendations on curbing legislative secrecy. He co-sponsored New York's first marriage equality bill and measures enhancing protections for survivors, including expanded restraining orders. Additionally, in 2004, he advocated for policies supporting homeless students' access to amid dismissals from shelters. His tenure reflected consistent advocacy for progressive urban priorities, though constrained by Albany's .

Manhattan Borough President (2006–2013)

Key initiatives and policies

During his tenure as Borough President from 2006 to 2013, Scott Stringer prioritized reforms in and to influence development decisions through the Uniform Land Use Review Procedure (ULURP). He established a dedicated , appointing Anthony Borelli as director to conduct holistic reviews that assessed both neighborhood-specific and borough-wide effects of proposed projects. Stringer advocated for data-driven policies on parking infrastructure, requesting detailed information from the Department of City Planning on existing garage capacities and driver demographics below 110th Street to inform future development approvals. He also pushed for expanded inclusionary zoning to mandate affordable housing units in new projects, drawing on the Hudson Yards model to apply similar requirements across Manhattan amid concerns over luxury-focused developments receiving substantial tax incentives. A major focus was reforming community boards to enhance their effectiveness in oversight. Stringer formed an independent advisory committee, partnering with organizations such as the Regional Plan Association and NYPIRG, to streamline appointments, reduce politicization, and boost participation; this effort filled all vacancies and added over 120 new members through outreach via community groups, churches, and clubs. He introduced mandatory training on , conflicts of interest, budgeting, and parliamentary procedures, alongside a fellowship program pairing students with boards to develop 197-a community plans and provide technical assistance. Stringer issued policy reports promoting economic innovation, including the 2013 "Start-Up City" analysis, which documented a surge in Manhattan's entrepreneurial sector and recommended support for small businesses and tech startups through streamlined permitting and adjustments. He collaborated with cultural institutions on measures, such as facilities with LED to reduce costs and environmental impact.

Re-election and challenges

Stringer announced his candidacy for re-election as Manhattan Borough President on November 6, 2008, amid considerations of higher office but opting to consolidate his position in the wake of the . In the November 3, 2009, , Stringer secured a second term by defeating Republican David B. Casavis and Socialist candidate Tom Baumann, capturing 82.34% of the vote in a heavily Democratic borough. The lopsided victory reflected strong incumbency advantages and limited opposition, with no contested Democratic primary. Stringer's tenure encountered internal challenges, including reports from former staffers of a demanding characterized by high expectations and intense scrutiny, which some described retrospectively as contributing to staff turnover across his career. Externally, the 2008 recession strained resources and initiatives, prompting Stringer to for fiscal oversight and community board reforms amid budget pressures, though these efforts faced resistance from development interests opposing his neighborhood preservation priorities. A 2008 complaint filed against his committee by rival alleged improper contributions but was addressed by the New York City Campaign Finance Board without derailing his re-election.

New York City Comptroller (2014–2021)

2013 election and transition

In the Democratic primary for held on September 10, 2013, Stringer secured victory over former Governor , who had entered the race as a late challenger seeking political redemption following his 2008 resignation amid a scandal. Stringer received 287,798 votes, or 52 percent of the total, while Spitzer garnered approximately 48 percent, with final certified results reflecting Stringer's edge in and other boroughs despite pre-election polls showing Spitzer leading by as much as 19 points. The campaign highlighted Stringer's emphasis on fiscal oversight and reform, contrasting with Spitzer's controversial history, which Stringer argued disqualified him from auditing city finances. Stringer faced minimal opposition in the general election on November 5, 2013, defeating Republican candidate John A. Catsimatidis and independent candidates, including former , with over 75 percent of the vote in the heavily Democratic city. His win marked a continuation of Democratic dominance in the office, building on his eight years as Borough President, where he had focused on and transparency initiatives. Following the election, Stringer began the transition process, announcing on December 24, 2013, the first wave of eight senior appointments to his leadership team, including key roles in , , and legal affairs, to prepare for assuming office on January 1, 2014. He was sworn in as the 44th , delivering an inaugural address outlining priorities such as enhancing performance and conducting aggressive of agencies to ensure fiscal accountability. The transition involved integrating staff from his borough presidency office while expanding oversight capabilities, amid a exceeding $70 billion at the time.

