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Mario Cuomo
Mario Cuomo
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Mario Matthew Cuomo (/ˈkwm/, Italian: [ˈmaːrjo ˈkwɔːmo]; June 15, 1932 – January 1, 2015) was an American lawyer and politician who served as the 52nd governor of New York for three terms, from 1983 to 1994.[1] A member of the Democratic Party, Cuomo previously served as the lieutenant governor of New York from 1979 to 1982 and the secretary of state of New York from 1975 to 1978. He was the father of former New York governor Andrew Cuomo and broadcaster Chris Cuomo.

Key Information

Cuomo was known for his liberal views and public speeches, particularly his keynote speech address at the 1984 Democratic National Convention in which he sharply criticized the policies of the Reagan administration, saying, "Mr. President, you ought to know that this nation is more a 'Tale of Two Cities' than it is just a shining 'city on a hill.'"[2] He was widely considered a frontrunner for the Democratic nomination for president in both 1988 and 1992, but he ultimately declined to seek the nomination in both instances. His indecisiveness about entering the race led to his being dubbed "Hamlet on the Hudson".[3][4]

Cuomo was defeated for a fourth term as governor by George Pataki in the Republican Revolution of 1994. He subsequently retired from politics and joined the New York City law firm of Willkie Farr & Gallagher.[5]

Early life and education

[edit]

Cuomo was born in the Briarwood section of the New York City borough of Queens to a family of Italian origin. His grandfather Donato came to the US in 1896.[6] Mario Cuomo's father, Andrea Cuomo, was born in New York City in 1901 but in 1904, aged two or three, was taken back to a mountain village outside Salerno, Campania, returning to the United States on his US passport more than two decades later.[6] Andrea Cuomo was from Nocera Superiore, Campania, and his mother—Immacolata Giordano—was from Tramonti, Campania.[7] The family ran Kessler's Grocery Store in South Jamaica, Queens.[8] Mario Cuomo attended New York City P.S. 50 and St. John's Preparatory School.

Cuomo was a baseball player and while attending St. John's University in 1952, he signed as an outfielder with the Pittsburgh Pirates for a $2,000 bonus, which he used to help purchase his wife Matilda's engagement ring.[9] Cuomo played for the Brunswick Pirates of the Class D Georgia–Florida League where his teammates included future major leaguer Fred Green; [10] Cuomo attained a .244 batting average and played center field until he was struck in the back of the head by a pitch.[11] Batting helmets were not yet required equipment, and Cuomo's injury was severe enough that he was hospitalized for six days.[10]

After his recovery, Cuomo gave up baseball and returned to St. John's University, earning his bachelor's degree summa cum laude in 1953.[12] Deciding on a legal career, Cuomo attended St. John's University School of Law and graduated tied for first in his class in 1956.[12] Cuomo clerked for Judge Adrian P. Burke of the New York Court of Appeals.[12] Despite having been a top student, the ethnic prejudice of the time led to his rejection by more than 50 law firms before he was hired by a small but established office in Brooklyn.[13][14]

During his tenure at the law firm of Comer, Weisbrod, Froeb and Charles, Cuomo represented Fred Trump.[15] Cuomo eventually became a partner at the firm, but stepped down in 1974 to become New York Secretary of State.[16] In 1989, he settled a longstanding lawsuit against his former firm regarding $4 million in legal fees.[17] In addition to practicing law, Cuomo worked as an adjunct professor at St. John's University School of Law.[18]

Early political career

[edit]
Mario Cuomo in 1975

Cuomo first became widely known in New York City in the late 1960s when he represented "The Corona Fighting 69", a group of 69 home-owners from the Queens neighborhood of Corona, who were threatened with displacement by the city's plan to build a new high school.[19] He later represented another Queens residents group, the Kew GardensForest Hills Committee on Urban Scale, who opposed Samuel J. LeFrak's housing proposal adjacent to Willow Lake in Queens. In 1972, Cuomo became known beyond New York City when Mayor John Lindsay appointed him to conduct an inquiry and mediate a dispute over low-income public housing slated for the upper-middle-class neighborhood of Forest Hills.[4] Cuomo described his experience in that dispute in the book Forest Hills Diary, and the story was retold by sociologist Richard Sennett in The Fall of Public Man.

New York secretary of state

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In 1974, Cuomo ran in the primary for lieutenant governor of New York on a slate headed by gubernatorial candidate Howard J. Samuels, and both won the nomination of the Democratic State Committee at the party convention. But their entire ticket, including the nominees for attorney general and U.S. senator was defeated in the Democratic primary election: Samuels by Rep. Hugh Carey of Brooklyn, and Cuomo by state senator Mary Anne Krupsak.

Governor-elect Carey chose to bring Cuomo into his new administration, naming him in December as his choice for Secretary of State of New York.[20] Cuomo served until December 1978, and was succeeded as Secretary of State by Basil Paterson.[citation needed]

New York City mayoral election

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Two years later, Cuomo ran for Mayor of New York City at Carey's urging.[4] Incumbent Mayor Abraham Beame was very unpopular and Cuomo was one of five major challengers to Beame in the Democratic primary. In a close and highly fractured election, U.S. Representative Ed Koch finished first with 19.81% of the vote and Cuomo came second with 18.74%. As no candidate cleared 40% of the vote, Koch and Cuomo advanced to a runoff. Koch emerged victorious with 54.94% of the vote to Cuomo's 45.06%. Cuomo had received the nomination of the Liberal Party several months previously and was urged to drop out of the race but he contested the general election against Koch and token Republican opposition.[4][21]

During the mayoral campaign, placards appeared saying: "Vote for Cuomo, not the homo" in reference to rumors about Koch's sexuality. Cuomo denied responsibility for this but Koch never forgave him "as he made clear with a pointedly disparaging reference to Mr. Cuomo in a recorded interview with The New York Times that was not to be made public until Mr. Koch's death".[22] Cuomo ran on his opposition to the death penalty, which backfired among New Yorkers as crime was very high. Cuomo then went negative with ads that likened Koch to unpopular former mayor John Lindsay. Meanwhile, Koch backers accused Cuomo of antisemitism and pelted Cuomo campaign cars with eggs.[23] Cuomo was also defeated by Koch in the general election,[23] taking 40.97% to Koch's 49.99%. The race is discussed in Jonathan Mahler's book Ladies and Gentlemen, the Bronx Is Burning.[23]

New York lieutenant governor

[edit]

In 1978, incumbent lieutenant governor Krupsak declined to seek re-election. She withdrew from the ticket and unsuccessfully challenged Carey in the gubernatorial primary, accusing him of incompetence.[4] Cuomo won the primary for lieutenant governor and was elected alongside Carey in the general election.

Governor of New York

[edit]

Elections

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President Ronald Reagan presenting Mario Cuomo and other New York leaders with a check for Westway Project Funds, September 1981

In 1982, Carey declined to run for re-election and Cuomo declared his candidacy. He once again faced Ed Koch in the Democratic primary. This time, Koch's support for the death penalty backfired and he alienated many voters from outside New York City when, in an interview with Playboy magazine, he described the lifestyle of both suburbia and upstate New York as "sterile" and lamented the thought of having to live in "the small town" of Albany as governor, saying it was "a city without a good Chinese restaurant".[4] Cuomo won the primary by ten points and faced Republican nominee businessman Lewis Lehrman in the general election. With the recession aiding Democratic candidates, Cuomo beat Lehrman 50.91% to 47.48%.

Cuomo actively campaigned for Walter Mondale in the 1984 presidential election, and was named on Mondale's list of vice presidential candidates. Geraldine Ferraro was ultimately nominated as his running mate, but Cuomo was chosen to give the keynote speech at the 1984 Democratic National Convention in San Francisco. He vigorously attacked Ronald Reagan's record and policies in his Tale of Two Cities speech that brought him to national attention, most memorably saying: "There is despair, Mr. President, in the faces that you don't see, in the places that you don't visit, in your shining city."[24][25] He was immediately considered one of the frontrunners for the Democratic nomination for president in 1988 and 1992.

Cuomo was re-elected in 1986 against Republican nominee Andrew P. O'Rourke by 64.3% to 31.77%. He ruled out the possibility of running in the 1988 presidential election, announcing on February 19, 1987, that he would not run, and then going on to publicly decline draft movements in the wake of Gary Hart's withdrawal following the Donna Rice affair.[26]

In the 1990 gubernatorial election, Cuomo was re-elected with 53.17% of the vote to Republican Pierre Andrew Rinfret's 21.35% and Conservative Herbert London's 20.40%.

