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Susya (Arabic: سوسية, Hebrew: סוּסְיָא; Susiyeh, Susiya, Susia) is a location in the southern Hebron Governorate in the West Bank. It houses an archaeological site with extensive remains from the Late Roman and Byzantine periods,[1] including the ruins of an archeologically notable synagogue, repurposed as a mosque after the Muslim conquest of Palestine in the 7th century.[2] A Palestinian village named Susya was established near the site in the 1830s. The village lands extended over 300 hectares under multiple private Palestinian ownership,[3] and the Palestinians on the site are said to exemplify a southern Hebron cave-dwelling culture present in the area since the early 19th century[4][5] whose transhumant practices involved seasonal dwellings in the area's caves and ruins of Susya.[3]

Key Information

In 1982, an Israeli land authority, Plia Albeck, working in the Civil division of the State Attorney's Office, determined that the 300 hectares where Palestinians had been living, and which included an area with remains both of a 5th–8th century CE synagogue and of a mosque that had replaced it, were privately owned by the Palestinian Susya's villagers.[3] In 1983, an Israeli settlement also named Susya was established next to the Palestinian village.[3] In 1986, the Israeli Defense Ministry's Civil Administration[6][7][8] declared the entire area owned by Palestinians an archeological site, and the Israeli Defense Forces expelled the Palestinian owners from their dwellings and appointed Israeli settlers from the recently built settlement to manage the site.[3][9] Some of the expropriated Palestinian land was incorporated into the jurisdictional area of the Israeli settlement, and an illegal Israeli outpost was established on the area of the previous Palestinian village.[3][10] The expelled Palestinians moved a few hundred meters southeast of their original village.[11][12]

The Israeli government, which has issued injunctions against the Israeli Supreme Court's decisions to demolish illegal Israeli outposts, made a petition to the High Court to permit the demolition of the new Palestinian village. The state expressed a willingness to allocate what it called "Israeli government-owned lands" near Yatta for an alternative residence, and to assist rebuilding, considering it ideal for the displaced villagers grazing. Though the existence of the Palestinian village is attested on maps as early as 1917, confirmed by aerial photographs in 1980 that show cultivated farmland and livestock pens maintained by Palestinians on the site,[3] the official view of Israel is that no historic Palestinian village ever existed there, just a few families residing seasonally, and that the area was required for archaeological work. It is notable that Jews also reside in illegal structures on the same archaeological site. The attorney for the Palestinians replied that the army was stopping Palestinians building on their own privately owned land, while permitting settlers to seize their agricultural fields.[13]

The population of the Palestinian community has fluctuated. It reportedly numbered 350 villagers in 2012[10] and 250 residents the following year,[14] constituted by 50 nuclear families (2015), up from 25 in 1986[15] and 13 in 2008.[16] By 2018 17 families were reported to still be clinging on, working the few fields that remain to them of their former lands.[17]

The international community considers Israeli settlements in the West Bank illegal under international law; the Israeli government disputes this.[18][19]

Name

[edit]

The site is called in Arabic Khirbet Susiya, also spelled Susiyeh, which means "Ruin (khirbet) of the Liquorice Plant (susiya)" after a wild plant species widely growing there.[20]

The spelling Susya represents the Hebrew name, as decided by the Israeli Naming Committee, in consultation with the settlers.[21]

History

[edit]

Late Roman and Byzantine period town

[edit]

Susiya is considered an important site for the study and research of ancient Jewish village life in Palestine during Late Antiquity.[1] It was the site of a monumental synagogue. The settlement on the hill contiguous to the synagogue seems to have once had a thriving economy. A fine store has been excavated from its ruins.[22] It may have undergone a decline in the second half of the 4th century, and again in the 6th century. Some speak of abandonment though the evidence from the synagogue suggests continuity into the medieval period.[9][23]

According to Israel archaeologist Yonathan Mizrachi, the Jewish population is attested from the 4th to 6th century, after which a population change took place.[24]

Theory: Susya as "new Carmel"

[edit]

Susya, whether it refers to the site of the ancient synagogue or the ruins of the contiguous ancient and large settlement of some 80 dunams (80,000 m2),[2] is not mentioned in any ancient text, and Jewish literature did not register an ancient Jewish town on that site.[25] It is thought by some to correspond to the Biblical Carmel (Joshua 15:5), a proposal made by Avraham Negev.[26][27][28] Part of Negev's theory is that, in the wake of the Second Revolt (132–135), when the Romans garrisoned Khirbet el-Karmil, identified as the biblical Carmel, religious Jews uncomfortable with pagan symbols moved 2 km south-west to the present Susya (which they perhaps already farmed) and that, while they still regarded their new community as Carmel, the name was lost when the village's fortunes declined in the early Arab period, in part, it has been suggested, because the new Muslim overlords might not have tolerated its wine-based economy.[29][20][28]

View of Susya

Ancient synagogue

[edit]
Susya synagogue mosaic with Hebrew inscription

Susiya is the site of an archaeologically notable ancient synagogue.[2] The site was examined by Shmarya Guttman in 1969, who uncovered the narthex of a synagogue during a trial dig. He, together with Ze'ev Yeivin and Ehud Netzer, then conducted the Israeli excavations at Khirbet Suseya, (subsequently named by a Hebrew calque as Horvat Susya) over 1971–72,[30][31][32] by the Palestinian village of Susiya Al-Qadime.

Burial stone at the entrance of the Susya synagogue
Susya synagogue

The excavated synagogue in Susya dates from the 4th to the 7th century CE and was in continuous use until the 9th century CE.[33][34] According to Jodi Magness, the synagogue was built in the 4th - 5th centuries and continued in use for "at least" another two centuries.[9] It is one of four of an architecturally unique group in the Southern Judean Hills.[35][36] Only six synagogues have been identified in Judea as a whole; the lower number may be accounted for by a shift in the Jewish population from Judah to Galilee in the 2nd and 3rd centuries. The other three of this distinctive group are those of Eshtemoa, Horvat Maon, and 'Anim.[35] Three outstanding characteristics of the Susya-Eshtemoa group, are their width, entrances at the short eastern wall, and the absence of columns to support the roof.[37]

According to David Amit, the architectural design, particularly the eastern entrance and axis of prayer, which differ from the majority of Galilean synagogues, exhibits the ramifications of the earliest halakhic law conserved in southern Judea for generations after the destruction of the Temple. This was forgotten in Galilee, but in Judea there was a closer adherence to older traditions reflecting closer proximity to Jerusalem.[38] The eastern orientation may be also related to the idea of dissuading heretics and Christians in the same area, who bowed to the east, in the belief that the Shekinah lay in that direction.[39]

Interior of the synagogue

The synagogue was built as a broadhouse, rather than along basilica lines,[40][41] measuring 9 by 16 metres (27 by 48 feet)[30] built in well-wrought ashlar construction, with triple doorway façade in an eastward orientation, and the bimah and niche at the centre of the northern wall. There was a secondary bimah in the eastern section. Unlike other synagogues in Judea it had a gallery, made while reinforcing the western wall. East of the synagogue was an open courtyard surrounded on three sides by a roofed portico. The western side opened to the synagogue's narthex, and the floor of the narthex composed of coloured mosaics set in an interlaced pattern. This model was of short duration, yielding in the late Byzantine phase (6th/7th) to the basilica form, already elsewhere dominant in synagogue architecture.[42]

In contrast to most Galilean synagogues with their façade and Torah shrine on the same Jerusalem-oriented wall, the Judean synagogue at Susya, (as well as Esthtemoa and Maon) has the niche on the northern Jerusalem-oriented wall and entrances on the east side wall.[43] The synagogue floor of white tesserae has three mosaic panels, the eastern one a Torah Shrine, two menorahs, one on a screen relief showing two lamps[44] suspended from a bar between the menorah's upper branches,[45] (possibly because the Torah shrine was flanked by lampstands, serving the dual purpose of symbolizing a connection between the synagogue and the Temple[46] while functioning as a spotlight for the bimah and giving light for scriptural readings). This was near the reverse mirroring of the menorah pattern in the mosaics, heightened the central significance of the Torah shrine in the hall[47] a lulav, and an etrog with columns on each side. Next to the columns is a landscape with deer and rams. The central panel composed of geometric and floral patterns. A spoke-wheel design before the central bimah, has led Gutman to believe it is the remnant of a zodiac wheel. Zodiac mosaics are important witness to the time, since they were systematically suppressed by the Church, and, their frequent construction in Palestinian synagogue floors may be an index of 'the "inculturation" of non-Jewish imagery and its resulting Judaization'.[48] The fragmentary state of the wheel mosaic is due to its replacement by a much cruder geometric pavement pattern, indicative of a desire to erase what later came to be thought of as objectionable imagery.[49][50] The defacing of images may indicate changing Jewish attitudes to visual representations and graven images, perhaps influence by both Christian iconoclasm and Muslim aniconism.[51]

A motif that probably represented Daniel in the lion's den, as in the mosaics discovered at Naaran near Jericho and Ein Samsam in the Golan[52][53] was also tesselated, surviving only most fragmentarily. The figure, in an orans stance, flanked by lions, was scrubbed from the mosaics in line with later trends, in what Fine calls a "new aesthetic" at Khirbet Susiya, one that refurbished the designs to suppress iconographic forms thought by later generations to be objectionable. We can only reconstruct the allusion to Daniel from the remaining final Hebrew letters remaining, namely -el, אל.[54]