Fiscal oversight and audits

During his tenure as New York City Comptroller from 2014 to 2021, Scott Stringer oversaw the auditing of city agencies, contracts, and expenditures to identify waste, fraud, and mismanagement, as mandated by the city charter. His office released dozens of performance audits and investigations, focusing on high-cost programs in areas such as , , homeless services, and elections, often highlighting deficiencies in oversight and recommending procedural reforms. These efforts positioned the comptroller's office as a fiscal watchdog, though critics noted limited follow-through on implementation by audited agencies. Stringer's audits frequently uncovered significant financial irregularities in education spending. A 2017 audit revealed that the Department of Education had awarded $2.7 billion in noncompetitive contracts over five years, often violating its own procurement rules, including failures to justify sole-source awards or document competitive bidding. Separately, a December 2016 financial review of Success Academy Charter Schools, the city's largest charter network, identified lax billing practices that potentially led to overcharges for special education services, including undocumented related services and violations of the network's internal policies on reimbursements. In July 2021, an audit of the Department of Education's Medicaid reimbursement claims for special education services found that mismanagement had resulted in $179 million in lost reimbursements between fiscal years 2016 and 2019, due to inadequate tracking, untimely submissions, and failure to bill eligible costs. In housing and homeless services, Stringer's office conducted extensive probes into and prevention programs. By 2020, 17 audits and investigations of the (NYCHA) had exposed systemic maintenance failures, including deteriorating roofs, unsafe playgrounds, and inadequate lead abatement, contributing to broader fiscal vulnerabilities from deferred repairs estimated in the billions. A January 2020 of the $53 million annual Homebase homelessness prevention program criticized weak oversight by the Department of Homeless Services (DHS), including incomplete client data, unmonitored subcontractor performance, and lack of verification for housing placements, potentially allowing ineligible expenditures. Earlier, a 2017 DHS flagged fiscal controls that undermined provider oversight, such as inconsistent contract monitoring and delayed payments, while a 2014 post-Superstorm Sandy review highlighted poor contract management that exposed the city to waste and risks in emergency shelter procurements. Stringer's fiscal scrutiny extended to electoral and other operations. A May 2020 report on the Board of Elections documented widespread mismanagement, including lax recordkeeping, untracked vendor payments exceeding $100 million, and failure to reconcile expenditures, which heightened risks of improper spending ahead of the primaries. While these audits identified potential cost recoveries and efficiency gains—such as through better reimbursement claims and competitive procurement—quantified citywide savings were not systematically tracked in public reports, with emphasis instead on exposing accountability gaps to inform policy and budget decisions.

Pension management and reforms

As custodian and investment advisor for New York City's five pension funds—covering the Employees' Retirement System, Fire Department Pension Fund, Police Pension Fund, Board of Education Retirement System, and Teachers' Retirement System—Stringer oversaw assets providing retirement security for over 700,000 active and retired civil servants, including police, firefighters, and teachers. The funds were valued at approximately $150 billion upon his inauguration in January 2014. In late January 2014, Stringer unveiled a six-point and plan for the Comptroller's Bureau of , aimed at mitigating conflicts of interest, bolstering internal controls and , and enhancing transparency in decisions. Key measures included mandating regular disclosure of personal trades by dozens of managers, establishing performance evaluation systems for fund managers, and promoting the consolidation of the five disparate funds into a single entity to cut administrative fees and streamline portfolio management. The initiative received praise from Thomas DiNapoli for advancing transparency and in public operations. Under Stringer's tenure, the funds expanded to over $253 billion by 2021, reflecting market gains despite a $15 billion loss in 2020 amid the economic downturn. Annual returns varied, with strong performance such as 12.95% in 2017—contributing to a four-year compounded return of 7.4% through that period—and a robust 26.37% in the ending June 30, 2021, though 2020 yielded a subpar 4.4%, necessitating increased city contributions of $133 million annually by 2022. Stringer pursued policy-driven investment reforms, including the 2018 commitment to divest $4 billion from holdings to align with environmental priorities, and the 2017 launch of the Boardroom Accountability Project 3.0, which pressured corporate boards for greater diversity, independence, and disclosure through shareholder engagements with over 100 companies. In private equity, the funds' portfolios posted a net of 10.1% since inception as of June 30, 2019, outperforming benchmarks in some periods but drawing scrutiny for real estate investments linked to rent increases and $370 million in estimated costs to the city. Toward the end of his term in February 2021, Stringer proposed relaxing disclosure rules for managers to attract more investments, a move critics argued prioritized ambitions over duties to pensioners.