When Cuomo was asked if he was planning to run for president in 1992, he said, "I have no plans and no plans to make plans," but he refused to rule it out. In October 1991, news broke that he was interested in running and was taking advice from consultant Bob Shrum. At the same time, he began working on a budget with the New York State Legislature, and promised not to make any announcements about a presidential run until he had reached an agreement with the Republican-controlled State Senate and the Democratic-controlled State Assembly. Two polls taken in November of the New Hampshire Democratic primary showed him leading the field by at least twenty points, and a poll in December showed him trailing President George H. W. Bush 48% to 43%, having been behind by twenty-eight points two months earlier.[4]

The filing deadline for the New Hampshire primary was on December 20, 1991, and candidates were required to submit a ballot application in person. Cuomo was not able to negotiate a budget agreement with Republicans in the Legislature and on deadline day, time ran out. In a scene later fictionalized in Joe Klein's Primary Colors,[27] he kept an airplane idling on the tarmac as he pondered abandoning the budget talks in order to fly to New Hampshire and enter the race.[28] Democratic party leaders asked him to run and he prepared two statements, one in case he ran and one in case he did not. He tried to come to a final agreement over the budget, but as he could not, he made an announcement at 3:30 p.m. that day:

It is my responsibility as governor to deal with this extraordinarily severe problem. Were it not, I would travel to New Hampshire today and file my name as a candidate in this presidential primary. That was my hope and I prepared for it. But it seemed to me that I cannot turn my attention to New Hampshire while this threat hangs over the head of the New Yorkers I have sworn to put first.[4]

Cuomo's supporters launched a draft movement and encouraged people to write in his name in the Democratic primary, which was held on February 18, 1992. Cuomo did not discourage it, which many saw as implicit endorsement of the campaign.[29] Cuomo went on to receive 6,577 votes in the primary, 3.92% of the total cast and subsequently asked the draft committee to close down, saying, "I am flattered by their support and impressed by their commitment, but I am also convinced that in fairness to themselves they ought now to end their effort."[29] The group closed down, but Cuomo refused to rule out joining the primaries later in the year, stating, "I have said more than once that the nomination should go to someone willing and able to campaign for it. I am willing, but because New York's budget has not been settled I am not able to campaign for it."[29] Ultimately, Cuomo did not enter the race and Bill Clinton went on to win the Democratic nomination and the general election. Because of Cuomo's refusal to run for national office, despite his popularity, he was referred to as the "Hamlet on the Hudson".[30]

After Bill Clinton won the Democratic nomination for president in 1992, Cuomo was a candidate for vice president but he refused to be considered and did not make Clinton's final shortlist.[31] He was also spoken of as a candidate for nomination to the United States Supreme Court, but when President Clinton was considering nominees during his first term to replace the retiring Byron White, Cuomo stated he was not interested in the office.[32] George Stephanopoulos wrote in 1999 that Clinton came within 15 minutes of nominating Cuomo before the latter pre-emptively rejected the post.[33]

In 1994, Cuomo ran for a fourth term. In this election, Republicans attacked him for the weak economic recovery within the state since the early 1990s recession and the resulting high unemployment as well as his opposition to the death penalty by highlighting the case of Arthur Shawcross, a multiple murderer convicted of manslaughter who was paroled by the state in 1987 and while on release became a serial killer. Republicans were able to associate Shawcross with Cuomo much like William Horton with Michael Dukakis six years earlier. Cuomo was defeated by George Pataki in the 1994 Republican landslide, taking 45.4% of the vote to Pataki's 48.8%. Cuomo lost mainly because his support outside of New York City all but vanished; he only carried one county outside the five boroughs, Albany County, while also failing to sweep the five boroughs unlike his previous three successful runs, losing Staten Island.

Cuomo and fellow Democrat Ann Richards, the governor of Texas who had been defeated in her re-election campaign by George W. Bush, appeared in a series of humorous Super Bowl XXIX television advertisements for the snack food Doritos shortly afterwards, in which they discussed the "sweeping changes" occurring. The changes they were discussing turned out to be the new Doritos packaging.[34]

Accomplishments

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Groundbreaking of Pilot Field in July 1986. From left to right: Buffalo Bisons owner Robert E. Rich Jr., Governor Mario Cuomo and Buffalo Mayor James D. Griffin.

In Cuomo's first term as Governor of New York, he produced a balanced budget and earned the highest credit rating over the long term for the State in one decade.[12] His philosophy in leading the state was one of "progressive pragmatism".[12] Cuomo and the Democratic-controlled House of Representatives (Democrats had over a 3:2 margin in House) was successful in stopping U.S. President Ronald Reagan's administration from eliminating "federal income tax deductibility of state, local and property taxes".[12]

During his second term as governor, Cuomo successfully pushed for the enactment of sweeping fiscal reforms for the State.[12] Comprehensive reform measures were also enacted in governmental ethics for New York State under Cuomo's leadership.[12] Cuomo extended New York State's economic reach in business globally, contributing to both strengthening and developing it.[12][35]

Cuomo is also known for beginning the "Decade of the Child" initiative, an effort that included multiple health care and educational strategies to better the lives of children in New York State.[12] Further, in 1988, the "Rebuild NY" Transportation Bond Act was an initiative under Cuomo that was a continuance of efforts to rebuild bridges and roads throughout the State.[12] Cuomo increased assistance to local law enforcement agencies in order to help reduce or eliminate crime;[12] and prison expansion in the State was continued which he is said to have regretted.[12] Under Cuomo, New York State was also the first in the nation to enact seat belt laws.

Cuomo established the Office of the MTA Inspector General (OIG) in 1983, as an independent watchdog for the Metropolitan Transportation Authority.[36] The OIG provides oversight and monitors the activities of the MTA.[37]

Governor Mario and his wife Matilda Cuomo presided over the First New York State Family Support Conference in 1988. His statewide initiatives in developing over 1,000 family support programs are today termed "individual and family support" nationwide and are cited by the National Council on Disability. He was the first governor to support an ecological approach to families which was represented by community integration and community development as the goal of deinstitutionalization.

Healthcare was also an area that Cuomo improved as governor, implementing initiatives that succeeded in reducing costs of prescription medications.[12] This endeavor assisted senior citizens in making the medications more affordable.[12] Under Cuomo's leadership, a public health plan that tackled the AIDS epidemic was the most intense in the nation.[12]

Overseeing programs for environmental preservation and conservation, Cuomo implemented aggressive initiatives in these areas.[12] Under Cuomo's leadership, New York State was the first in the United States to integrate both environmental protection and energy conservation goals.[12]

Cuomo's progressivism was also evident in his appointments of judges to the New York Court of Appeals. Cuomo appointed all of the judges to the State Appeals Court, including the first two female judges, as well as both the first African-American and Hispanic judges.

Cuomo eliminated the New York State Regents Scholarship given to all students who ranked high on a statewide special examination.[38]

Planned assassination

[edit]

Maurizio Avola, a former Sicilian Mafioso believed to have killed about 80 people, including journalists, lawyers, politicians and mobsters, before becoming a pentito, or informer, and serving life in prison, told The Guardian in 2016 that the Sicilian Mafia had planned to assassinate Governor Cuomo on a visit to Italy in November 1992. The plan was for about a dozen gunmen armed with Kalashnikov assault rifles and explosives to ambush Cuomo. Avola's godfather, Aldo Ercolano, considered that Cuomo would be an "excellent target". Avola stated, "The aim was to target politicians or members of institutions in order to send out a clear message... Killing a prominent American was a warning to law enforcement agencies that had allowed several prominent mafia informants to live in the US under assumed identities." This was several months after the mafia had already assassinated antimafia judges Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino. The attack was to be carried out in the main square of Messina, Sicily during the day. However, after Cuomo arrived in Rome on November 19 with security consisting of many bodyguards and a bulletproof car, the attack was called off.[39]