Another unique feature is number of inscriptions. Four were laid in mosaics: two in Hebrew, attesting perhaps to its conservation as a spoken language in this region[55] and two in Aramaic. Nineteen fragmentary inscriptions, some of which were in Greek,[56] were etched into the marble of the building. From these dedicatory inscriptions the impression is given that the synagogue was run by donors[57] rather than by priests (kōhen).[58]

Early Islamic period village

[edit]

After the Islamic conquest, the archaeological evidence appears to suggest that a new Muslim population immigrated to the South Hebron Hills and settled next to the Jewish population.[59] According to Y. Mizrachi, the population changed in the seventh century and adopted Islam, as testified by unpublished Arabic inscriptions from the Synagogue, which was transformed into a mosque [24] The village thrived until the 12th century.[24][30]

Themosque in the courtyard of the former synagogue featured a mihrab in the southern wall, a second mihrab between two columns in the southern portico, and stone benches along the walls.[9] Magness, assessing the evidence uncovered by the several archaeologists who dug at the site, which includes an inscription, dates the mosque to the reign of Caliph Al-Walid I, in the early eighth century.[9]

Crusader/Ayyubid period village

[edit]

By 1107, a Crusader named Gauterius Baffumeth was Lord of Hebron, and he donated the land of Sussia to the Hospitalers. In a document dated September 28, 1110, Baldwin I approved and confirmed this donation.[60][61] As Baffumeth was Lord of nearby Hebron, Sussia is identified with Khirbet Susya. The dates suggest that the village was inhabited since the Arab period and has carried its name since then. The document calls Susya a casale (village), a testimony to its agriculture nature.[62][63] By 1154, Susya was presumably still in the hands of the Hospitalers, as that year Baldwin III, with the consent of his mother, Melisende, confirmed the gift from Baffumeth.[64]

In the 12th–13th centuries, Crusader troops were garrisoned at nearby Chermala (Khirbet al-Karmil) and, in their wake, a few families[clarification needed] moved into the ruins to exploit the rich agricultural land.[20]

According to local tradition,[65] the niche on the northern wall[dubiousdiscuss] of the synagogue-turned-mosque[dubiousdiscuss] that was used as a mihrab, dates to Saladin's time.[66]

Mamluk period: abandonment

[edit]

Some researchers believe continuity of habitation lasted until the 13th century, while others date it to the 15th century.[62]

19th century explorers

[edit]

In 1838, Edward Robinson and noted Susieh as a ruin located southwest of el-Khulil.[67]

In his book The Land of Israel: A Journal of travel in Palestine, Henry Baker Tristram wrote "We rode rapidly on through Susieh, a town of ruins, on a grassy slope, quite as large as the others, and with an old basilica, but less troglodyte than Attir. Many fragments of columns strewed the ground, and in most respects it was a repetition of Rafat."[68]

The site of Khirbet Susiyeh was first described in detail by V. Guérin in 1869, who first recognized its importance.[20][69][30] Victor Guérin noted in 1863: "I see before me extend considerable ruins called Khirbet Sousieh. They are those of a city important bearing whose homes were generally well built, like attested by the vestiges that still remain, and possessed several buildings built in stone."[69]

In 1883, the Palestine Exploration Fund's Survey of Western Palestine says "This ruin has also been at one time a place of importance...."[70] In the Survey of Western Palestine, based on an observation in 1874 on the area of the southeastern slope of a hill west of Susya, H.H. Kitchener and Claude Conder noted that "This ruin has also been at one time a place of importance...." They thought the ruins were that of a Byzantine monastery.[70] German accounts later stated that it was a remnant of an ancient church.[71]

Maps of the 19th century that made the distinction sometimes depicted Susieh as a ruin and sometimes as a village.[72] For example, the Palestine Exploration Fund map of 1878 and the Guérin map of 1881 showed it as a ruin, while the earlier Zimmermann map of 1850, the van de Velde[73] maps of 1858 and 1865, and the Osborn map of 1859 showed it as a village.[72]

British Mandate period village

[edit]

The Bartholomew's quarter-inch map of Palestine by The Edinburgh Geographical Institute[74] and the F.J. Salmon map of 1936[75] show Susya as ruins.

In 1937, the building to the north was identified by L. A. Meyer and A. Reifenberg as the site of a synagogue.[30]

Israeli-Palestinian conflict

[edit]

Khirbet Susya (Palestinian village)

[edit]

Origins and background

[edit]

Khirbet Susya, called Susya al-Qadima ('Old Susya')[76] was a village attached to the archaeological site at Khirbet Susiya.[77][78]

In the early 19th century, many residents of the two big villages in the area of South Mount Hebron, Yatta and Dura, started to immigrate to ruins and caves in the area and became 'satellite villages' (daughters) to the mother town. Reasons for the expansion were lack of land for agriculture and construction in the mother towns, which resulted in high prices of land, rivalry between the mother-towns chamulas wishing to control more land and resources and being a security buffer which made it more difficult for robber gangs raid the mother villages. Caves are used by local as residences, storage space and sheepfold.[79] The affiliation between the satellite villages and mother town remained. While some of the satellites became permanent villages with communities of hundreds, others remained temporary settlements which served the shepherds and fallāḥīn for several months every year.[15][79] In 1981–82 it was estimated 100–120 families dwelt in caves permanently in the Southern Mount Hebron region while 750–850 families lived there temporarily.[80]

Yaakov Havakook, a security officer who lived with the locals in the region for several years, writes that the community at Khirbet Susya was seasonal and didn't live in there year-round. Families of shepherds arrived after the first rain (October–November), stayed during the grazing season and left in April end or beginning of May.[81] They were known for a special kind of cheese produced in their caves,[82]

According to Rabbis for Human Rights, in 1948, the preexisting population was augmented by an influx of Palestinian refugees expelled during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War from the area of Ramat Arad, who purchased land in the area.[83] Some refugees came from the Yatta's large khirba of al-Qaryatain.[84] In 1982 an Israel settlement planner, Plia Albeck, examined the area of Susiya, the synagogue and the Palestinian village built on and around it, and finding it legally difficult to advance Jewish settlement, wrote:

"The [ancient] synagogue is located in an area that is known as the lands of Khirbet Susya, and around an Arab village between the ancient ruins. There is a formal registration on the land of Khirbet Susya with the Land Registry, according to which this land, amounting to approximately 3000 dunam [approximately 741 acres], is privately held by many Arab owners. Therefore the area proximal to the [ancient] synagogue is in all regards privately owned."[85]

Map of Kh. Susya and Rujum al-Hamri from 1936

In June 1986, Israel expropriated the Palestinian village's residential ground for an archaeological site, evicting about 25 families.[15] The expelled Palestinians settled in caves and tin shacks nearby, on their agricultural lands[10] at a site now called Rujum al-Hamri,[86] to restart their lives.[76][77][87]

The Israeli government official stance on the matter says "There was no historic Palestinian village at the archaeological site there; that the village consists of only a few seasonal residences for a few families; and the land is necessary for the continuation of archaeological work."[13][88] According to Regavim, an NGO which petitioned the Supreme Court to execute the demolition orders at Khirbet susya,[89] the place was used as grazing area and olive agricalture seasonally before 1986. In a report, Regavim writes that travelers from the late 19th century[68] report finding ruins (while nearby Semua was reported as inhabited),[90] the British census from 1945[91][92] does not mention Susya[90] and a survey from 1967, done after Six-Day War, refers to Khirbat Susya as ruins in contrast to nearby villages such as At-Tuwani, Yatta and more.[90]

2010s Bedouin settlement

[edit]

According to The Washington Post, the modern Bedouin residential settlement that exists as of 2016 is the result of European aid; Spain donated the school, Germany provided solar panels, the water pumps were funded by Ireland, while Norway, Italy, Belgium, and other countries funded the children's playground. However, it was noted that the makeshift shelters have "more the feeling of a protest camp than a functioning Palestinian village. There are no streets, shops or mosques, and no permanent homes. There do not seem to be many people, either — giving some support to Regavim's claim that most of the residents live in the nearby Palestinian town of Yatta."[93]

These days lived[clarification needed] by harvesting olives, herding sheep, growing crops, and beekeeping.[24]

Land ownership and master plan

[edit]

A master plan was not approved and building permit were not given to Khirbet Susya because there was no sufficient proof of ownership as the documents lack geographic information and based on them, it was "not possible to make unambiguous claims of ownership over the land in question". The Jabor family supports a claim to land near Susya with Ottoman documents dated back to 1881 and the Nawaja family, who is originally from the Tel Arad area and moved to Susya in 1952,[94] has documents as well. Their documents are problematic since the boundaries mentioned were described in terms of geography features which are hard to identify in the field.[95]

In July 2015 it was published that, according to an internal document of findings by the Israeli Civil Administration officer Moshe Meiri, the claim to ownership of the land appears to be grounded on a valid Ottoman period title, dating back to 1881, in the possession of the Jabor family, This document has been known to Israeli officials since 1982. Though the precise extent of their land was not specified in the document, in an internal review of the case in 2015, Meiri established from the geographical features mentioned that the land covered territory now belonging to the Jabor and Nawaja families, and the villages on the basis of their Ottoman period documents claim an area that covers some 3,000 dunams (741 acres).[95][96] In early 1986, before the first Israeli expulsion, the village was visited by U.S. consular officials, who recorded the occasion in photographs.[97]

Additional expulsions

[edit]