Criticisms of tenure

Stringer's office conducted only two audits of the New York Police Department (NYPD) during his nearly eight-year tenure from 2014 to 2021, a limited scope criticized for failing to provide robust oversight of the city's largest police force despite promises of aggressive fiscal scrutiny. The audits, released in 2015 and 2019, focused on overtime spending and equipment procurement but overlooked broader systemic issues such as stop-and-frisk practices or departmental budgeting efficiency, prompting questions about the comptroller's prioritization of high-profile targets like the MTA over core public safety agencies. Critics have targeted Stringer's management of the city's five pension funds, totaling nearly $200 billion in assets, for allocations to that underperformed benchmarks and incurred significant opportunity costs. A 2020 analysis found that these investments, pursued under Stringer's oversight, resulted in at least $370 million in losses for the city compared to public market alternatives, while enabling rent hikes and evictions in New York properties backed by the funds. Additionally, by late 2020, emerging pension shortfalls necessitated an extra $400 million in annual city contributions over the next three fiscal years, with detractors arguing Stringer downplayed the underfunding risks despite his role in actuarial assumptions and investment strategies. Stringer's fiscal oversight drew scrutiny for relying on broad critiques of the de Blasio administration's budgeting without offering granular, actionable reforms, as evidenced in public debates and policy announcements where specifics on cost savings or efficiency measures were often absent. This approach, while generating media attention through audits of entities like the Queens Library and MTA contracts, was faulted for not translating into measurable reductions in city expenditures or waste prevention, with some observers noting a pattern of high-level reports over sustained implementation follow-through.

Higher office ambitions

U.S. Senate exploration (2010)

In early 2009, following David Paterson's appointment of to the U.S. Senate seat vacated by , Borough President Scott Stringer began assessing a potential Democratic against her for the 2010 special election. Stringer, who had served in the since 1987 and was elected borough president in 2005, positioned himself as a progressive alternative with strong roots and experience in fiscal oversight, filing paperwork with the on April 15, 2009, to gauge support and fundraising viability. His consideration drew attention amid broader Democratic skepticism toward Gillibrand's upstate congressional background and perceived moderate stances on issues like , with Stringer emphasizing his urban policy expertise and independence from Albany establishment figures. By May 2009, Stringer opted against pursuing the bid, citing insufficient momentum and a desire to focus on local priorities as borough president, a decision echoed by other potential challengers like Representative at the urging of party leaders. This withdrawal avoided a crowded primary that ultimately saw Gillibrand secure renomination and victory in November 2010. Stringer's brief exploration highlighted internal Democratic Party tensions over Gillibrand's appointment but did not escalate to a formal campaign, preserving his for future roles.

Early mayoral considerations

In 2009, during his first term as Manhattan Borough President, Stringer briefly considered entering the Democratic primary for mayor against incumbent , who was seeking a third term after the City Council extended term limits, but ultimately chose to run for re-election to his borough position instead. By early 2012, as his second term as borough president progressed, Stringer more actively explored a bid for the 2013 mayoral election, assembling a campaign infrastructure that included recruiting high-profile national Democrats such as and to advise and endorse his potential run. This preparation reflected his ambition to leverage his record on issues like government transparency and into a citywide contest, amid a field that included City Council Speaker as an early frontrunner. However, on November 18, 2012, Stringer abruptly shifted course, announcing his candidacy for city rather than , citing the opportunity to oversee the city's $70 billion and conduct fiscal audits as a stronger platform for reformist influence. The decision came amid a increasingly crowded mayoral primary, with candidates like Public Advocate and former Comptroller Bill Thompson also vying for support, and followed former Governor Eliot Spitzer's surprise entry into the comptroller race on October 15, 2012, which Stringer viewed as creating a clearer path in the fiscal oversight role. This pivot proved successful, as Stringer defeated Spitzer in the Democratic primary on September 10, 2013, by a margin of 52% to 48%, before winning the general election unopposed.