Political views

[edit]
Governor Cuomo speaking at a rally in 1991 in Plattsburgh, New York

Cuomo was notable for his liberal political views, particularly his steadfast opposition to the death penalty,[40] an opinion that was unpopular in New York during the high-crime era of the 1980s and early 1990s.[40] While governor, he vetoed several bills that would have re-established capital punishment in New York State.[40] The death penalty was reinstated by Pataki the year after he defeated Cuomo in the 1994 election, although it was never put into effect and the statute was declared unconstitutional by the New York Court of Appeals in 2004.[41]

Cuomo, a Roman Catholic, was personally opposed to abortion, but he was pro-choice on the issue, believing that the State does not have the right to ban the procedure. In a speech at the University of Notre Dame on September 13, 1984, he used the statements of the American Catholic hierarchy to make an argument: "What is ideally desirable isn't always feasible, ... there can be different political approaches to abortion besides unyielding adherence to an absolute prohibition."[42] For this position, Cardinal John Joseph O'Connor considered excommunicating him.[43][44]

Cuomo supported universal health care, believing that the federal government should provide coverage to anyone who otherwise couldn't get it, as well as price caps on medical bills. Cuomo was convinced that poor, elderly and unemployed people would never receive quality health care without government intervention.[45]

Cuomo was also outspoken on what he perceived to be the unfair stereotyping of Italian Americans as mobsters by the media, including denying the existence of the Mafia, and urging the media to stop using the word "mafia".[46] Joseph Pistone, an FBI agent widely known for his undercover operation as Donnie Brasco, wrote disparagingly of Cuomo in his book, Unfinished Business.[46]

Cuomo opposed the move of the National Football League's New York Giants and New York Jets to the Meadowlands in East Rutherford, New Jersey, choosing instead to attend the home games of the Buffalo Bills while serving as governor, referring to the Bills as "New York State's only team".[citation needed]

Post-governorship

[edit]
Mario Cuomo giving a speech in 2007
[edit]

From 1995 until his death, Cuomo worked as counsel at the New York law firm, Willkie Farr & Gallagher.[35] In 1996, Cuomo joined the board of Medallion Financial Corp., a lender to purchasers of taxi medallions in leading cities across the U.S. He was named to the board through his personal and business relationship with Andrew M. Murstein, president of Medallion.[47][48][49] Cuomo also sat on the advisory council of the Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission.

Authorship

[edit]
External videos
video icon Booknotes interview with Cuomo on Why Lincoln Matters, July 25, 2004, C-SPAN

Cuomo's first book, Forest Hills Diary: The Crisis of Low-income Housing, became an influential text in the fields of political science and housing policy, and it helped make his name with the public outside New York.

In 1996, Cuomo wrote Reason to Believe. He also wrote a narrative essay titled "Achieving the American Dream" about his parents' struggles in coming to America and how they prospered. Cuomo was the author of Why Lincoln Matters, published in 2004, and he co-edited Lincoln on Democracy, an anthology of Abraham Lincoln's speeches.

Cuomo also wrote and delivered numerous speeches and remarks.

Selected works

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  • Cuomo, M. (2012). Greatest speeches of the 20th century: Keynote address for the Democratic Convention. Various artists. (MP3).
  • Cuomo, M. (2011). Inspirational Speeches, Volume 3: Mario Cuomo – 1984. Orange Leisure. (MP3).
  • Williams, F.J., & Pederson, W.D. (Eds)., with Cuomo, M. (Contributor) and 14 other contributors (2009). Lincoln lessons: Reflections on America's greatest leader. Southern Illinois University Press.
  • Grodin, E.D., Cuomo, M., & Ventura, M. (2008). C is for ciao: An Italy alphabet. Sleeping Bear Press.
  • Bennett, T., Sullivan, R., Cuomo, M., & Albom, M. (2007). Tony Bennett in the studio: A life of art & music. Sterling.
  • Heffner, R.D., Jaffe, M., & Cuomo, M.M. (2004). As they saw it: A half-century of conversations from the open mind. Carrol & Graf
  • Forsythe, D.W., & Cuomo, M. (2004). Memos to the governor: An introduction to state budgeting, 2nd edition. Georgetown University Press.
  • Cuomo, M., & Holzer, H. (Eds.) (2004). Lincoln on democracy. Fordham University Press.
  • Cuomo, M.M. (2004). Why Lincoln matters: Today more than ever. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt.
  • Cuomo, M. (1999). The Blue Spruce. Sleeping Bear Press.
  • Hoobler, D., Hoobler, T., & Cuomo, M.M. (1998). The Italian American family album. USA: Oxford University Press.
  • Cuomo, M. (1996). Reason to believe: A keen assessment of who we are and an inspiring vision of what we could be. Touchstone.
  • Cuomo, M.M. (1993). More than words: The speeches of Mario Cuomo. St. Martin's Press.
  • Thomas, C., Cuomo, M., & Jorling (1992). New York State: A land of forests, people and trees, partners in time. New York State Department of Environmental Conservation.
  • Cuomo, M. (1984). Diaries of Mario M. Cuomo: The campaign for governor. Random House.
  • Cuomo, M. (1975). Forest Hills Diary: The Crisis of Low-income Housing. Vantage

Honors and awards

[edit]

At its 1983 commencement ceremonies, Barnard College awarded Cuomo its highest honor, the Barnard Medal of Distinction. Also in 1983, Yeshiva University awarded him an honorary Doctor of Laws degree.

In 2017, Governor Andrew Cuomo signed legislation officially naming the Tappan Zee Bridge replacement the "Governor Mario M. Cuomo Bridge".[50] This has been met with significant opposition. A petition and several pieces of proposed legislation have sought to restore the bridge's name to that of its predecessor.

Family and personal life

[edit]

Cuomo was married for 60 years to Matilda (née Raffa), from 1954 until his death in 2015. She is a graduate of St. John's University's Teachers College.[51] They had five children, Margaret, Andrew, Maria, Madeline, and Christopher. In 2017, Matilda was inducted into the National Women's Hall of Fame.[52]

Cuomo's oldest son Andrew married Kerry Kennedy, a daughter of Robert F. and Ethel Skakel Kennedy, on June 9, 1990. They had three daughters, twins Cara Ethel and Mariah Matilda Cuomo, born on January 11, 1995; and Michaela Andrea Cuomo, born on August 26, 1997. The couple divorced in 2005. Andrew served as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development under President Bill Clinton from 1997 to 2001. In his first attempt to succeed his father, he ran as Democratic candidate for New York governor in 2002, but withdrew before the primary. He withdrew after criticizing Republican incumbent George Pataki's leadership following the terrorist attacks on the city on September 11 the previous year. In November 2006, Andrew was elected New York State Attorney General; and on November 2, 2010, he was elected Governor of New York, inaugurated on January 1, 2011, and was re-elected two more times, serving until he resigned in August 2021 due to sexual harassment allegations.[53]

Cuomo's younger son Chris was a journalist on the ABC Network news magazine Primetime. He anchored news segments and served as co-host on Good Morning America, before moving to CNN in 2013, where he co-hosted the morning news magazine New Day. He anchored his own prime time show Cuomo Prime Time until he was suspended and ultimately fired in 2021 for assisting his brother Andrew in navigating a sexual harassment scandal which had previously led to Andrew's resignation as Governor of New York and after two accusations of sexual harassment against Chris were made.[54] He was picked as one of People magazine's 50 Most Beautiful People in 1997.[55]

Cuomo's daughter Maria is married to Kenneth Cole, the New York fashion designer. She is Chair of the Board of HELP USA,[56] a charitable foundation that is also associated with the organization her mother founded, Mentoring USA.[51]

His daughter Margaret is "a board certified radiologist, teaching professional, and national advocate for the prevention of cancer, heart disease, and diabetes".[57] She is the author of A World Without Cancer: The Making of a New World and the Real Promise of Prevention (2013),[57] and she serves on the board of directors of the nonprofit organization, LessCancer.[57] She has been featured on such TV shows as Good Morning America, Good Day New York, Morning Joe, and Inside Edition.[57] In 2011, she was awarded the Commendation of the Order of the Star by the president and prime minister of Italy.[57][58]

Cuomo remained a baseball fan after his athletic career ended, reportedly limiting his television watching to baseball games and C-SPAN.[10] He was an avid player of fantasy baseball, always with an Italian-American player on his team, regardless of how many Italian-American players were available or how well they were doing.[59] In 1994, he was featured several times on the Ken Burns PBS series Baseball, where he shared memories of his life in baseball before he entered politics.