According to David Shulman, the second expulsion took place in 1990, when Rujum al-Hamri's inhabitants were loaded onto trucks by the IDF and dumped at the Zif Junction, 15 kilometers northwards[77] a roadside at the edge of a desert. Most returned and rebuilt on a rocky escarpment within their traditional agricultural and grazing territory. Their wells taken, they were forced to buy water from nearby Yatta.[76] Palestinian residents (2012) pay 25 NIS per cubic meter water brought in by tanks, which is 5 times the cost to the nearby Israeli settlement. Net consumption, at 28 litres per diem, is less than half what Palestinians consume (70 lpd) and less than the recommended WHO level.[10] Israel sheep-herding settlers expanded their unfenced land use at Mitzpe Yair, the "Dahlia Farm"[77] a term used by Susiya Palestinians to refer to the farm run by the widow of Yair Har-Sinai.[98] According to B'tselem, by 2010 settlers were cultivating roughly 40 hectares, about 15% of the land area to which they deny access to the traditional Palestinian users of that area.[14] Since 2000 Jewish settlers in Susya have denied Palestinians access to 10 cisterns in the area, or according to more recent accounts, 23,[14] and try to block their access to others.[99] Soil at Susya, with a market value of NIS 2,000 per truckload, is also taken from lands belonging to the village of Yatta.[100]

The third expulsion occurred in June 2001, when settler civilians and soldiers drove the Palestinians of Susya out, without warning, with, reportedly violent arrests and beatings.[10][77] On 3 July 2001, the Israeli army demolished dozens of homes in Susya and contiguous Palestinian villages, and bulldozed their cisterns, many ancient, built for gathering rainwater, and then filling them with gravel and cement to hinder their reuse.[101] Donated solar panels were also destroyed, livestock killed, and agricultural land razed.[citation needed]. On Sept 26 of the same year, by an order of the Israeli Supreme Court, these structures were ordered to be destroyed and the land returned to the Palestinians. Settlers and the IDF prevented the villagers from reclaiming their land, some 750 acres. The villagers made an appeal to the same court to be allowed to reclaim their lands and live without harassment. Some 93 events of settler violence were listed. The settlers made a counter-appeal, and one family that had managed to return to its land suffered a third eviction.[87]

In 2002 an Israeli outpost was established without the necessary building permit. OCHA reports that as of 2012 the Israeli Civil Administration has imposed no demolitions on this outpost, which is connected to Israel's water and electricity networks, and cites the example as putative evidence that Israeli policy is discriminating between the two communities.[10]

In 2006, structures without a permit were demolished illegally on the orders of a low-ranking officer, and the demolition was strongly criticized 3 years later by the High Court of Israel.[citation needed] At around 11 pm on the 22 July 2007 Ezra Nawi caught sight of settlers laying irrigation pipes on another slice of Palestinian land. He called the Israeli police at Kiryat Arba to put an end to the usurpation, and, a few minutes later, dozens of settlers came, threw rocks at his car and threatened to kill him. The move to appropriate the land was blocked.[102] In September 2008 the Israeli army informed the Palestinians at Susya that a further 150 dunums (15 hectares), where 13 remaining rainwater cisterns are located, would be a "closed military area" to which they were denied access. Amnesty International described the resultant contrast between the Palestinian and Jewish Susyas as follows:

"in the nearby Israeli settlement of Sussia, whose very existence is unlawful under international law, the Israeli settlers have ample water supplies. They have a swimming pool and their lush irrigated vineyards, herb farms and lawns – verdant even at the height of the dry season – stand in stark contrast to the parched and arid Palestinian villages on their doorstep."[101]

According to Shulman, for some decades they were subject, to many violent attacks, and settler recourse to both civil and military courts, to drive them out.[76] The BBC broadcast film of settler youths beating an old woman and her family with cudgels to drive them away from their land, in 2008.[103] Local villages, like Palestinian Susya, have been losing land, and being cut off from each other, as the nearby settlements of Carmel, Maon, Susya and Beit Yatir began to be built and developed, and illegal outposts established.[104] Shulman described the reality he observed in 2008:

Susya: where thirteen impoverished families are clinging tenaciously, but probably hopelessly, to the dry hilltop and the few fields that are all that remain of their vast ancestral lands.[16]

According to B'tselem, the Palestinians that remain in the area live in tents[105] on a small rocky hill between the settlement and the archaeological park which is located within walking distance.[106][107] According to Amnesty International, ten caves inhabited by Susya Palestinian families were blown up by the IDF in 1996, and some 113 tents were destroyed in 1998. Amnesty International also reports that official documents asking them to leave the area address them generically as 'intruders' (polesh/intruder).[108] Most of the rain-catching water cisterns used by the local Palestinian farmers of Susya were demolished by the Israeli army in 1999 and 2001. A local Susya resident told Amnesty International,

Water is life; without water we can't live; not us, not the animals, or the plants. Before we had some water, but after the army destroyed everything we have to bring water from far away; it's very difficult and expensive. They make our life very difficult, to make us leave.[101]

While the Israeli settlement has mains power and piped water from Israel, the Palestinians depend on solar panels and wind turbine energy made possible by a Palestinian/Israeli NGO – Comet - and on wells.[109] This project has been shortlisted for the BBC World Challenge which highlighted the involvement of two Israeli physicists, Elad Orian and Noam Dotan.[110] According to David Hirst, the inhabitants of Susya, are faced with a catch-22. If they comply with the law they cannot build cisterns and collect even the rainwater. But if they fail to work their lands, they lose it anyway.[111] One small enclave that remains for a Bedouin pastoralist's family suffers from further encroachment, with one settler, according to Shulman, managing to wrest 95% of the family's land, and still intent on entering the remainder.[112]

In a ruling delivered in December 2013, the Israel High Court of Justice accepted that Yatta Palestinians had shown their legal attachment to a stretch of land between Susya and the illegal settlement of Mitzpe Yair, but requested them to withdraw their petition against the settlers who are alleged to have illegally seized these lands. The subject of a petition concerns 300 dunams of agricultural land, and a further 900 dunams of pasture of which, the Palestinians argue, they were forced by violent attacks from using for agriculture and herding. The court held that the proper option open to the Palestinians was recourse to a civil legal action.[113] Of the 120 complaints registered with Israeli police in Hebron by Palestinians of Susya, regarding alleged attacks, threats, incursions, and property damage wrought by settlers down to 2013, upwards of 95% have been dismissed, without charges being laid.[14]

[edit]
A Palestinian demonstration against the demolition of the village of Susya

After 1985, when the population was expelled, attempts by the Palestinian of Susya to rebuild their village have been razed by Israel four times, in 1991, 1997 and twice in 2001.[114] Since it is classified within Area C of the West Bank, it lies under Israeli military occupation and control. Though they own much of the land, Israel denies building permits to Susya's residents and therefore they build without permission from Israeli authorities.[115] The master plan for Susya was denied by the Israeli Civil Administration as opposed to the Israeli settlement of Susya, and Palestinians are required to obtain permits from the Israeli Civil Administration.[116][117][118]

In 2008 the Supreme Court turned down the villagers' request for a staying order on planned demolition. According to Shulman, the State attorney claimed that the Palestinians of Susya were a security threat to the settlers, and had to be moved. When asked by the judges where they would move to, the State replied:'We don't know. They are unfortunates, miskenim.'.[16]

In 2011, Israel executed 4 waves of demolition, affecting 41 structures, including 31 residential tents or shacks and two water cisterns. As a result, 37 people, including 20 children, were displaced and a further 70 affected.[10] On 24 November 2011 bulldozers razed two tents where the Mughnem family dwells on their own land in Susya.[119]

The Jewish settlers of Susya and the Israeli pro-settler association NGO Regavim petitioned the High Court to demolish Palestinian Susya, defining the villagers as 'trespassers' living in 'illegal outposts', terms usually applied to illegal Jewish outposts on the West Bank.[120]

On 14 June an Israeli court issued 6 demolition orders covering 50 buildings including tent dwellings, ramshackle huts, sheep pens, latrines, water cisterns, a wind-and-sun powered turbine, and the German-funded solar panels in most of the Palestinian village of Susya.[120] Over 500 people from Tel Aviv, Beer Sheva, and Jerusalem came to mount a peaceful protest on 22 June.[76]

On 26 June 2013, the Israeli Civil Administration, raided Palestinian Susya and handed out 40 demolition orders for many structures, tents, hothouses, a water well and a solar panel, established on humanitarian grounds by the European Union. Nearby Israeli settlers built two additional and unauthorized houses in the Mitzpeh Avigayil outpost, without interference.[121]

A local Palestinian declared to the Hebrew press:

They’re calling our village an illegal outpost. These lands are ours from before there was a State of Israel. My father is older than your state—and I am an illegal alien on my own land. I ask where is justice? Your courts distinguish between the settler and the Palestinian…We’re surrounded by illegal outposts [built by settlers] that have everything—infrastructures of water and electricity— despite the fact that these settlements are illegal even under Israeli law. And now you want to expel this old man from his home once again? To expel all of us who own these lands, who have lived on them for generations in this space that is ours, which is all we know?[76]

In an exchange in the Knesset with Joint List Member Dov Khenin, who noted that Plia Albeck, a pro-settler former government official had admitted that in 1982 that Susya was surrounded by an Arab village, and that the land is registered at the Israeli Lands Authority as under private Arab title, a Rabbi from the Jewish Home Party, Deputy Defense Minister and new head of Israel's Civil Administration, Eli Ben Dahan, publicly denied that Susya exists, asserting that attempts to protect the village were a ploy by leftists to take over Area C.[citation needed]

"There has never been an Arab village called Susya," Ben Dahan said, calling the village "a ploy by leftist organizations to take over Area C [of the West Bank]".