Mayoral campaigns

2021 Democratic primary bid

Stringer formally launched his campaign for the 2021 Democratic primary for on September 8, 2020, highlighting his eight years as comptroller in overseeing city finances and criticizing the de Blasio administration's management of the crisis. His platform emphasized fiscal accountability, including expanding audits of city agencies, investing in without increasing taxes on middle-class residents, and prioritizing economic recovery through job creation in and small business support. Stringer positioned himself as a competent, experienced alternative to less-tested candidates, leveraging his record of uncovering waste in city contracts and pension funds to argue for restoring effective governance. Early in the race, Stringer benefited from strong fundraising, having raised nearly $825,000 by mid-2018 in anticipation of the bid and qualifying for New York City's public program, which amplified small donations at an 8:1 ratio. Pre-primary polls in early 2021 showed him as a leading contender, often placing first or second among voters valuing administrative experience. He secured key endorsements, including from the on April 19, 2021, which praised his fiscal stewardship, and initially from the on April 13, 2021, signaling support from progressive and labor constituencies. The campaign encountered severe headwinds in May following sexual misconduct allegations from a former campaign intern in the , which Stringer denied as politically motivated and inconsistent with his character. The claims prompted the and other groups to rescind endorsements, contributing to a rapid erosion of support and a drop in polling numbers. Despite attempts to refocus on policy, including late backing from figures like Rep. , the allegations dominated media coverage from outlets with established progressive leanings, overshadowing his fiscal reform agenda. In the June 22, 2021, primary—conducted under ranked-choice voting—Stringer received approximately 5% of first-round votes, placing fifth among 13 candidates and leading to his elimination in early tabulation rounds. Borough President advanced to victory with 50.4% in the final round, as Stringer's supporters' second-choice preferences redistributed without altering the outcome. The poor showing ended Stringer's mayoral ambitions for that cycle, with post-election analysis attributing his collapse primarily to the unresolved allegations rather than policy critiques.

2025 Democratic primary bid and outcome

Scott Stringer launched his second campaign for the Democratic nomination for mayor in early 2025, building on his prior experience as to advocate for fiscal oversight and urban affordability. His platform included proposals to reduce costs by having families, the city, and employers share expenses, alongside emphasis on auditing city spending to prevent waste. The Democratic primary occurred on June 24, 2025, utilizing ranked-choice voting where voters could rank up to five candidates from a field of eleven, including incumbent , former Governor , and City Comptroller . Stringer received minimal first-choice votes, resulting in his elimination in the initial rounds of tabulation. State Assemblymember advanced to victory, securing over 50% of the vote in the final round against Cuomo, who conceded the nomination. Following the primary loss, Stringer did not endorse a candidate in the general election scheduled for November 4, 2025.

Sexual misconduct allegations (2021)

In April 2021, Jean Kim, a political lobbyist and former volunteer on Scott Stringer's 2001 campaign for , publicly accused Stringer of and harassment during her involvement with the campaign when she was 22 years old and he was 41. Kim alleged that Stringer groped her, pressured her into performing in a car, and engaged in a months-long sexual relationship marked by coercion and exploitation of her junior position. Stringer immediately denied the claims as "categorically false," asserting that any interactions were consensual and brief, and suggesting Kim's accusations were politically motivated amid his mayoral campaign, possibly linked to her ties to rival campaigns or figures like former , whom Kim had previously accused of misconduct. Subsequent reporting raised questions about the allegations' credibility, revealing inconsistencies in Kim's account: records showed she held a paid, senior volunteer role rather than a powerless , exchanged affectionate emails with Stringer post-campaign, and had professional ambitions tied to him, including seeking his endorsement years later. Kim's history included unsubstantiated claims against other politicians, and no contemporaneous complaints or witnesses corroborated her narrative of non-consent, though Stringer acknowledged a short but framed it as mutual. No or formal charges resulted from Kim's claims. On June 4, 2021, a second accuser, Teresa Logan, came forward, alleging that in the early 1990s, Stringer—then a state assemblyman—groped her buttocks and made unwanted sexual advances while she worked as a at a Manhattan establishment he frequented. Logan, who was in her 20s at the time, described the incidents occurring over multiple visits but did not report them contemporaneously. Stringer denied Logan's account, stating he had no recollection of such behavior and characterizing the claims as decades-old and unverifiable. Like Kim's, Logan's allegations prompted no legal action beyond media coverage. The accusations significantly damaged Stringer's 2021 Democratic mayoral primary campaign, leading to the withdrawal of endorsements from groups like the and progressive allies, and contributing to his third-place finish behind and . In December 2022, Stringer filed a against Kim, arguing her public statements were knowingly false and intended to derail his candidacy; a New York appeals court in April 2024 ruled in his favor to advance the case, rejecting Kim's anti-SLAPP motion to dismiss. Kim countersued Stringer in March 2023 for and emotional distress, with the litigation ongoing as of 2024. No followed against Logan, and the allegations remain unadjudicated in Stringer's favor regarding proven misconduct.