Cuomo was the first guest on the long-running CNN talk show Larry King Live that began in 1985 and ended in 2010.[60]

Neal Conan described the man as both the most intelligent and wittiest politician he has ever interviewed.[61]

Illness and death

[edit]

On November 30, 2014, it was announced that Cuomo had been hospitalized for a heart condition; he was described as being "in good spirits".[62]

On January 1, 2015, Andrew Cuomo was sworn in for his second term as governor. The elder Cuomo was not well enough to attend the inaugural ceremony, though his son remarked, "He is in the heart and mind of every person who is here. He is here and his inspiration and his legacy and his experience is what has brought the state to this point."[63] That afternoon Mario Cuomo died from heart failure at his home in Manhattan at 5:15 p.m. EST, at the age of 82.[64]

Cuomo's wake was held on January 5, 2015, and his funeral was held at Saint Ignatius Loyola Church in Manhattan on a rainy January 6.[65] He is interred at St. John Cemetery, in Middle Village, Queens.

Reactions

[edit]

Various elected officials praised Cuomo following his death. President Barack Obama stated: "An Italian Catholic kid from Queens, born to immigrant parents, Mario paired his faith in God and faith in America to live a life of public service – and we are all better for it. He rose to be chief executive of the state he loved, a determined champion of progressive values, and an unflinching voice for tolerance, inclusiveness, fairness, dignity, and opportunity. His own story taught him that as Americans, we are bound together as one people, and our country's success rests on the success of all of us, not just a fortunate few."[66]

Then-Vice President Joe Biden described Cuomo as "a forceful voice for civil rights, for equal rights, for economic opportunity and justice. He had the courage to stand by his convictions, even when it was unpopular."[67] Former Governor of New York George Pataki called Cuomo "a proud son of immigrants and a compassionate leader who possessed a soaring intellect".[68] Former Mayor of New York City Rudy Giuliani stated: "Mario was a giant political influence of his generation. His ability to make riveting political speeches was only exceeded by his ability to logically argue and defend his position."[68]

Legacy

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The rebuilt Tappan Zee Bridge was named in Cuomo's honor.

Cuomo and Ed Koch are remembered as two New York politicians who dominated during the late 1970s and 1980s, as well for his public speaking ability.[69][70]

The rebuilt Tappan Zee Bridge was renamed the Governor Mario M. Cuomo Bridge in his honor. However, this would be controversial as the old bridge was named after Malcolm Wilson.

His legacy also ran in his family, with the election of his son Andrew Cuomo in 2010. Andrew Cuomo would serve as governor for ten years, from 2011 until his resignation in 2021.

See also

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References

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Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Mario Matthew Cuomo (June 15, 1932 – January 1, 2015) was an American lawyer and Democratic politician who served as the 52nd for three terms from 1983 to 1994. Born to Italian immigrant parents in , New York, Cuomo overcame early hardships, including a brief stint in interrupted by injury, to earn degrees from St. John's University and enter public service as New York Secretary of in 1975 and in 1979. Cuomo gained national prominence with his keynote address at the , where he critiqued President Ronald Reagan's policies in a speech titled "," portraying America as divided between the privileged and the struggling. As governor, he pursued progressive initiatives such as expanding education funding, environmental protections, and infrastructure bonds, while vetoing legislation multiple times and defending rights, positions that conflicted with his Catholic background and sparked debates over the role of faith in . His administration oversaw significant increases in state spending and debt, from $30 billion to $62 billion, alongside initial tax hikes followed by later reductions, amid criticisms that such fiscal expansion strained New York's economy and contributed to population outflows. Despite speculation and encouragement for presidential bids in 1984, 1988, and 1992, Cuomo declined to run, prioritizing his gubernatorial duties, though his oratorical skills and liberal vision positioned him as a leading voice in the Democratic Party. He died of at age 82, shortly after his son was inaugurated for a second term as governor.

Early Life

Upbringing and Family Background

Mario Cuomo was born on June 15, 1932, in , , the youngest son of Italian immigrants Andrea Cuomo and Immaculata Cuomo (née Giordano). His father, who had arrived from a rural area near in , initially worked as a laborer cleaning sewers in before saving enough to establish a small all-night in the working-class South section of . The family resided above the store, embodying the struggles of early 20th-century Italian-American immigrants facing and limited formal —Andrea Cuomo was illiterate. Cuomo's upbringing occurred in a modest, ethnically insular environment amid the Great Depression's lingering effects, where his parents raised him and his three older brothers in a household emphasizing and manual labor. The grocery business provided subsistence but highlighted the economic precarity of immigrant life, with Cuomo later recalling his father's exhaustive as a formative influence on his views of opportunity and hardship. This background instilled a strong identification with underdogs, shaped by ' outsider status relative to Manhattan's elite circles during his youth.

Education and Early Career

Cuomo graduated from St. John's Preparatory School in Brooklyn in 1949. He then enrolled at St. John's University, where he initially pursued studies while playing on the freshman baseball team. In 1952, during his time at the university, Cuomo signed as an with the organization for a $2,000 and was assigned to their Class D affiliate, the Brunswick Pirates, in the Georgia-Florida League. There, the 20-year-old batted .244 over 81 games with one and 24 RBIs before sustaining a severe from a pitch that ended his aspirations. After recovering from the injury, Cuomo resumed his education at St. John's University and earned a degree summa cum laude in 1953. He continued at St. John's University School of Law, graduating in 1956 tied for the top position in his class. Following law school, Cuomo passed the New York bar exam and entered private practice. In 1958, Cuomo joined the Brooklyn law firm of Gambino & Pizzolo, specializing in and cases, and advanced to by 1963. Concurrently, he taught as an at St. John's University School of Law, focusing on trial practice and advocacy. This period marked his establishment as a litigator in , handling civil disputes for working-class clients amid the borough's post-war development.

Political Ascendancy

Initial Public Service Roles

Cuomo first entered public service in 1972 when New York City Mayor John Lindsay appointed him to mediate the contentious Forest Hills housing dispute in Queens. The controversy arose over plans to construct high-rise low-income housing in a middle-class neighborhood, sparking opposition from residents concerned about property values, density, and demographic shifts. Acting as an intermediary, Cuomo negotiated a compromise that reduced the project's scale from 1,600 to 945 units, converted portions to cooperative apartments prioritized for elderly residents and existing community members, and incorporated a community center, thereby averting further escalation while addressing affordability needs. This role elevated his profile as a pragmatic problem-solver, though it drew criticism for allegedly withholding key project details in his report. In 1974, Cuomo sought elected office for the first time, running unsuccessfully as the Democratic nominee for alongside gubernatorial candidate Howard Samuels. Following the defeat, newly elected Governor appointed him New York Secretary of State in December 1974, a position he assumed on January 1, 1975, and held until 1978. In this capacity, Cuomo oversaw the implementation of the state's first public disclosure laws for financial interests and spearheaded lobbying reforms—the first in over seven decades—which required registration, reporting of expenditures, and restrictions on gifts to public officials to curb undue influence. These measures aimed to enhance transparency in government operations, reflecting Cuomo's emphasis on ethical governance amid post-Watergate scrutiny.

1977 New York City Mayoral Campaign

Mario Cuomo, then serving as New York Secretary of State, entered the 1977 Democratic primary for mayor as a reluctant candidate, persuaded by Governor to challenge incumbent amid the city's ongoing recovery from a severe fiscal crisis that had nearly led to bankruptcy in 1975. Cuomo formally announced his candidacy on May 11, 1977, emphasizing independence from Carey's administration while pledging to address , housing shortages, and governmental inefficiency without detailing a stark departure from establishment policies. In the first round of the Democratic primary on September 8, , Cuomo finished second behind U.S. Representative , advancing to a runoff after incumbent Beame placed third in a field of seven candidates, with record reflecting widespread dissatisfaction with Beame's handling of the fiscal emergency. The runoff on , , saw Koch defeat Cuomo by a 55% to 45% margin, capitalizing on voter demands for and portraying Cuomo as tied to the Democratic machine blamed for the city's woes, though Cuomo had positioned himself as an outsider through his prior work mediating housing disputes like the 1972 Forest Hills controversy. Despite the primary loss, Cuomo remained in the race on the Liberal Party line for the general election held on , 1977, facing Koch, who secured cross-endorsements from the Democratic and Republican parties, as well as Conservative Party candidate Roy Goodman. Koch won the general election with approximately 50% of the vote, falling short of a but defeating Cuomo decisively, as Liberal support proved insufficient against Koch's appeal to fiscal conservatives and those prioritizing crime reduction and administrative overhaul in the post-crisis environment. The campaign drew lasting controversy over anonymous signs in reading "Vote for Cuomo, Not the Homo," which Koch publicly attributed to Cuomo's supporters in a ploy to exploit fears about Koch's , though Cuomo denied involvement and the signs' origin remained unproven, fueling personal animosity between the rivals.