On 24 August, a further demolition took place. On 29 August 2012 the IDF destroyed a sheepfold and two tents, one a dwelling and the other for storage, donated to the villagers of Palestinian Susya by the United Nations' Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.[122]

In May 2015, the Israel High Court approved the demolition of Palestinian Susya. The implementation of the plan was expected to leave 450 villagers homeless.[123] A delegation of diplomats from 28 European countries visited Susya in June and urged Israel not to evict its 300 Palestinian residents, a move that would endanger in their view the two-state solution.

International involvement

[edit]

Israeli plans to demolish the Palestinian village have become an international cause célèbre.[124] According to Amira Hass, before fifteen senior EU diplomats visiting the area on 8 August 2012, Susya villager Nasser Nawaja'a complained that "(t)here are in this village octogenarians who are older than the State of Israel . . . How can they be told that their residence here is illegal?" The EU declared at the time it does not expect that the demolition order will be executed.[125] An Israeli officer objected to this narrative, saying, "It would be absolutely false to present these people [the villagers] as having lived there since the time of Noah's Ark and suddenly the big bad Israelis come and destroy the place. We are a bit sad that some of the Europeans and the Americans are falling into that trap."[126]

In July the US State Department urged Israel to refrain from any demolitions and asked it to seek a peaceful resolution with villagers,[127] and the European Union issued a strongly worded admonition urging Israel to abandon plans for the "forced transfer of population and demolition of Palestinian housing and infrastructure" in Khirbet Susiya.

The EU funded the construction of buildings in Area C which is under interim Israeli jurisdiction, built without permits and which cost tens of millions of Euros. EU documents show the intention is to "pave the way for development and more authority of the PA over Area C". A spokesman said it was justified on humanitarian grounds while Ari Briggs, International Director of Regavim, said the project is a 'Trojan horse' with political aims. As of 2016 the existing infrastructure is the result of European aid: Spain donated the school, Germany provided solar panels; the water pumps were funded by Ireland, while Norway, Italy Belgium and other countries funded the children's playground, however, the makeshift shelters have "more the feeling of a protest camp than a functioning Palestinian village.'The author claims that the settler NGO Regavim's assertion that the people of Susya live in Yatta on the basis of the fact that Susya has 'no streets, shops or mosques, and no permanent homes. There do not seem to be many people, either."[93]

Susya (Israeli settlement)

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In 1982 the Israeli government together with the World Zionist Organization furnished a plan to establish a settlement on the site, part of 8 new settlements envisioned for the area, with funding of 20 million shekels providing for between 50 and 60 Jewish families.[128]

Susya main synagogue

Work on the Israeli settlement of Susya began from May through to September in the following year.[129] on 1,800 dunams of land.[129][130] A major expansion began on 18 September 1999, when its boundaries expanded northwards and eastwards, with the Palestinian Shreiteh family allegedly losing roughly 150 more dunams.[130][non-primary source needed]

In 2008, the largest and most advanced goat pen and dairy was inaugurated at Susya with an investment of 3.5 million ILS. It can contain 1500 goats and milk 48 of them at a time.[131] By Regavim's own calculations, by 2015, 23 Jewish/Israeli homes have been built on private Palestinian property in Susya.[132]

Former Christian Afrikaners who have converted to Judaism have settled in Susya, which has reportedly developed into one of the strongholds for South African converts who perform aliyah.[133]

Israeli Settler Violence

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On 7 June 1991, Palestinians and an Israeli settler Baruch Yellin had a dispute over grazing rights. A Gush Emunim spokesman said Yellin shot one Palestinian dead after he had been attacked with sticks by a Palestinian. According to the Palestinian eyewitnesses, Jabar Hawad al-Nawajah was told not to graze near the settlement, and then Yellin rode off, returned with a M-16 rifle and shot a dozen of his sheep. A relative of the shepherd, Mahmoud al-Nawajah, came over to the scene and was then shot in the stomach and died.[134] The full circumstances were never clarified.[135]

On 23 March 1993, Musa Suliman Abu Sabha[136] a Palestinian was arrested outside Susya by two guards, Moshe Deutsch and Yair Har-Sinai, on suspicion that he was planning an attack on Jews.[136] Taken for questioning, he stabbed in the shoulder or back one of the guards, Moshe Deutsch, while the two were in a car, and, wrestled to the ground, was bound hand and foot. Another settler from nearby Susya, Yoram Shkolnik[137] shot him eight times, killing him.[136] According to the IDF a grenade was found on the body while other reports claimed the grenade was removed from him prior to the shooting.[138] In 2001, Yair Har-Sinai was killed in a brawl[139] with local Palestinians. A Palestinian, Jihad Najar, was convicted of murder and received a sentence of life imprisonment.[140] The IDF then evicted the 300 Palestinians in the area, demolishing some of their makeshift homes. They have sought redress in an Israeli court, which ruled that illegal demolitions had taken place, the state had failed to provide procedures to enable the plaintiffs to obtain building permits, and was creating a situation in which elementary human rights to life were being denied.[141]

Jewish residents of Susya have harassed local Palestinians, destroyed their property,[142] and hindered them from gathering their crops from olive groves.[143] In 2009 Yaakov Teitel, was indicted for the 2007 murder of a Palestinian shepherd from Susya.[144][145]

Archaeological park

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In 1986, the locals were evicted from their homes which became an archaeological park.[10]

In 2011, an illegal Israeli settler outpost with 3 wooden huts was set up on the archaeological site.[77][87][146]

In 2012, the park was declared national heritage site.[90] Palestinians from Susiya have tried to purchase an admission ticket to the now archaeological Susya a handful of times. They say they have been denied entry each time.[147][148]

According to the Jerusalem Post, a fire broke out and was extinguished by five firefighters before damaging the inside of the archaeological park in July 2020.[149][150]

See also

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Susya is an Israeli Jewish settlement in the southern Hebron Hills of the West Bank, established in 1983 adjacent to the archaeological remains of ancient Susya, a rural Jewish community that flourished from the late Roman period through the Byzantine era, evidenced by excavations revealing a synagogue, ritual baths, and other structures associated with Jewish religious practices. The modern settlement, under the Har Hebron Regional Council, developed as a religious Zionist outpost inspired by the site's historical Jewish significance, growing from a handful of families to house around 1,000 residents engaged in agriculture, education, and preservation of heritage sites. Key features include community initiatives to maintain the ancient synagogue and surrounding ruins, designated as a national heritage site, highlighting continuous Jewish ties to the region. However, Susya has been embroiled in protracted controversies with the adjacent Palestinian hamlet of Khirbet Susya, where residents, numbering several hundred, have faced repeated demolitions of homes and structures since the 1980s due to lack of Israeli-issued building permits in Area C, alongside allegations of settler encroachments and restrictions on land access, though land ownership claims remain contested in Israeli courts with evidence of both private Palestinian holdings and state-declared lands. These tensions reflect broader dynamics in the region, including archaeological declarations that displaced Palestinian cave-dwellers from the ancient site area in 1986 to facilitate excavations and site development.

Name and Etymology

Linguistic Origins

The name Susya (Hebrew: סוּסְיָא) is a direct of the Susiya, as used in the toponym Khirbet Susiya ("ruins of Susiya"), which local applied to the site based on the prevalence of the liquorice plant (Glycyrrhiza glabra) in the vicinity—a wild herb known in dialects for its sweet root and medicinal uses. This plant-based designation was documented by French explorer and archaeologist Victor Guérin during his 1868–1869 surveys of , when he first mapped and described the ruins, noting their significance amid the regional flora. Archaeological consensus tentatively links the site to the Talmudic village of Susiya referenced in the Babylonian Talmud (e.g., Berakhot 44a, mentioning a sage from the locale), implying potential Aramaic or late Hebrew roots for the name predating the Arabic overlay, though no inscriptions confirm an ancient form distinct from the modern one. Some scholars, including Abraham Negev in his 1985 analysis, contend that Susya represents a post-medieval adaptation rather than an unbroken ancient Hebrew or Aramaic term, proposing instead an identification with the biblical site of Carmel (Joshua 15:55) based on geographical and textual correlations. This debate underscores limited epigraphic evidence for the name's pre-Islamic linguistics, with the Arabic floral reference providing the clearest verifiable origin for contemporary usage.

Historical Designations

The now known as Susya was historically designated in as Khirbet Susiya (also spelled Susiyeh), meaning "ruin of the plant," after a wild herb (Glycyrrhiza glabra) prevalent in the region. This name reflected its state as abandoned ruins occupied by local Arab pastoralists who resided in caves and structures amid the remains until the mid-20th century. The designation appears in Ottoman-era land surveys and British Mandate maps from as early as 1917, predating modern Israeli presence by decades. French explorer and scholar Victor Guérin provided the first detailed European account of the site in 1869, describing extensive stone ruins, cisterns, and a possible , thereby establishing its significance as an ancient settlement in scholarly literature. During the Crusader period (circa 12th-13th centuries CE), the locale was reportedly referred to as "Susya," adapting the Arabic phonetic form, though the site lay largely deserted following its abandonment around the 9th century CE. No attested ancient Hebrew or literary name for the village survives in biblical, Talmudic, or other classical texts, with its identification as a Jewish settlement derived primarily from epigraphic and architectural evidence uncovered in excavations starting in 1969. Archaeologist Abraham Negev proposed in 1985 that Khirbet Susiya might correspond to the biblical Carmel (mentioned in 15:55 as a town in Judah), citing topographic similarities and Edomite-influenced graves with names like Qos, potentially linking to Idumean presence before Jewish predominance from the CE onward; however, this identification remains speculative and unverified by broader consensus. The name Susya was adopted post-1967 for the revived settlement and , phonetically mirroring the while formalized by Israel's Geographical Names Committee in the to evoke historical continuity with the ancient Jewish village.