Management style and staff turnover

Former staffers in Scott Stringer's New York City Comptroller's office, spanning his tenure from 2014 to 2021, have characterized his as highly demanding, perfectionist, and , with a focus on exacting standards for communications, speeches, and political strategy that often involved personal review and revision of even minor details like posts. Accounts from approximately 16 former employees highlighted his tendencies and unpredictable , including verbal outbursts such as yelling during 6 a.m. Sunday calls or cursing in frustration, as well as physical expressions of anger like throwing pen caps or slamming binders. One ex-communications staffer recounted, "He’s the sort of boss who would call you up at 6 a.m. on a Sunday and yell at you," while a former campaign aide noted avoiding wearable fitness trackers due to frequent hourly reprimands. This approach fostered a high-stress environment, with some staff reporting panic attacks and coining the term "Post-Traumatic Stringer Disorder" to describe lingering effects, though behaviors stopped short of personal insults and were attributed more to professional contempt than malice. Senior aides, such as communications directors Sascha Owen and Alaina Gilligo, were credited with mitigating his sharper edges, and a subset of former employees viewed the intensity as typical of ambitious politicians rather than uniquely abusive, emphasizing an overall professional office culture without systemic . Public records do not quantify staff turnover rates in Stringer's office, but the reported stress and demanding oversight contributed to employee departures, as implied by the prevalence of critical accounts from ex-staffers during his 2021 mayoral campaign scrutiny. No formal investigations or lawsuits directly tied turnover to misconduct, and Stringer has not publicly responded to these characterizations in detail beyond general defenses of his leadership record.

Policy decision backlashes

Stringer's tenure as New York City Comptroller involved numerous audits and oversight reports that scrutinized municipal agencies, often resulting in public disputes with the de Blasio administration. In December 2016, Stringer released a report highlighting deficiencies in the Administration for Children's Services (ACS), including delays in investigations and inadequate caseworker training, which contributed to child safety risks. Mayor responded by accusing Stringer of partnering with the to manufacture "," framing the report as politically motivated amid Stringer's mayoral ambitions. Similar tensions arose from Stringer's July audit of the (NYCHA), which found that the agency failed to hire local residents for jobs despite federal mandates and squandered funding opportunities through mismanagement, costing millions in lost federal aid. NYCHA rejected the audit's conclusions, disputing Stringer's data on resident hiring rates and arguing that bureaucratic hurdles, not internal failures, were the primary issue, leading to a protracted public defense by agency leadership. A 2018 audit of the Department of Education's travel expenditures, which identified over $1 million in questionable costs including unapproved trips and poor record-keeping, drew criticism from education advocates and de Blasio allies who viewed it as an overreach undermining mayoral control of schools. The report ignited a broader debate on the comptroller's role in probing executive-branch operations, with detractors arguing it politicized routine administrative reviews. Stringer's January 2020 critique of de Blasio's housing plan, which he labeled as exacerbating through insufficient affordable units, faced pushback from policy experts who dismissed his alternative proposal for lacking feasibility, citing unrealistic funding assumptions and failure to address barriers effectively. In May 2018, Stringer's refusal to appoint an emergency fiscal manager for NYCHA—despite Governor Andrew Cuomo's demand—due to potential conflicts of interest with ties, prompted criticism from state officials who saw it as abdicating oversight responsibility during the agency's lead contamination . Pro-Israel advocates in 2021 faulted Stringer for delaying divestment of city pension funds from Unilever (parent of Ben & Jerry's) over its boycott of Israeli settlements, arguing his slow response as a fiduciary controller neglected ethical investment mandates amid mounting pressure from activist shareholders. These episodes underscored a pattern where Stringer's independent audits, while aimed at accountability, frequently elicited defensive rebuttals from targeted agencies and political opponents, highlighting the comptroller office's inherent tensions with executive authority.