Lieutenant Governorship

Cuomo entered statewide elective office as the Democratic nominee for in 1978, running alongside incumbent Hugh L. Carey, who sought re-election. In the Democratic primary held on June 13, 1978, Cuomo defeated the incumbent , Mary Anne Krupsak, after a contentious campaign marked by Krupsak's break with Carey over feminist policy differences. The Carey-Cuomo ticket prevailed in the general election on November 7, 1978, against Republican nominee Perry B. Duryea Jr. and his , Assemblyman Bruce Caputo, in a contest focused on New York's fiscal recovery from the mid-1970s crisis. Cuomo was sworn in as the 69th on January 1, 1979, and served until December 31, 1982. In this constitutional role, he presided over the , casting tie-breaking votes only as required by , and acted as a policy advisor to Carey on select issues. Drawing from his background in urban , Cuomo applied skills to housing and challenges during the term, continuing work initiated in earlier roles like . The position provided Cuomo a platform to cultivate statewide visibility amid New York's ongoing economic strains, including high and . Carey's decision not to seek a third term in early elevated Cuomo's profile as a leading Democratic contender for the governorship, leveraging the administrative experience gained as to launch his successful 1982 campaign.

Gubernatorial Tenure

Elections and Re-elections

In the 1982 Democratic primary for governor, held on September 21, Cuomo defeated Mayor in a surprising upset, capitalizing on Koch's endorsements of Republican figures and perceived abrasiveness to consolidate support from liberals and labor unions. Facing Republican businessman in the general election on November 2, Cuomo prevailed by a slim margin, securing victory in a contest focused on fiscal versus expanded social programs, and becoming New York's first Italian-American governor. Cuomo won re-election in 1986 against Republican Westchester Andrew P. O'Rourke, garnering 64.6% of the statewide vote and carrying 57 of New York's 62 counties in a landslide that reflected strong incumbency advantages amid economic recovery. With Stan Lundine as his , Cuomo faced minimal primary opposition and emphasized achievements in education funding and infrastructure during the campaign. The 1990 contest saw Cuomo, again with Lundine, secure a third term over Republican Pierre A. Rinfret with 2,157,087 votes (53.2%) to Rinfret's 1,637,259 (40.3%), navigating voter concerns over rising state deficits and taxes through appeals to his record on crime reduction and job growth. Seeking a fourth term in 1994 alongside Lundine, Cuomo lost to Republican George E. Pataki, who polled 2,538,702 votes (48.8%) to Cuomo's 2,364,904 (45.5%) in an election dominated by anti-incumbent sentiment, debates over high taxes, and Pataki's pledges for relief and restoration. The race, the most expensive in state history at the time, featured aggressive negative advertising from both sides, with Cuomo's long tenure and fiscal policies cited by critics as vulnerabilities amid a national Republican wave.

Key Policy Initiatives

During his governorship, Mario Cuomo prioritized initiatives aimed at bolstering , particularly for children and vulnerable populations, while addressing public safety through significant expansions in correctional . These efforts reflected a commitment to using state resources to mitigate , improve access to and , and manage rising incarceration demands driven by stringent drug laws. In his 1988 State of the State address, Cuomo proclaimed the "Decade of the Child," a comprehensive ten-year program to enhance , , and support services for New York's youth, including expanded , drives, and tuition assistance scholarships for low-income families attending private or parochial schools. The initiative allocated additional state funding for and , though progress by 1990 remained uneven due to fiscal constraints, with isolated gains in areas like after-school programs and prevention. Cuomo established the Child Health Plus program in 1990, offering subsidized health insurance to uninsured children from families above eligibility thresholds but unable to afford private coverage, initially covering up to 140,000 children and influencing federal expansions like the State Children's Health Insurance Program. Complementing this, the Children's Assistance Program provided cash incentives and job training to welfare-dependent families with young children, aiming to reduce long-term reliance on public aid through targeted interventions. In August 1990, Cuomo signed the New York/New York Agreement with Mayor , committing state and city resources to develop or rehabilitate 5,225 units of for mentally ill homeless individuals over five years, marking an early large-scale public-private effort to address chronic through integrated housing and services. To combat exacerbated by the , Cuomo authorized the of 30 new facilities, expanding capacity by nearly 30,000 beds between 1983 and 1994—the largest such buildup in state history—often sited in rural areas to stimulate local economies via job creation in and operations. This approach, financed partly through state bonds and urban development funds repurposed for correctional use, prioritized capacity over alternatives like , despite Cuomo's repeated vetoes of legislation. Cuomo also directed substantial investments into public and , increasing school aid and funding repairs to roads, bridges, and public amid economic recovery efforts, though these were constrained by early-term tax hikes to close inherited deficits.

Fiscal Policies and Economic Outcomes

Upon assuming office in January , Cuomo inherited a projected state deficit of $1.8 billion amid a national recession and high unemployment in New York. To close the gap, his first enacted roughly equal measures of spending reductions and tax increases totaling nearly $1 billion in new revenues, including hikes on , sales, and corporate taxes. This approach balanced the budget without default, though it drew criticism for burdening taxpayers during economic distress. Subsequent budgets shifted toward tax relief as revenues recovered. In 1985, Cuomo proposed $1.2 billion in cuts, lowering the top marginal rate from 11 percent to 9.4 percent and benefiting middle-income brackets, funded partly by federal aid and economic rebound. However, overall tax burdens remained elevated compared to national averages, with New York's state-local tax collections ranking among the highest in the U.S. throughout the decade. Spending priorities emphasized education, , and infrastructure, contributing to budget growth; state operating expenditures rose from approximately $24 billion in fiscal year 1983 to over $40 billion by 1994, outpacing inflation but moderated by periodic restraints. Economically, New York lagged national performance under Cuomo's tenure. Private sector job growth averaged less than one-third the U.S. rate from 1983 to 1994, with the state adding about 300,000 net private jobs against a national gain exceeding 20 million. Unemployment in New York averaged around 7-8 percent annually in the mid-1980s, exceeding the national figure by 1-2 percentage points, and stood at 6.9 percent in 1994 versus 6.1 percent nationally. Recessions in 1990-1991 prompted mid-year cuts of $1 billion in spending to avert deficits, highlighting structural vulnerabilities like high taxes and regulatory costs that analysts linked to business outflows and slower recovery. Despite these measures, per capita income growth in New York trailed the national average, with critics attributing stagnation to fiscal policies favoring redistribution over competitiveness.

Crime and Criminal Justice Approaches

During his tenure as from 1983 to 1994, Mario Cuomo oversaw a significant expansion of the state's prison system, adding nearly 30,000 new beds through an unprecedented construction program that responded to rising incarceration demands driven by strict sentencing laws, including the pre-existing of 1973. This "prison-heavy" approach, which included building multiple new facilities and expanding existing ones, marked a pragmatic "law and order" stance early in his governorship, with Cuomo signing in his first term for 3,400 additional prison cells and two new prisons. By the late , however, Cuomo began shifting toward less punitive measures, incorporating programs while maintaining overall incarceration growth, which contributed to New York's role in the national rise of mass imprisonment. Cuomo consistently opposed , vetoing death penalty reinstatement bills 12 times over his 12 years in office, including his seventh on March 20, 1989, against legislation targeting killers of officers and others. He argued that the death penalty represented "official barbarism" and failed to deter crime effectively, viewing it as morally corrosive despite public and legislative support for its return after the U.S. Supreme Court's 1976 rulings invalidated earlier statutes. This position, maintained even as crime rates climbed in urban areas like , contrasted with his administration's incarceration expansions and drew criticism for appearing soft on severe offenses, though Cuomo framed it as a principled stand against state-sanctioned killing amid a system prone to errors. On drug-related crime, Cuomo did not pursue significant reforms to the , which mandated harsh minimum sentences for possession and sale of narcotics and fueled ; instead, his policies emphasized enforcement and capacity-building, with the state installing 3,000 additional bunks in 1991 to address overflows from drug convictions. Later in his tenure, he supported initiatives like expanded rehabilitation centers as alternatives to pure , reflecting a partial pivot from strict deterrence, though these efforts did not reverse the laws' punitive framework or substantially reduce incarceration rates tied to drug offenses. Cuomo also issued executive orders to address specific issues, such as establishing a state director of criminal justice services in 1975 (continued under his administration) and directing inquiries into bias-related in the to promote fair enforcement and deterrence. These measures aimed to balance expanded policing with targeted protections, but overall, his record reflected a tension between ideological opposition to extreme penalties and empirical responses to surging , including violent incidents that prompted legislative pushes for tougher measures he selectively resisted.