Ancient History

Pre-Roman Settlement

Archaeological excavations at Khirbet Susiya have uncovered evidence of limited occupation during the Iron I period (c. 1200–1000 BCE), characterized by features such as oval-shaped pens and associated sherds found beneath later Byzantine structures. These findings, documented during digs from 1985 to 2015 led by Rafael Barkay and Hanan Eshel, suggest sporadic or seasonal use rather than a dense village, consistent with early Israelite highland settlement patterns in the southern . Settlement activity increased in the , particularly the 2nd century BCE, with the discovery of industrial installations including wine presses, a ritual bath (), and a for pigeon rearing, indicating agricultural and possibly Jewish-influenced habitation amid broader regional Hellenistic expansion. These artifacts point to small-scale farming communities exploiting the area's terraced slopes for and , predating the site's more prominent Roman-era development. No substantial remains have been identified, underscoring a pattern of intermittent pre-Roman use tied to the Judean highlands' marginal , where evidence derives primarily from surface surveys and limited probe excavations rather than extensive stratified layers.

Roman and Byzantine Periods

The settlement at Susya reemerged during the late Roman period, around the late 3rd or early CE, following earlier Second Temple-era occupation, and reached its peak in the Byzantine period from the 4th to 7th centuries CE. Located in the Daroma subregion of the southern , it developed as a densely built rural Jewish village covering approximately 20 acres, with masonry houses, courtyards, streets, and underground caves for storage and refuge. Agricultural installations, including numerous oil presses and winepresses, supported an economy centered on and wine production. The village's focal point was its grand , constructed in the late 4th or early CE as a broadhouse structure oriented east-west, measuring about 9 by 15.6 meters in the main hall, with a , , and auxiliary rooms. It featured polychrome mosaic floors with geometric patterns, figural scenes such as the zodiac and , and Hebrew/ inscriptions, including one referencing a Sabbatical year. Renovations added two stone bemas—one central with a screen—and the building accommodated up to several hundred worshippers, reflecting its communal importance. Evidence of later iconoclastic defacement around 725–750 CE and conversion to a by 808–809 CE marks the end of Jewish use. Susya exemplifies stringent Jewish ritual observance in a late antique context, with ritual baths (miqvaot) present in nearly every residence, production area, and even subterranean beneath the synagogue—comprising about 25% of known later examples from the region. This density suggests deliberate segregation and purity practices amid surrounding Christian dominance, linking domestic life, agriculture, and worship. Coins from emperors like Honorius (r. 393–423 CE) and Byzantine pottery corroborate the timeline, while the site's abandonment by the 8th century aligns with broader shifts post-Islamic conquest.

Synagogue and Religious Significance

The synagogue at Susya, dating primarily to the 4th–5th centuries CE with reconstructions extending into the 6th–8th centuries, served as the focal point of religious and communal life in this ancient Jewish village during the Late Roman and Byzantine eras. Constructed as a broadhouse measuring 9 by 16 meters using well-cut stones, it featured a niche oriented northward toward , facilitating prayer in the direction of the , and entrances on the eastern side. Its central location in the western part of the settlement underscored its role beyond worship, encompassing study, assembly, and social functions essential to Jewish continuity under Byzantine Christian rule. Mosaic pavements in the prayer hall depicted ritual objects linked to Temple worship, including the seven-branched menorah, , , , and the Holy Ark flanked by deer, symbolizing sacred heritage and liturgical practice. Hebrew and inscriptions recorded benefactors, such as one from the 4th century CE stating: "In honor of the kindness of my master, Rabbi Issi ha-Cohen, the honored, who generously donated this and plastered the walls of the ." These elements attest to a prosperous, ritually observant community funding synagogue embellishment, with donors including local rabbis and elites. Adjacent ritual immersion pools (mikvaot) from the same period indicate strict adherence to Jewish purity laws, supporting daily religious observance amid a dominated by Christian institutions. The site's layered remains, including an fragment now in the , reflect phased adaptations and persistence into the Early Islamic era until abandonment around the 9th–10th centuries CE. Archaeologically, Susya's provides tangible evidence of autonomous Jewish religious vitality in southern , distinct from Galilean rabbinic hubs, challenging narratives of post-Temple by demonstrating sustained settlement and cultic expression.

Medieval and Early Modern Periods

Islamic and Crusader Era

Following the Muslim conquest of between 636 and 638 CE, the settlement at Susya transitioned under Islamic administration, with archaeological evidence of continued habitation in the Early Islamic period (7th–9th centuries). sherds and structural modifications attest to occupation by a Muslim , likely including converts from the prior Jewish inhabitants, amid broader patterns of demographic shifts in the southern after the Arab conquest. The site's prominent , originally constructed in the 4th–5th centuries CE and renovated in the 6th–8th centuries, was repurposed as a , evidenced by the insertion of a (prayer niche) into the northern wall and reorientation toward , alongside a built in the . This adaptation reflects standard practices of converting religious structures in conquered territories during the Umayyad and Abbasid eras, though the site's Jewish character persisted initially before gradual Islamization. Settlement declined sharply by the late , coinciding with the Abbasid period's economic disruptions and rural depopulation in , marked by the accumulation of abandonment debris and lack of subsequent stratified layers until later ; the causes remain debated but align with regional patterns of agricultural contraction and insecurity. In the Crusader era (1099–1187 CE), limited archaeological traces suggest intermittent reuse, including possible fortified structures or stables indicative of Frankish military presence in the region, later overlaid by Ayyubid-period (post-1187) artifacts amid Saladin's reconquest. These finds, including glazed pottery and architectural elements, point to a small-scale village or outpost rather than dense habitation, consistent with Crusader footholds in rural before consolidation diminished Christian control by the 13th century.

Abandonment and Decline

Archaeological evidence from excavations at Khirbet Susya indicates that the ancient Jewish settlement began to decline during the Early Islamic period, with some residential structures in the village's quarters abandoned as early as the late 7th or early 8th century CE. This phase followed the Muslim conquest of the region in 638 CE, after which southern Judean sites like Susya exhibited patterns of gradual depopulation not seen to the same extent in northern areas such as Galilee. By the 8th and , the settlement's decline accelerated, marked by the abandonment of numerous buildings while inhabitants maintained possession of surrounding agricultural lands. The , a central feature constructed between the 4th and 7th centuries CE, continued in use into the 9th century, suggesting persistence of communal religious activity even as the residential population dwindled. Post-abandonment, the synagogue's atrium or courtyard was repurposed as a around the , evidenced by the addition of a niche on its northern wall. No single catastrophic event, such as an or violent destruction, has been conclusively linked to the site's depopulation; instead, excavations point to socioeconomic factors potentially exacerbated by the transition to Islamic rule, including heavier taxation or shifts in regional trade routes that diminished the viability of rural Judean villages. Full abandonment occurred by the early , after which the site lay largely unoccupied until modern archaeological investigations. This trajectory aligns with broader patterns in southern , where Byzantine-era Jewish settlements faded without evidence of mass violence but amid demographic and economic pressures.

Archaeology and Excavations

Discovery and Major Digs

The archaeological significance of Horvat Susya emerged prominently following Israel's control of the after the 1967 , with initial systematic survey work conducted by Israeli archaeologist Shemarya Gutman in 1969. Gutman's intensive survey identified surface remains and led to a trial excavation that uncovered the narthex of an ancient , marking the site's formal archaeological discovery as a major Jewish settlement from . Major excavations commenced in 1971 and continued through 1972, directed jointly by Gutman, Ze'ev Yeivin, and Ehud Netzer under the auspices of the Israel Department of Antiquities. These digs focused primarily on the complex, revealing a basilical structure with floors, columns, and inscriptions dating to the 4th–7th centuries CE, indicative of continuous use into the early Islamic period. The efforts exposed architectural elements aligning with regional synagogue typology, including a hall oriented toward and evidence of multiple building phases reflecting repairs after seismic events. Subsequent targeted excavations have supplemented these foundational digs, including explorations of Early Roman burial caves in the vicinity, which yielded ossuaries and loculi typical of Jewish rock-cut tombs from the BCE to CE. Additional work uncovered over a dozen Late Roman–Byzantine ritual baths (mikvaot), underscoring persistent Jewish purity practices in southern despite the Temple's destruction in 70 CE. Overall, excavations have covered less than 20 dunams within the 80-dunam declared site, prioritizing high-value structures like the while leaving much of the settlement's residential and industrial quarters unexcavated.

Key Findings and Artifacts

Excavations at Horbat Susya uncovered a prominent from the Late Roman and Byzantine periods, featuring a floor with Hebrew inscriptions commemorating donors, such as one reading "May he be remembered for good," alongside symbolic motifs evoking the Temple. The structure, renovated multiple times between the 4th and 8th centuries CE, included a podium measuring 490 by 290 cm, adorned with carved and incised depictions of menorahs, animals, and plants, many defaced during the 8th-century Muslim prohibition on . Among the site's artifacts are numerous chancel screens, posts, and floor panels from the , as well as decorative stone elements from Jewish houses, including capitals and lintels with Jewish symbols. The discovery of exceptional glass vessels from Roman to Ottoman layers highlights the site's . A distinctive feature is the concentration of ritual baths (mikvaot), comprising about 25% of known later examples in the region, underscoring persistent Jewish observance of ritual purity laws well after the Temple's destruction in 70 CE. These findings, primarily from digs led by the Israel Antiquities Authority since the 1970s, attest to Susya's role as a thriving Jewish village in southern Judea through the Byzantine era.