Political ideology and positions

Progressive economic policies

Stringer has positioned himself as an advocate for government-mandated expansions, including a January 2020 proposal as for "Universal Affordable Housing," which would require 25% of units in all new residential developments with ten or more units to be permanently set aside for low-income households at or below 60% of area . This plan aimed to address shortages for the lowest-income residents by overriding developer opt-outs from , though it drew opposition from interests concerned about increased construction costs and reduced market-rate supply. In his 2021 mayoral campaign, Stringer emphasized reallocating fiscal resources toward housing for working families, proposing to fund additional units by replacing the city's mortgage recording tax—a flat fee critics described as regressive—with a graduated transfer tax that would impose higher rates on luxury sales exceeding $1 million. He also advocated expanding the "Robin Hood Housing Plan" to seize tax-delinquent or mismanaged properties for conversion into family-sized affordable units, targeting distressed buildings in low-income areas. Stringer has consistently supported union involvement in housing production, co-announcing in October 2015 with Public Advocate and Building and Construction Trades Council president Gary LaBarbera a $1.5 billion initiative to construct 20,000 affordable units using union labor and prevailing wages, diverging from Bill de Blasio's non-union preferences in some projects. This stance aligned with endorsements from public-sector unions like the Professional Staff Congress of CUNY, which praised his record on worker protections during economic recovery efforts post-COVID-19. As , Stringer pushed for redirecting city housing subsidies toward the neediest populations, recommending in November 2018 a "fundamental realignment" to prioritize households earning below 30% of amid rising , critiquing prior emphases on middle-income units as insufficiently targeted. His broader economic vision, articulated in 2021 campaign forums, stressed equity in recovery from the pandemic downturn, favoring policies to bolster low-wage workers through expanded public investment over deregulation.

Fiscal conservatism versus spending critiques

As New York City Comptroller from 2014 to 2021, Scott Stringer emphasized fiscal oversight through extensive audits of city agencies, identifying instances of waste and mismanagement to promote accountability. For example, a 2021 audit revealed that the Department of Education had lost $179 million in potential Medicaid reimbursements for special education services due to inadequate claims processing and tracking. Similarly, audits of the New York City Housing Authority (NYCHA) uncovered systemic failures, including the mishandling of $692 million in federal funds and poor maintenance practices, which prompted reforms. Other probes highlighted irregularities such as $2.7 billion in noncompetitive education contracts awarded without proper bidding and the city's failure to collect taxes from contractors, resulting in forgone revenue. Stringer positioned himself as a fiscal conservative by challenging executive overreach on spending, particularly during the . In July 2021, he filed a lawsuit against Mayor to reinstate rules bypassed via , arguing that unchecked authority had enabled over $1.5 billion in contracts without comptroller review, risking waste and . He also advocated for resuming audits on emergency expenditures to ensure transparency and efficiency. In his 2021 mayoral campaign, Stringer highlighted this record to underscore his experience in safeguarding taxpayer dollars amid fiscal pressures. Critiques of Stringer's fiscal approach centered on his role in certifying city that expanded spending under de Blasio, contributing to structural deficits despite his auditing efforts. Upon taking office in 2014 alongside de Blasio, the city enjoyed a $2.6 billion surplus, but by 2021, annual expenditures had surged, exacerbating a $9 billion gap for 2022 as revenues declined post-pandemic. Budget watchdogs, including some conservative-leaning analysts, argued that Stringer's progressive leanings—evident in his support for initiatives like increased social spending—tempered aggressive opposition to the administration's fiscal expansion, rendering his oversight more symbolic than transformative. During his 2025 mayoral bid, similar tensions arose, with proposals for subsidized (splitting costs between families, employers, and the city) drawing scrutiny for potentially adding to long-term liabilities without offsetting cuts. These dynamics reflect Stringer's hybrid stance: rigorous auditing for efficiency paired with endorsement of Democratic priorities that prioritized investment in , , and services, often at the expense of stricter measures favored by fiscal hawks. His tenure thus balanced conservative tools of against broader progressive spending frameworks, a approach defended by supporters as pragmatic but faulted by detractors for insufficient restraint in a high-debt environment.