Major Controversies

Cuomo's repeated vetoes of death penalty legislation drew significant criticism, as he rejected bills passed by the 12 times between 1983 and 1994, despite polls showing majority public support for amid rising crime rates. Proponents argued that his stance, rooted in moral opposition to "official barbarism," defied voter sentiment and failed to deter heinous crimes, such as the murders of police officers or witnesses, which targeted provisions in vetoed measures. Overrides were attempted but fell short, with supporters like Senator Howard E. Babbush estimating a 70% chance in before ultimate failure, highlighting legislative frustration with Cuomo's principled but politically risky position. In December 1985, Cuomo sparked backlash by dismissing the term "" as inappropriate for describing , calling reports of its existence "a lot of baloney" and condemning media use of the word to avoid stereotyping Italian-Americans. This stance, intended to combat ethnic prejudice, was criticized as naive or denialist given extensive federal and state evidence of activities, including commissions like the 1985 President's Commission on that documented its structure. Opponents, including in George Pataki's 1994 gubernatorial campaign, weaponized the remarks with ads juxtaposing Cuomo's denial against images of slain mobster , portraying him as out of touch with New York's criminal realities. The 1991 Crown Heights riots, erupting after a Hasidic driver's car fatally struck a Black child on August 19, leading to four days of violence including the stabbing death of Yankel Rosenbaum, fueled controversy over Cuomo's response as governor. Cuomo commissioned the 1993 Girgenti Report, which faulted Mayor for inadequate policing but also drew scrutiny for the state's delayed intervention; Cuomo testified in 1995 that Dinkins never informed him of authorizing a tacit "day of outrage" for protesters, yet critics from Jewish communities argued state troopers should have been deployed sooner to quell anti-Semitic attacks and looting that injured over 150 officers and civilians. The episode contributed to perceptions of favoritism toward Black communities and eroded Cuomo's support in key demographics, factoring into his narrow 1994 defeat. Cuomo's fiscal policies faced rebuke for exacerbating New York's structural deficits through expansive spending on social programs and , with state debt rising from approximately $5.3 billion in 1983 to over $20 billion by 1994, funded partly by hikes including a 1988 surcharge. While he balanced budgets annually as required —often via one-time measures and federal aid—and later cut taxes in response to revenue shortfalls, detractors contended his reluctance for deeper reforms perpetuated high costs of living and drove business exodus, with critics like the Empire Center noting persistent gaps that burdened successors. In 1990, he praised lawmakers for a $1 billion deficit-reduction plan but scolded them for insufficient cuts, underscoring tensions over his preference for spending over amid economic downturns.

Ideological Positions

Social and Cultural Views

Cuomo, a devout Roman Catholic raised in by Italian immigrant parents, frequently invoked his faith in public life while navigating tensions between personal beliefs and policy positions. In a September 13, 1984, speech at the titled "Religious Belief and Public Morality," he argued that Catholic politicians could oppose on moral grounds yet support legal access in a pluralistic society lacking consensus, emphasizing that government coercion on deeply divisive issues risked alienating diverse populations. This framework allowed him to veto multiple bills during his governorship that sought to restrict abortions, including late-term procedures, while maintaining he was "personally opposed" to the practice. Critics, including some Catholic leaders, contended this separation enabled selective adherence to doctrine, paving the way for broader political indifference to abortion's ethical implications among Catholic Democrats. On other social issues, Cuomo advocated progressive stances aligned with Democratic coalitions, supporting expanded civil rights protections for minorities and women amid New York's racial tensions, such as those following the 1989 Central Park jogger case, where he emphasized due process and rehabilitation over punitive measures. He promoted family support initiatives, presiding over the First New York State Family Support Conference in 1988 and fostering over 1,000 programs aimed at aiding vulnerable households, framing government as an extension of familial responsibility. Regarding homosexuality, Cuomo demonstrated early tolerance, with aides recalling a 1990s memo in which he outlined arguments for same-sex marriage recognition, positioning him ahead of prevailing norms despite personal reservations rooted in traditional Catholic teachings. Culturally, Cuomo championed public investment in and as means to foster social cohesion and opportunity. He backed literary and cultural institutions, including the establishment of the New York State Writers Institute in 1984, which later honored him through the Mario and Matilda Cuomo Pavilion at for advancing literary access. In , he prioritized funding equity and school consolidation to address inefficiencies, viewing robust public schooling as essential for immigrant assimilation and , though he faced resistance from entrenched districts. His approach reflected a belief in culture's role in mitigating and promoting shared American values, often drawing from his own experiences as a first-generation .

Economic and Governmental Philosophy

Mario Cuomo described his governing philosophy as "progressive pragmatism," emphasizing the advancement of through practical, results-oriented policies rather than dogmatic . This approach rejected economics, viewing government not as an obstacle to individual success but as an essential enabler for those with talent while providing targeted support to mitigate systemic barriers faced by the disadvantaged. In his July 16, 1984, keynote address at the , Cuomo critiqued conservative "social Darwinism" and "trickle-down" theories, arguing they enriched the affluent at the expense of broader society by assuming wealth overflow would suffice for the and poor. He advocated for an activist role in addressing inequality—evident in rising and family distress—insisting on "only the we need, but... all the we need" to convert into tangible outcomes like and opportunity expansion. This reflected a causal view that unchecked market forces exacerbate divides, necessitating public investment to foster unity and long-term prosperity over short-term . Fiscally, Cuomo prioritized balanced budgets as a foundational , inheriting a $1.8 billion deficit in 1983 and achieving twelve consecutive balanced budgets through spending restraint and revenue adjustments amid two recessions. Initial tax hikes in equal proportion to cuts closed immediate gaps, but subsequent policies shifted toward reductions, including a 1985 proposal for $1.2 billion in cuts that restructured brackets and lowered the top rate to avert automatic increases and stimulate growth. He warned against unchecked deficits, as in his 1984 critique of the nearly $200 billion federal shortfall under Reagan, which he saw as jeopardizing future stability without corresponding benefits for the vulnerable. Cuomo's Cuomo Commission on Trade and Competitiveness further exemplified this philosophy, recommending expanded federal economic involvement—such as protections—paired with deficit reduction through entitlement trims, underscoring a commitment to pragmatic interventions over expansive entitlements. Overall, his framework integrated progressive goals like investment with empirical fiscal discipline, yielding over 500,000 jobs while avoiding , though critics from conservative outlets noted high baseline spending persisted despite reforms.

National and International Perspectives

Cuomo viewed the federal government's role as essential in mitigating and providing a safety net for vulnerable populations, famously articulating in his July 19, keynote address that America resembled a "tale of two cities"—one affluent and insulated, the other mired in poverty exacerbated by policies prioritizing the wealthy over communal responsibility. He advocated for expanded federal involvement in social welfare, including coverage for those unable to afford it privately, positioning government as a proactive force for equity rather than a minimal regulator. Critiquing Republican administrations, particularly Reagan's, Cuomo decried what he termed "" in federal budgeting—favoring tax cuts for high earners while slashing aid to states and the disadvantaged—as a betrayal of shared national obligations. Despite this ideological commitment to progressive federalism, his gubernatorial record reflected pragmatic constraints, including support for state tax reductions and spending controls amid fiscal pressures, which contrasted with portrayals of him as an unyielding big-government advocate. On international matters, Cuomo maintained a cautious posture, prioritizing domestic governance while selectively engaging on global issues aligned with Democratic priorities, often consulting experts to inform ad hoc positions rather than articulating a comprehensive vision. He staunchly backed , enacting a 1983 executive order barring New York from business with entities complying with the Arab boycott, expanding state economic ties, and visiting the country where he emphasized its strategic value as a U.S. partner deserving robust aid. In contrast, he opposed Reagan-era interventions in , refusing in 1986 to deploy New York units for joint maneuvers in tied to anti-Sandinista efforts and condemning U.S. aid to regimes implicated in atrocities, such as the 1980 murder of American nuns in . Cuomo endorsed the April 1986 U.S. airstrikes on in response to but faulted the administration for lacking sustained strategy; he acknowledged the as a security threat yet pushed for mutual nuclear arms reductions and critiqued excessive U.S. defense outlays. Evoking John Donne's interconnectedness, he envisioned a "Declaration of Interdependence" to foster global cooperation amid disparate national interests.