Preservation Efforts

The ancient Susya has been subject to systematic preservation initiatives by Israeli governmental bodies since the late . In 1986, the Israeli military issued an order designating the area as a protected archaeological zone, which necessitated the evacuation of Palestinian families residing in caves and structures amid the ruins to prevent damage to and enable focused conservation. This declaration facilitated subsequent excavations and site stabilization efforts under the oversight of the (IAA). Conservation projects have included structural reinforcements, clearance of debris, and restoration of key features such as the synagogue's walls, , and floors. The IAA, in collaboration with the Civil Administration's Archaeology Unit in and , conducts ongoing protection, supervision, and development to make sites like Susya—recognized for its Mishnaic and Talmudic-era Jewish remains—accessible to the public while mitigating erosion, vandalism, and natural decay. These efforts emphasize the site's as a Byzantine-period Jewish town, with preserved elements including ritual baths and underground tunnels integrated into visitor pathways. The Keren Kayemeth LeIsrael-Jewish National Fund (KKL-JNF) has contributed to rehabilitation works, focusing on tourism infrastructure and partial reconstruction of the synagogue complex dating from the 2nd to 10th centuries CE. Today, Susya operates as a , with maintained pathways, interpretive signage, and guided access highlighting artifacts like Hebrew inscriptions and Temple motifs, underscoring Israeli commitments to Judean heritage preservation despite regional tensions. Challenges persist, including balancing archaeological integrity with nearby settlement activities and potential encroachments, as noted by organizations monitoring heritage sites in contested areas.

Modern Palestinian Hamlet (Khirbet Susya)

Origins and Pre-1986 Location

The Palestinian hamlet of Khirbet Susiya, located in the South Hebron Hills of the , originated as a small pastoral community in the , with records confirming its presence since at least the . Residents, primarily engaged in subsistence agriculture, olive cultivation, and sheep herding, inhabited natural caves and constructed simple stone shelters within the vicinity of ancient ruins. This way of life persisted through the Ottoman, British Mandate, and early Jordanian periods, with the hamlet's lands encompassing private Palestinian-owned plots documented in Ottoman-era tax records (tapu). By the early 20th century, Khirbet Susiya had grown to include around 20-30 families, appearing on British maps as early as , well before the Arab-Israeli War or the 1967 Six-Day War. Some families traced descent to earlier or semi-nomadic groups, while others included refugees displaced during the conflict who settled in the area's caves after fleeing nearby villages like those in the district. The pre-1986 location centered directly on or adjacent to the archaeological remains of ancient Susya (biblical Eshtemoa region), spanning approximately 300 hectares of terraced farmland, olive groves, and grazing lands south of Yatta. Structures were rudimentary, often integrated with the site's Byzantine-era caves and ruins, reflecting adaptation to the rugged terrain rather than formal village planning. Population estimates for the pre-1986 era vary, but data from the Jordanian administration in the 1950s-1960s recorded fewer than 100 residents, underscoring its status as a marginal rural outpost dependent on seasonal herding and . No centralized existed, with water sourced from local cisterns and wells, and social ties linked to larger clans in Yatta. This location remained stable until mid-1986, when Israeli authorities expropriated the core village area for preservation and purposes, prompting relocation to adjacent barren hillsides.

1986 Relocation and Initial Challenges

In , the declared the area of Khirbet Susya, encompassing ancient ruins and the Palestinian hamlet, an , leading to the eviction of approximately 25 families who had resided there in caves and rudimentary structures. The order cited the need to preserve and excavate historical remains, including Byzantine-era synagogues and mosaics, amid concerns over site damage from ongoing habitation and grazing activities. This action displaced residents whose presence dated back generations, primarily shepherds and farmers reliant on the land for subsistence. Following the , the families relocated to a nearby hilltop on adjacent land still claimed as private Palestinian property, initially erecting tents for shelter. This move occurred amid the expansion of the adjacent of Susya, established as a outpost in 1983, which intensified land-use pressures in the region. The relocation site, lacking formal infrastructure, exposed residents to harsh environmental conditions in the South Hebron Hills, including limited water access and vulnerability to weather extremes. Initial challenges included repeated demolitions of temporary dwellings; within a year, in 1987, Israeli forces destroyed the tents, forcing further displacement to another nearby location. Residents faced severe restrictions on building permanent structures without permits, which were rarely granted in Area C under Israeli military administration, hindering efforts to establish stable housing. Economic hardships mounted as access to over 2,000 dunams of traditional grazing and farmland was curtailed by military closures, settler activities, and declarations of the area as closed for security or preservation reasons, reducing livestock herds and agricultural output. Early reports documented harassment, including vandalism of property and cisterns, contributing to a climate of insecurity. These factors, compounded by the absence of electricity, roads, or schools, perpetuated a cycle of makeshift living and dependency on nearby Yatta for basic services.

Israeli Settlement

Establishment as Nahal Outpost

Susya was established in 1983 as a outpost by the Israel Defense Forces' , which pioneered many early settlements in the through combined military and agricultural units. The initiative involved relocating a core group of Nahal soldiers-settlers from the temporary base at the nearby Maon outpost to the Susya site, aiming to secure the South Hebron Hills region amid ongoing security concerns following the 1967 and subsequent Arab-Israeli conflicts. This establishment reflected the broader Nahal policy of deploying youth brigades to frontier areas for border defense, land cultivation, and demographic assertion, with outposts often transitioning from military control to civilian communities once viability was demonstrated. The outpost's founding occurred on land previously surveyed and declared as state land by authorities, facilitating rapid deployment without private ownership disputes at the time of setup. Initial infrastructure included basic military-style housing and agricultural facilities, supported by the brigade's dual role in patrolling against potential threats and developing farmland to sustain long-term habitation. By late 1983, the site had stabilized as a functional base, marking an early phase in the Hebron region's settlement network expansion.

Growth and Community Development

The Israeli settlement of Susya, initially founded as a outpost in September 1983 by a small group of pioneers from the youth movement, transitioned to civilian administration in 1986 under the Har Hebron Regional . This shift facilitated organic expansion driven by ideological commitment to Jewish settlement in the biblical , with early residents focusing on establishing permanent homes, agricultural plots, and basic communal facilities amid challenging terrain and security concerns. Population growth accelerated in subsequent decades, reflecting broader trends in regional settlements where natural increase and from proper played key roles. By the mid-2010s, the community had expanded to approximately 1,000 , supported by approved master plans that permitted of residential neighborhoods, a , educational institutions, and utility including and water networks—contrasting sharply with restrictions on adjacent Palestinian development. Community development has centered on fostering a national-religious lifestyle, with investments in family-oriented programs, youth education through local schools affiliated with the regional council, and agricultural initiatives such as vineyards and olive groves that leverage the area's semi-arid climate. The Har Hebron Regional Council has prioritized tourism tied to the adjacent ancient site, alongside security enhancements like fenced perimeters, enabling sustained habitation and modest economic diversification despite ongoing regional tensions.

Demographic and Economic Profile

As of 2021, the settlement had a of 1,170 Jewish residents, predominantly national-religious families affiliated with the . The community structure emphasizes selective acceptance of residents based on ideological alignment, fostering a cohesive religious Zionist demographic with higher-than-average rates typical of such settlements in the Har Hevron region. growth mirrors broader settler trends, with an approximate 3% annual increase reported for 2023. The local economy centers on and related activities, including rearing and , supported by the arid southern terrain. Wineries such as Shokek, located within the settlement, produce varietal wines from on-site vineyards and contribute to revenue through direct sales and . These operations leverage proximity to the ancient Susya for visitor attractions, with some receiving Israeli government subsidies for development as of 2023. Many residents supplement income via commuting to jobs in , services, or nearby urban centers like Yerucham or Be'er Sheva, reflecting limited on-site industrial capacity.

Land Ownership Disputes

Palestinian Claims and Documentation

Palestinians in Khirbet Susya maintain that the lands upon which their stands constitute privately owned property, inherited through generations via historical residency, agricultural use, and formal registrations under Ottoman administration. A primary invoked in support of these assertions is an Ottoman-era land registry entry from , which delineates boundaries for territories in the Susya vicinity claimed by local families, predating modern Israeli declarations of state . Archival evidence further includes a division deed for the parcel "Ras Khallet Susya" in the Yatta region, apportioning shares among families such as Awad Abu Khabta, Mohammad Shreteh, and Salameh Harb, reflecting customary Ottoman practices of and communal titling for cultivated lands. Land registry records indicate that roughly 3,000 dunams associated with Khirbet Susya—equivalent to about 740 acres—are documented as private holdings of Palestinian residents from adjacent Yatta, bolstering claims of usufruct rights sustained through ongoing farming and pastoral activities. In petitions to Israeli courts challenging demolition orders and seeking recognition of a master plan, residents have tendered these Ottoman tabo documents, family testimonies of pre-1986 habitation in nearby caves, and aerial surveys purportedly showing historical structures, arguing that such proof entitles them to legalize existing dwellings under Area C planning procedures.