Views on public safety and urban development

Stringer has emphasized expanding police presence to address rising crime rates in , proposing in his January 2025 mayoral campaign plan to hire 3,000 additional officers to bolster enforcement and deterrence. This pro-enforcement stance contrasts with movements to reduce police funding, as Stringer distanced himself from "defund the police" rhetoric during his 2021 campaign, instead advocating for targeted investments in community safety without broad budget cuts. In a February 2021 report as , he outlined reforms including overhauling crisis responses to divert non-violent calls from police, aiming to reduce negative community interactions while maintaining accountability through enhanced oversight of the Civilian Complaint Review Board. On urban development, Stringer has prioritized combating the affordable housing shortage through increased construction on city-owned land and incentives for family-sized units. His January 2025 campaign proposal includes a $500 million fund to accelerate development of low-income housing projects, focusing on local control and streamlined timelines to preserve affordability amid New York City's escalating rents. Earlier, in a 2020 policy initiative, he called for "universal affordable housing" mandating 25% of units in all new developments of 10 or more buildings to be permanently low-income, a measure intended to expand supply without relying solely on subsidies. In April 2025, he detailed the "Residential Options for Our Families" plan, leveraging underutilized public land to build unsubsidized units with reduced rents, targeting families and aiming for at least 50% two-bedroom or larger apartments in subsidized projects on city property. These positions reflect a data-driven approach to the city's housing crisis, as analyzed in his 2019 comptroller report estimating a need for 546,000 additional affordable units by 2030 to match demand.

Personal life

Family and relationships

Stringer married Elyse Buxbaum, an arts administrator, on September 3, 2010, in . The couple conducted their legal marriage in to protest New York's prohibition on at the time. Stringer and Buxbaum have two sons. Their first child, a boy, was born on December 9, 2011. The older son, Max, reached his bar mitzvah in late 2024 and has joined his father in public events, including campaign activities and community distributions. In response to 2021 sexual misconduct allegations against Stringer from a former campaign intern, Buxbaum stated she immediately believed her husband's denial without reservation. The family has appeared together in campaign efforts, such as on 2021.

Health and post-office activities

Following the end of his term as on January 1, 2022, Scott Stringer explored a potential return to elected office by preparing a against State Senator Brad Hoylman in Manhattan's 27th for the 2022 . However, amid opposition from anti-harassment advocates citing the unresolved 2021 allegations, Stringer did not formally enter the race. In December 2022, Stringer filed a in federal court against Jean Kim, a former intern who had accused him of during his 2021 mayoral campaign, alleging her claims were fabricated and inflicted "irreparable harm" to his reputation and career prospects. The suit sought compensatory and , asserting that Kim's statements lacked corroboration and contradicted her prior interactions with him. Stringer maintained that the allegations were politically motivated and unfounded, a position he has consistently held without criminal charges ever being filed. Stringer maintained a relatively low public profile from 2023 through early 2024, with limited documented activities beyond political networking. In January 2024, he registered a campaign committee signaling intent to run for again in 2025. He formally announced his candidacy on January 16, 2025, unveiling a affordability plan as a centerpiece to address family economic pressures, followed by policy proposals on public safety, housing, and environmental issues. His campaign emphasized competence and reform based on prior experience, though it faced challenges in gaining endorsements and momentum leading into the June 24, 2025, Democratic primary. No major personal health issues have been publicly reported for Stringer since departing office.

References

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