Presidential Considerations

1984 Democratic National Convention Keynote

At the , held July 16–19 in , , Mario Cuomo delivered the keynote address on July 16. The speech served as the convention's opening salvo in support of nominee Walter Mondale's challenge to incumbent President . Entitled "," the address drew from ' novel to contrast Reagan's depiction of America as a prosperous ""—a phrase borrowed from —with the economic hardships facing many citizens. Cuomo described a divided nation where gleaming skyscrapers symbolized wealth for the affluent, while "under the glitter" lay "ghettos where we hide our " amid , , and failing family farms burdened by debt and foreclosures. He criticized Republican policies as trickle-down that prioritized tax cuts for the rich over aid for the vulnerable, asserting that true national strength required government intervention to ensure shared burdens and opportunities, including support for , , and the elderly. Invoking , Cuomo urged Democrats to champion "the least of these" through compassionate governance rather than or . The speech lasted approximately 28 minutes and elicited prolonged standing ovations from delegates, energizing a convention overshadowed by internal party divisions. Reception among Democrats was overwhelmingly positive, with Cuomo receiving hundreds of letters praising its intellectual depth, moral clarity, and rhetorical eloquence; one correspondent called it "the most moving political speech" since Franklin D. Roosevelt's era. Media outlets highlighted its passionate critique of inequality and , positioning Cuomo as a formidable orator capable of articulating liberal ideals against Reagan's . The address propelled Cuomo to national prominence, transforming him from a regional figure into a perceived heir to the tradition and sparking immediate speculation about his presidential viability. Despite this acclaim, the Democratic ticket suffered a defeat in , winning only and the District of Columbia, suggesting the speech's resonance did not broadly sway voters amid Reagan's economic recovery narrative and 55 percent popular vote margin. Over time, it endured as a benchmark for Democratic on economic , frequently cited in party reflections on and government responsibility.

Declined Candidacies and Indecision

On February 19, 1987, Cuomo announced that he would not seek the Democratic presidential nomination in 1988, citing his commitment to addressing New York's ongoing fiscal and governance challenges as governor. This decision came amid speculation following his prominent 1984 Democratic National Convention keynote address, which had elevated his national profile, but Cuomo emphasized that leaving the state prematurely would undermine his responsibilities there. Cuomo's potential 1988 candidacy had been anticipated by party leaders and media, with polls occasionally showing him leading early Democratic contenders like , yet he maintained throughout 1986 and early 1987 that his focus remained on state matters rather than national ambitions. His announcement effectively cleared the path for Dukakis to consolidate support, as Cuomo's entry might have fragmented the field given his rhetorical appeal and progressive stance on issues like urban and . By 1991, amid economic and dissatisfaction with early Democratic frontrunners, Cuomo faced renewed pressure to enter the 1992 race, but his deliberations extended into late December, creating uncertainty that delayed other candidates' momentum. On December 20, —mere days before the New Hampshire filing deadline—he definitively declined, attributing the choice to New York's severe budget crisis, which required his direct involvement to avoid default and fulfill voter expectations of completing his term. Cuomo stated explicitly that the state's fiscal instability, including a projected $9 billion deficit, made departure untenable, reinforcing his earlier pledges to prioritize local duties over personal advancement. This pattern of prolonged contemplation without commitment characterized Cuomo's approach to presidential prospects, as he repeatedly weighed national opportunities against state obligations, often fueling perceptions of strategic hesitation that influenced Democratic primary dynamics without his direct participation. In both cycles, Cuomo's decisions preserved his gubernatorial record but foreclosed a bid, with contemporaries noting that his introspective style and aversion to campaigning's rigors contributed to the outcomes.

Post-Governorship

Professional Engagements

After departing the governorship on December 31, 1994, Cuomo rejoined private legal practice as a partner at the New York office of LLP, commencing on February 15, 1995. He remained affiliated with the firm in this capacity, later transitioning to , until his death on January 1, 2015, contributing over two decades of service focused on high-level client representation. His practice emphasized litigation, corporate transactions, special corporate investigations, and mediations, drawing on his extensive experience to handle complex disputes. Cuomo provided counsel to public companies, boards of directors, and audit committees, particularly on corporate governance and financial reporting issues. This work extended to national and international corporate law matters, leveraging his reputation for principled negotiation and ethical advisory roles. Among his notable engagements, Cuomo served as a court-appointed mediator in the Johns-Manville Corporation asbestos bankruptcy proceedings starting in 2002, facilitating resolutions in one of the largest mass tort litigations in U.S. history. In 2011, he was similarly appointed to mediate claims by victims of the Bernard Madoff Ponzi scheme against Sterling Equities Partners, aiding in the distribution of recovered assets amid intricate financial disputes. He also held a position on the Board of Editors for the New York Law Journal, contributing to legal discourse through editorial oversight.

Authorship and Public Intellectual Role

Following his tenure as governor, Mario Cuomo authored Reason to Believe, published in October 1995 by , in which he analyzed the Republican gains in the 1994 midterm elections and advocated for Democrats to emphasize communal values, economic opportunity, and moral leadership to counter perceived excesses of and market fundamentalism. In 2004, he co-authored Why Lincoln Matters: Today More Than Ever with historian Harold Holzer, published by Harcourt, drawing parallels between Abraham Lincoln's commitment to equality, empathy toward adversaries, and pragmatic governance and contemporary challenges such as income disparity, , and partisan division under the administration. These works reflected Cuomo's ongoing engagement with American political history and philosophy, positioning Lincoln as a model for resolving modern ideological conflicts through reasoned compromise rather than absolutism. Cuomo's post-governorship role as a public intellectual extended beyond books to media commentary and speeches, where he critiqued the Democratic Party's centrist pivot and urged a return to principled advocacy on social welfare and civil liberties. He appeared on programs like C-SPAN's Booknotes in June 2004 to discuss Lincoln's relevance, emphasizing rhetoric's power to bridge divides in an era of polarization. In public addresses and essays, Cuomo invoked his signature distinction between campaigning in "poetry" and governing in "prose" to argue for substantive policy over performative politics, influencing liberal discourse on leadership amid Republican dominance. His reflections often highlighted tensions between personal faith—rooted in Catholicism—and secular governance, as explored in earlier speeches but reiterated in later writings to defend progressive stances against cultural conservatism. Though no longer in elected office, Cuomo's articulate defenses of government intervention for the vulnerable sustained his stature as a voice for "tough liberalism," occasionally invoked by figures like Barack Obama in inaugural analyses.

Security Threats

Planned Assassination Plot

In November 1992, during an official visit to , Mario Cuomo, then , became the target of a planned by the Sicilian , known as Cosa Nostra. The plot was orchestrated as retaliation for the granting safe haven to Sicilian mob informants who had fled overseas to escape prosecution, a policy Cuomo supported through his administration's cooperation with federal anti-mafia efforts. The scheme was detailed in 2016 by Maurizio Avola, a former Cosa Nostra hitman serving a life sentence in Italy, who confessed to approximately 80 murders, including those of journalists, lawyers, and politicians, as part of his cooperation with authorities after his 1995 arrest. Avola claimed the assassination team consisted of about a dozen gunmen equipped with Kalashnikov assault rifles and explosives, intending to execute a bold daylight attack on Cuomo during his public appearances in Sicily. Italian authorities, however, intercepted intelligence about the threat and heightened security measures around Cuomo's itinerary, preventing the plot from materializing; Cuomo remained unaware of the specific danger at the time. Avola's account, while corroborated by Italian sources familiar with Nostra operations, relies on his post-arrest testimony as a (informant), a status that has historically provided valuable insights into hierarchies but invites scrutiny due to potential self-serving elements in such confessions. No independent corroboration of the plot's operational details has emerged publicly, though it aligns with documented reprisals against U.S. figures aiding anti- initiatives during the early . The incident underscored the transnational risks faced by Cuomo, whose Italian-American heritage and aggressive stance against —evident in New York's prosecutions of La Nostra families—had long drawn threats from both domestic and international syndicates.