Israeli Assertions of State Land

The Israeli Civil Administration (ICA), responsible for land management in Area C of the West Bank, has asserted that significant portions of land in the Susya area, including sites used for the Israeli settlement established in 1983, qualify as state land under Ottoman-era land laws applied by Israel. These laws stipulate that uncultivated or unregistered lands revert to the state after a period of non-use, typically three years, absent tabus (official registration documents) or evidence of continuous agricultural activity. Surveys conducted by ICA officials in the early 1980s, including a 1982 assessment referenced in legal proceedings, identified approximately 3,000 dunams in the region as lacking verifiable private ownership claims, enabling declarations of state land for public purposes such as settlement development. In 1983, the ICA formally declared land for the Susya outpost—later converted to a civilian settlement— as state land, based on these surveys showing no active cultivation or boundary markers indicating private holdings. Israeli authorities maintain that such declarations followed meticulous fieldwork, including and on-site inspections, to confirm absentee or abandoned status, distinguishing it from registered private plots elsewhere in the . Pro-settler organizations like Regavim have reinforced this position, arguing in petitions that Palestinian structures in nearby Khirbet Susya, erected post-1986 relocation, occupy undeclared state land without permits, as residents failed to produce contemporary ownership proofs despite opportunities in . Israeli Supreme Court rulings have upheld these assertions in multiple cases. In a 2003 decision, the court affirmed ICA surveys deeming disputed areas state land, rejecting challenges for lack of submitted evidence of private title. Similarly, on May 4, 2015, justices dismissed petitions from Khirbet Susya residents against demolition orders, citing ongoing unauthorized construction on state land and prior interim halts (e.g., 2012 order by Asher Grunis) that failed to resolve permit violations. These outcomes reflect the court's deference to ICA expertise on land status, prioritizing empirical survey data over contested historical documents like 1881 Ottoman deeds, which ICA custodians have acknowledged for specific families but not extended to the village's current footprint.

Verification and Registration Issues

The land surrounding Khirbet Susya includes approximately 3,000 registered as private Palestinian property in the Ottoman-era Land Registry, as confirmed in a 1982 legal survey by Plia Albeck, then-head of the Israeli government's settlements department. Albeck's analysis, based on Ottoman tabo records, identified specific parcels near the ancient synagogue as owned by Palestinian families such as the Jabor and Nawaja clans, distinguishing them from state or uncultivated lands under Ottoman law. Verification challenges arise from the reliance on century-old Ottoman documents, including kushans ( deeds), which require authentication of seals, heirship chains, and boundary demarcations often obscured by natural features like wadis and canyons. In , Moshe Meiri, a senior Civil Administration land management officer, authenticated an 1881 Ottoman kushan presented by Susya residents, affirming its legal validity and supporting their ownership claims over contested territory. Despite such validations by Israeli experts, the Civil Administration has frequently rejected these claims for permitting purposes, citing insufficient proof of continuous cultivation or residency under British Mandate and Jordanian interpretations of Ottoman land codes, which reclassified uncultivated areas as state land if not actively worked or documented post-1948. Registration processes in Area C remain stalled due to a freeze imposed after Israel's 1967 occupation, preventing updates to the Jordanian land registry and leading to disputes where Palestinian tabo entries are contested via aerial surveys and field verifications favoring state control. Palestinian residents' attempts to register structures or expand have been denied on grounds of overlapping archaeological designations or unverified heirship, even when deeds trace to 19th-century purchases; for instance, Civil Administration surveys have reclassified portions as state land absent modern titling, exacerbating evidentiary burdens on claimants without access to Israeli administrative resources. Pro-settler groups like Regavim argue that while some land may be private, current Khirbet Susya inhabitants lack direct heirship documentation, rendering their presence on it unauthorized under Israeli law. These issues have fueled repeated High Court petitions, where justices have upheld demolitions for unpermitted builds while noting documentary evidence of ownership, but deferred to administrative discretion on verification standards; a 2015 ruling affirmed the Civil Administration's authority to enforce against structures on disputed land pending full registration, highlighting systemic delays in reconciling Ottoman records with contemporary surveys. The May 2025 resumption of large-scale land registration in Area C by Israel's security cabinet aims to address such gaps but has raised concerns over potential biases in verification, as initial surveys could prioritize state claims absent proactive Palestinian submissions.

Demolition Orders and Court Rulings

In the context of land ownership disputes, portions of the Susya settlement have been alleged to include structures built on land claimed as private Palestinian property. A study by the Israeli NGO Regavim, which monitors construction violations across jurisdictions in the , identified 23 residential homes in Susya constructed on such disputed private land, part of a broader finding of over 2,000 similar structures across settlements. Regavim, known for petitioning Israeli courts to enforce planning laws uniformly—including against unauthorized settler construction—has advocated for demolition of these specific homes to uphold legal standards, arguing that failure to act undermines state authority over land use. Israeli courts have addressed related petitions concerning Susya's expansions and outlying structures, such as the nearby Har Sinai Farm outpost, where allocations of land for agricultural use were scrutinized for potential overlap with private claims. However, the has not issued demolition orders for the settlement's core established neighborhoods, often deferring to Civil Administration determinations that classify the primary area as state land based on Ottoman-era surveys and lack of continuous Palestinian cultivation evidence. In a 2020 ruling striking down the "Regularization Law" intended to retroactively legalize certain outpost buildings on private land, the reaffirmed that construction on verified private Palestinian property violates Israeli administrative law, but exempted longstanding settlements like Susya from immediate enforcement, citing and historical continuity factors. No demolitions of Susya's main residential structures have been executed as of October 2025, despite ongoing petitions from groups like Peace Now alleging systematic encroachment—claims the state counters with cadastral data showing minimal private land involvement (less than 1% of the settlement's footprint). This contrasts with enforcement patterns for Palestinian constructions in Area C, where demolition orders are more routinely upheld, highlighting disparities attributed by critics to policy priorities but defended by authorities as rooted in verified ownership and security assessments. Regavim has criticized this selective non-enforcement as eroding rule-of-law credibility, while left-leaning sources like Peace Now frame it as preferential treatment amid biased land surveys favoring state declarations.

Master Plan Rejections and Appeals

The master plan for the Susya settlement, submitted to the Civil Administration in the late following its transition from a outpost to civilian community, was ultimately approved, permitting construction of approximately 100 housing units and supporting infrastructure on state-designated land. However, expansions beyond the core plan, particularly unauthorized outposts and structures established in the and , faced rejections by the Higher Council (HPC) under the Settlement Administration, which classified them as illegal outposts lacking approved outline plans (taba'ot). These rejections were based on criteria such as lack of prior authorization and potential conflicts with archaeological preservation near the ancient Susya site, leading to demolition orders issued by the Civil Administration. Settlers appealed several such orders to the Israeli High Court of Justice, arguing that the structures served security needs and contributed to regional Jewish continuity, with some cases resulting in temporary stays or retroactive considerations. For instance, outposts like those in the "Susya Archeological Site" area and Dahlia Farm, established post-2001, were targeted for as unauthorized, but appeals highlighted their integration with the main settlement's defenses amid ongoing security threats. The court has occasionally directed the Civil Administration to reassess plans, though many appeals were denied, reinforcing the distinction between authorized settlement cores and peripheral outposts. In a notable reversal, the HPC approved the legalization of Givat Hanan (also known as Susya East), an outpost east of the main settlement, as an official neighborhood in March 2024, allowing for up to 10 housing units after years of prior denials and appeals. This decision followed policy shifts under the current government, prioritizing outpost regularization on state lands, despite objections from monitoring groups citing environmental and legal concerns. Such approvals underscore the iterative nature of planning appeals for settlement expansions, often balancing assertions against administrative standards.

Recent Developments (Post-2023)

In July 2024, Israel's Civil Administration Higher Planning Council approved the advancement of plans to legalize Givat Hanan, an outpost also known as Susya East, as a formal neighborhood of the Susya settlement in the South Hebron Hills, alongside the validation of over 5,000 housing units across multiple settlements. This step, part of a broader policy shift following the , 2023, attack, integrated the outpost—previously classified as unauthorized—into Susya's jurisdictional framework, enabling future construction and infrastructure development on approximately 100 dunams of land. By late 2024, the plan reached the deposit stage for public objections, a procedural requirement under Israeli military planning regulations in Area C, with no reported final ratification as of October 2025. These approvals occurred amid heightened regional tensions, where settlement watchdogs documented increased outpost establishments but noted that full legalization remains subject to administrative and potential legal challenges from Palestinian landowners asserting private ownership via Ottoman-era deeds. No major orders or reversals targeted Susya's core structures post-2023, contrasting with prior rejections of Palestinian master plans in adjacent areas; however, the outpost's advancement has intensified local disputes, with Israeli authorities classifying the terrain as state based on surveys lacking absentee owner claims.

Security Incidents and

Historical Context of Regional Tensions

The region, encompassing the South Hebron Hills where Susya is located, has witnessed persistent Arab-Jewish tensions rooted in competing national aspirations and religious claims to the land dating back centuries. Jewish communities maintained a continuous presence in from biblical times through the Ottoman era, coexisting with Arab populations under various rulers, though episodes of violence occurred sporadically. By the early , under British Mandate , rising and opposition to Zionist immigration fueled escalating conflicts, culminating in widespread riots in 1929. These riots were incited by Arab leaders' false claims that Jews intended to seize control of the in , leading to attacks across . The exemplified the region's volatility, with Arab mobs killing 67 residents—predominantly students and families—on August 23-24, accompanied by reports of mutilation, , and , while some Arab neighbors sheltered . This event decimated Hebron's community of about 700, forcing survivors to flee to , and marked the effective end of life in the city until 1967, underscoring Arab rejection of national revival in historic . The massacre's legacy persisted, contributing to self-defense organizations and bolstering Zionist resolve amid subsequent Arab assaults during the 1936-1939 revolt. Following Israel's 1948 War of Independence, Jordan annexed the , including , barring access and destroying synagogues, which entrenched the area's division until the 1967 . In the 1967 war, captured the from after the latter joined and in attacking Israeli forces, reuniting and enabling Jewish return to . , Israeli settlements emerged in the for security buffers against hostile neighbors and to affirm historical Jewish ties to biblical sites like those near Susya, an ancient Jewish town from the Second Temple period. The first settlements in the territories were established shortly after the war, blending ideological and defensive motives, with Susya's modern outpost founded in 1983 amid ongoing threats. Tensions intensified during the (1987-1993), a Palestinian uprising involving stone-throwing, Molotov cocktails, and stabbings against Israelis in the , including , prompting Israeli countermeasures and highlighting the fragility of coexistence. The Second (2000-2005) escalated violence dramatically, with Palestinian groups launching over 4,000 rocket and mortar attacks, suicide bombings, and shootings targeting Israeli civilians and settlers in the area, resulting in hundreds of Israeli deaths and widespread destruction. In the South Hebron Hills, these assaults included ambushes on roads near settlements like Susya, driven by rejectionist ideologies akin to those in 1929, as evidenced by the involvement of groups like tracing ideological roots to early 20th-century incitements. Israeli responses, including military operations and settlement expansions for defensible borders, were framed as necessary to counter existential threats, though they fueled cycles of retaliation. This historical pattern of Arab-initiated aggression against Jewish presence—evident in pre-state riots, wars of 1948 and 1967, and intifadas—forms the causal backdrop to security incidents around Susya, where Palestinian attacks on settlers continue to reflect unresolved territorial and ideological conflicts.

Palestinian-Initiated Attacks

In the South Hebron Hills region encompassing Susya, Palestinian-initiated violence against Israeli settlers has frequently involved stone-throwing attacks aimed at vehicles and individuals, which have caused and occasional injuries. These incidents are often cited by as unprovoked aggression, though comprehensive data on their frequency is limited due to underreporting in international outlets that prioritize coverage of settler actions amid broader institutional biases favoring Palestinian narratives. For instance, on March 24, 2025, the reported that several hurled rocks at Israeli citizens near Susya, damaging their vehicles and precipitating subsequent clashes. More lethal attacks in the vicinity have included shootings targeting traveling to or from Susya. On August 21, 2023, two Palestinian brothers opened fire on an Israeli vehicle at the nearby Beit Hagai junction south of , killing Batsheva Nigri, a 42-year-old mother of four, and seriously wounding Aryeh Leib Gottlieb, aged 40; the perpetrators were arrested shortly thereafter without resistance. Such events underscore the persistent threats faced by Susya residents, who rely on IDF protection amid ongoing regional hostilities, though exact attribution of initiation can be contested in mutual-violence scenarios documented by security reports.

Clashes Involving Settlers

Clashes between Israeli settlers from Susya and Palestinian residents of the adjacent Khirbet Susiya have primarily involved assaults on shepherds, farmers, and , often during grazing or harvest seasons in the South Hebron Hills. These incidents are documented through Palestinian testimonies, video footage, and complaints filed with Israeli police, though prosecution rates remain low, with reporting that out of 120 complaints from Khirbet Susiya residents regarding attacks, threats, and between 1986 and 2012, only a fraction resulted in indictments. , an Israeli human rights organization focused on monitoring alleged violations against , attributes many such clashes to settlers aiming to restrict Palestinian access to land, while Israeli authorities have cited security concerns amid broader regional tensions. Specific documented cases include repeated attacks on shepherds. In one incident, settlers from Susya threw stones at Palestinian shepherds near the village, prompting Israeli police intervention that detained a field researcher rather than the attackers. During the olive harvest period, settlers chased and physically assaulted Palestinian harvesters in Khirbet Susiya, injuring at least one individual as part of efforts to prevent crop collection on disputed lands. A notable escalation occurred on February 3, 2025, when approximately dozens of settlers, reportedly led by identified individual Shem Tov Lusky, invaded Khirbet Susiya around 6:45 P.M., hurling stones at homes, vandalizing a , and damaging a ; the incident was captured on video by residents and . Such events fit into a pattern of over 1,800 recorded settler violence incidents across the from , 2023, to December 31, 2024, per Al Jazeera's mapping based on UN and NGO data, though Susya-specific cases represent a subset concentrated in agricultural and pastoral disputes. Israeli military presence during some clashes has been criticized by monitors for failing to intervene promptly, potentially exacerbating tensions.

Current Status and Significance

Archaeological Park Management

The archaeological park at Susya, encompassing the ruins of an ancient Jewish village from the Roman-Byzantine periods, is administered by the South Hebron Hills Regional Council, which manages the adjacent . The (IAA) oversees excavations, preservation, and conservation efforts, with systematic digs commencing in 1971 under archaeologists affiliated with the and continuing intermittently through the 1980s and beyond. These efforts have revealed extensive structures, including a fourth-to-eighth century with floors depicting Temple motifs, residential areas, ritual baths, and industrial installations, all preserved to highlight the site's historical continuity as a Jewish settlement. In 1986, following initial excavations, the declared the core area an antiquities site under IAA protection, prohibiting new construction to safeguard artifacts and enabling further archaeological work. Management responsibilities for public access and were transferred to the regional council, which constructed a visitors' and facilitates guided tours emphasizing the site's Jewish heritage, including themed activities and reconstructions of key features like the synagogue's . Restoration projects, supported by government funding, have focused on stabilizing ruins and restoring mosaics, with the site designated a in 2010 to prioritize its preservation and promotion as a key example of ancient Judean life. Access to the park is regulated for security reasons in the context, primarily accommodating Israeli citizens and international tourists via organized visits from the nearby settlement, with entry fees applied and hours typically from 8:00 AM to 4:00 PM during standard seasons. Preservation policies enforce strict controls against looting and unauthorized digging, enforced by IAA patrols, though critics from organizations like Emek Shaveh argue that management prioritizes Jewish historical narratives over broader regional context. Ongoing maintenance includes annual conservation reports submitted to the IAA, ensuring compliance with antiquities laws that date structures predating 1700 CE.

Broader Geopolitical Implications

The establishment of Susya as an in the South Hebron Hills exemplifies the broader Israeli strategy of populating and to secure against potential threats from the east, given the region's elevated terrain overlooking Israel's coastal population centers. This positioning enhances defensive capabilities, as the hills serve as a natural barrier that, if controlled by hostile forces, could facilitate rocket launches or invasions, as demonstrated during past conflicts like the Second when Palestinian militants exploited similar . Israeli proponents argue that settlements like Susya affirm Jewish historical rights in the biblical heartland, countering narratives of the area as solely Palestinian and rooted in continuous Jewish presence evidenced by ancient synagogues and mosaics at the site. Internationally, Susya and analogous outposts are frequently cited as obstacles to a two-state solution, with critics asserting they fragment Palestinian territory in Area C—comprising 60% of the West Bank under the 1995 Oslo Accords—thereby undermining the contiguity required for a viable Palestinian state. The International Court of Justice's July 2024 advisory opinion deemed Israeli settlements illegal under international humanitarian law, viewing them as entrenching occupation and jeopardizing territorial negotiations, though Israel contests this by referencing the lack of prior legitimate sovereignty and security imperatives. Such disputes have prompted measures like U.S. sanctions on violent settlers in 2024 and European travel bans, straining alliances while bolstering domestic support in Israel for retention. Post-October 7, 2023, heightened regional tensions have amplified Susya's role in countering increased Palestinian militancy in the area, with settlement expansion correlating to over 37,000 acres of land seizures and displacement of Palestinian herding communities, altering demographic balances and complicating future withdrawals. This dynamic reinforces Israeli security doctrines prioritizing facts over concessions, potentially shifting geopolitical paradigms toward partial or arrangements rather than partition, amid declining feasibility of the framework.

Jewish Historical Continuity Claims

Archaeological excavations at ancient Susya reveal a Jewish settlement established in the 2nd century BCE during the , which was abandoned following the in the 2nd century CE. The site was resettled in the late 3rd or early 4th century CE, flourishing during the Byzantine era (4th–7th centuries CE) with evidence of a thriving Jewish community, including ritual baths (mikvehs), wine presses, and residential structures. This Jewish presence persisted into the early Islamic period (7th–8th centuries CE) before declining, with the site fully abandoned by the end of the 9th century CE. The most prominent artifact attesting to Jewish religious life is the ancient , excavated in 1971–1972 and dated to the late 3rd or early CE, featuring a unique wide-hall design oriented toward . Its floors depict Temple ritual objects such as the menorah, Holy Ark (Aron Kodesh), and , alongside Hebrew and inscriptions commemorating donors, including one referencing a "Yehuda son of ." Human figures, geometric patterns, and animals adorn the mosaics, reflecting a blend of Jewish artistic traditions uncommon in other regional synagogues. By the CE, the structure was repurposed, with a constructed in its courtyard by the , indicating a shift in population demographics. Proponents of the modern settlement, established in adjacent to the ancient site, invoke this to assert Jewish historical continuity in the region, portraying the community as an indigenous extension of post-Second Temple Jewish life in that endured until the 7th-century Muslim conquest. They argue that the persistence of the Hebrew-derived name "Susya" among local underscores enduring Jewish cultural imprints, countering narratives of Jewish settlement as colonial by framing it as reclamation of ancestral heritage within the historic Jewish heartland. However, the evidence indicates no uninterrupted Jewish habitation after the CE, with the site remaining uninhabited until medieval agrarian reoccupation of indeterminate ethnicity, rendering claims of literal continuity interpretive rather than demographic.

References

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