Personal Life

Family Dynamics

Mario Cuomo married Matilda Raffa, the daughter of Italian immigrants, on June 27, 1954, in a relationship that endured for 60 years until his death. The couple, who met in 1951 while Cuomo was a law student and Raffa attended teachers college, formed a partnership grounded in shared Italian-American values and mutual support for . Matilda actively backed her husband's political ascent, describing their joint commitment to progressive causes as a unifying "mission in life" that strengthened their bond amid the demands of campaigning and governance. Their son later characterized the marriage as a profound "60-year love affair" during Mario's , highlighting Matilda's role as a stabilizing force in the family. The Cuomos raised five children in a modest home—Margaret (a radiologist), (a and who succeeded his father as New York ), Maria (a documentary producer married to designer Kenneth Cole), (who has largely stayed out of public view), and (a former journalist)—instilling values of family loyalty, hard work, and civic duty derived from their immigrant roots. Cuomo's parents had emphasized respect for family above all, a principle he passed on through daily involvement, including coaching his children's teams and fostering intellectual debates at home. The family's dynamics revolved around Cuomo's evolving career, with children adapting to frequent moves and public scrutiny; Matilda managed household stability while promoting mentoring programs that reflected the couple's focus on youth development. While generally portrayed as cohesive and achievement-oriented, the household featured strict, competitive parenting that one associate described as fostering intense rivalries and "bare-knuckle" interactions, shaped by Mario's high-stakes political environment. No major public rifts emerged during Cuomo's lifetime, though private tensions occasionally surfaced, such as reported differences in temperament between father and son —Mario prone to immediate outbursts, Andrew to calculated responses—which influenced their collaborative yet distinct approaches to power. The family's insularity, as noted in later analyses, reinforced loyalty but limited broader external alliances, contributing to a dynasty-like structure centered on .

Illness, Death, and Immediate Reactions

In the months leading up to his death, Cuomo, aged 82, had been experiencing health decline related to longstanding heart issues, including a recent hospitalization for treatment of a cardiac condition. Cuomo died on January 1, 2015, at his home from , surrounded by family members. The timing was poignant, occurring mere hours after his son, Governor , delivered his second inaugural address at the . The Cuomo family issued a statement confirming the cause as natural due to heart failure and expressing gratitude for public support. Immediate tributes poured in from political figures across party lines; New York City Mayor described him as a "colossal political mind" and defender of the vulnerable, while U.S. Senator called him a "giant." New Jersey Governor , a Republican, acknowledged Cuomo's eloquence and service despite policy differences. His funeral procession on January 6 drew honors from state police and officers, who saluted his hearse passing through the Queens-Midtown Tunnel. Cuomo's remains were later interred in a niche at St. John's Cemetery in .

Evaluations and Legacy

Achievements and Supporters' Views

During his three terms as from 1983 to 1994, Mario Cuomo prioritized fiscal stability, achieving balanced budgets each year amid economic challenges, including a early in his tenure. Supporters commended his administration for eventually implementing cuts, such as reductions in the state personal income rates, which contrasted with his liberal reputation and helped foster economic recovery without relying on perpetual hikes. Cuomo advanced public safety initiatives by proposing expansions of the system, including hiring additional police officers, staff, and constructing new facilities to address surging rates in the late . Adhering to first-principles of deterrence and capacity, these measures were viewed by backers as pragmatic steps toward reducing urban violence, even as he consistently vetoed death penalty bills on moral grounds, earning praise for principled consistency. In policy areas like ethics reform, Cuomo signed strengthening Albany's oversight mechanisms, and negotiated the closure of the controversial Shoreham nuclear plant without imposing costs on ratepayers, which environmental advocates and fiscal conservatives alike hailed as a balanced achievement. Supporters also highlighted his investments in and , crediting him with increasing state aid to schools and promoting affordable units through state programs, positioning him as a defender of working-class families. Cuomo's rhetorical prowess, exemplified by his 1984 Democratic National Convention keynote "," drew effusive praise from Democrats nationwide, with hundreds of letters lauding its intellectual depth and passionate critique of inequality as a defining liberal vision that unified the party. Figures like described him as a "pillar of strength" whose values and effectiveness advanced progressive causes while maintaining practical .

Criticisms and Detractors' Assessments

Detractors, primarily conservatives and fiscal watchdogs, criticized Mario Cuomo's governorship for exacerbating New York's through high es and expansive spending. During his three terms from to , the state raised hundreds of taxes to finance growing social programs, employing fiscal gimmicks such as moral obligation bonds that shifted burdens to future taxpayers. New York added private-sector jobs at less than one-third the national rate, presiding over significant losses in upstate , industry, and amid burdensome regulations and taxes. , who defeated Cuomo in , campaigned on these failures, promising to reverse the exodus of businesses and jobs driven by Cuomo-era policies. On public safety, critics faulted Cuomo's staunch opposition to as emblematic of leniency amid rising . He vetoed death penalty reinstatement bills 12 times over his 12 years in office, despite public support and high-profile like that of an elderly highlighted by Pataki in the 1994 campaign to assail Cuomo's record. Although Cuomo expanded the prison system more than any prior , detractors argued his vetoes undermined deterrence, contributing to persistently high rates that challenged his administration. Cuomo's support for abortion rights drew sharp rebukes from pro-life advocates and Catholic critics, who viewed it as inconsistent with his and morally corrosive. As a practicing Catholic, he justified expansive access to but faced accusations of prioritizing over principle, inspiring loyalty among Democrats yet alienating traditionalists. Politically, Cuomo was faulted for arrogance and ineffective management, including poor delegation that hampered . His , while eloquent, was seen by opponents as masking an inability to adapt liberal ideals to fiscal constraints post-1970s crisis, perpetuating and . Pataki's upset victory symbolized voter rejection of this "Cuomo era" of big-government .

Long-term State Impacts

During Mario Cuomo's governorship from 1983 to 1994, state debt roughly doubled, rising from approximately $5 billion to over $10 billion, as spending on programs like education and expanded significantly while revenues were supplemented by repeated increases. This fiscal expansion included doubling the state government's payroll and maintaining high rates, with the top marginal rate reaching 7.7 percent by the end of his tenure, contributing to New York's persistently high burden that successors like addressed through cuts starting in 1995. Long-term, these policies correlated with ongoing fiscal challenges, including structural deficits and pressures that lingered into the , as the state's budget growth outpaced economic recovery and exacerbated reliance on borrowing. Cuomo oversaw the construction of 33 new prisons, expanding the state's correctional capacity from about 28,000 inmates at the start of his administration to over 60,000 by , a response to surging rates in the and early driven by epidemics and urban violence. This "carceral Keynesianism" provided economic stimulus to rural upstate communities through prison-related jobs but locked in high incarceration costs that persisted even as inmate populations declined post- due to falling rates. New York's rate, which peaked around 1990, dropped sharply in the ensuing decades—by about 70 percent from 1990 to 2020—partly attributable to the deterrent effects of expanded alongside policing reforms under subsequent mayoral administrations, though debates persist on the precise causal weight of incarceration versus other factors like . Infrastructure investments under Cuomo, including the $4.25 billion Rebuilding New York program initiated in the late , rehabilitated thousands of miles of highways and hundreds of bridges, yielding durable transportation assets that supported commerce into the . However, decisions like canceling the Westway highway project in 1985 and fiscal strains from debt-financed builds contributed to deferred maintenance burdens and authority-specific debts, such as those affecting the Authority, which complicated future projects like the Tappan Zee Bridge replacement decades later. Economically, New York lost over 500,000 jobs during Cuomo's terms amid national and high taxes, fostering long-term out-migration—net domestic losses exceeding 1 million residents from 1990 to 2010—and slower compared to national averages, patterns that high-tax policies arguably perpetuated until reforms reduced outflows.

References

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