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Native title in Australia
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Native title is the set of rights, recognised by Australian law, held by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander groups or individuals to land that derive from their maintenance of their traditional laws and customs. These Aboriginal title rights were first recognised as a part of Australian common law with the decision of Mabo v Queensland (No 2) in 1992. The Native Title Act 1993 subsequently set out the processes for determining native title.
The Court's determination of native title recognises that a continued beneficial legal interest in land held by an Indigenous claim group over identified land survived the Crown's acquisition of radical title and sovereignty. Native title can co-exist with non-Aboriginal proprietary rights and in some cases different Aboriginal groups can exercise their native title rights over the same land.
The term native title can refer the title held under traditional law and custom, as well as the common law recognition of that right.[1]
An Aboriginal or Torres Strait Islander group ('claim group') lodges a native title claim over specified land in the Federal Court of Australia. The claim is referred to the National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT) that applies the "registration test" that determines whether a claim progresses. The relevant state or territory becomes a respondent to the claim, and any other interested parties will also join as respondents.
The Court hears applications for, and makes, native title determinations. Often determinations are resolved by consent between the parties. Appeals against these determinations can be made to a full sitting of the Federal Court and then to the High Court of Australia.
The NNTT, established under the Native Title Act 1993, also undertakes future act mediation and arbitral functions.
The Attorney-General's Department advises the Australian Government on legal and legal-policy regarding on native title, and assists the Attorney-General to administer the Native Title Act 1993.
Definitions: Native title/land rights
[edit]According to the Attorney-General's Department:[2]
There are fundamental differences between land rights and native title. Land rights are rights created by the Australian, state or territory governments. Land rights usually consist of a grant of freehold or perpetual lease title to Indigenous Australians. By contrast, native title arises as a result of the recognition, under Australian common law, of pre-existing Indigenous rights and interests according to traditional laws and customs. Native title is not a grant or right created by governments.
For example, the Aboriginal Land Rights Act (Northern Territory) 1976 (see below) covers the granting of land to Aboriginal Land Trusts; setting up Aboriginal land councils; mineral rights; decision-making processes for dealing with land; dealing with income from land use agreements; and negotiations about leases for development on Aboriginal land in the Northern Territory. The Native Title Act 1993 (NTA) gives recognition that "Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people have rights to land, water and sea, including exclusive possession in some cases, but does not provide ownership". It allows for negotiations over land, but does not provide for a veto over development, and nor does it grant land, as the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act (ALRA) does.[3]
Native title definitions
[edit]National Native Title Tribunal definition:[4]
[Native title is] the communal, group or individual rights and interests of Aboriginal people and Torres Strait Islander people in relation to land and waters, possessed under traditional law and custom, by which those people have a connection with an area which is recognised under Australian law (s 223 NTA).
Commonwealth Government's indigenous.gov.au website:[5]
Native title is the recognition in Australian law, under common law and the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth), of Indigenous Australians' rights and interests in land and waters according to their own traditional laws and customs.
Native title has also been described as a "bundle of rights" in land, which may include such rights as camping, performing ceremony, etc. This description was found to be misleading in the 2025 High Court decision of Commonwealth v Yunupingu.[6]
A native title determination relates to specific rights decided on a case-by-case basis.[7]
History
[edit]Pre-Mabo
[edit]1971 – Milirrpum
[edit]Australia's first native title case was not decided until 1971. Emblematic of the problems Aboriginal people had in having their land claims recognised, in 1835, John Batman purported to sign Batman's Treaty with Aboriginal elders in the Port Phillip District. Governor Bourke declared Batman's Treaty was "void and of no effect as against the rights of the Crown" and declared any person on "vacant land of the Crown" without authorization from the Crown to be trespassing.[8] The proclamation was approved by the Colonial Office. The official objection to the Treaty was that Batman had attempted to negotiate directly with the Aboriginal people, whom the British did not recognise as having any claim to any lands in Australia.
In 1971, in Milirrpum v Nabalco Pty Ltd (the "Gove Land Rights Case") in the Supreme Court of the Northern Territory, Justice Richard Blackburn explicitly rejected the concept of native title, ruling against the claimants on a number of issues of law and fact.[9]
1972–1976: Aboriginal Land Rights Act
[edit]In the wake of Milirrpum and the election of the Whitlam government in 1972, the Aboriginal Land Rights Commission (also known as the Woodward Royal Commission) was established in 1973 to inquire into appropriate ways to recognise Aboriginal land rights in the Northern Territory. Prime Minister Gough Whitlam introduced a new policy of Aboriginal self-determination, and initiatives such as the Aboriginal Land Fund and the National Aboriginal Consultative Committee was set up. The latter consisted of elected Aboriginal representatives, who would advise the Minister of Aboriginal Affairs. The Whitlam government introduced legislation later passed by the Fraser government as the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976,[10][11] which established a procedure to transfer almost 50 per cent of land in the Northern Territory (around 600,000 km2) to collective Aboriginal ownership.[12] The Fraser government continued to implement many of the previous government's initiatives, under the description "self-management" rather than self-determination.[10]
1979 – Coe v Commonwealth
[edit]In 1979, Paul Coe, a Wiradjuri man from Cowra, New South Wales, commenced an action in the High Court of Australia arguing that Aboriginal people retained rights to land as an Aboriginal nation or nations existed pre-settlement and continues to exist, and that their land had been taken by conquest rather than by settlement.[13] The court held in Coe v Commonwealth (1979) that no Aboriginal nation holds any kind of sovereignty, distinguishing the US case of Cherokee Nation v Georgia (1831).[14] However, the substantive issue of continuing land rights was not heard due to the lack of precision, vagueness and other serious deficiencies with the statement of claim presented to the court.[15] Justice Gibbs said, at paragraph 21, 'The question what rights the aboriginal people of this country have, or ought to have, in the lands of Australia is one which has become a matter of heated controversy. If there are serious legal questions to be decided as to the existence or nature of such rights, no doubt the sooner they are decided the better, but the resolution of such questions by the courts will not be assisted by imprecise, emotional or intemperate claims. In this, as in any other litigation, the claimants will be best served if their claims are put before the court dispassionately, lucidly and in proper form'.[13]
1981 – Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara Land Rights Act
[edit]The South Australian Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara Land Rights Act 1981[16] was introduced by Premier Don Dunstan in November 1978, several months prior to his resignation from Parliament. An amended bill, following extensive consultation, was passed by the Tonkin Liberal government in March 1981. This legislation gave significant rights well in advance of any other to date in Australia.[17] In 1981, SA Premier Tonkin returned 102,650 square kilometres (39,630 sq mi) of land (10.2% of the state's land area) to the Pitjantjara and Yankunytjatjara people. However, it did not give the people the power of veto over mining activities; any disputes would need to be resolved by an independent arbitrator.[10]
In 1984 Premier John Bannon's Labor government passed legislation to return lands to the Maralinga Tjarutja people. The legislation was proclaimed in January 1985 and was followed by a ceremony in the desert attended by Maralinga Tjarutja leader Archie Barton, John Bannon and Aboriginal Affairs Minister Greg Crafter.[18] This granted rights over 75,000 square kilometres (29,000 sq mi) of land in the Great Victoria Desert, including the land contaminated by the British nuclear weapons testing at Maralinga.[10]
Mabo and the Native Title Act
[edit]1988–1992 – Mabo
[edit]Mabo v Queensland (No 2) (1992) established the foundation for native title in Australia.[19] In 1992 the rejection of native title in Milirrpum v Nabalco was overruled by the High Court in Mabo v Queensland (No 2),[20] which recognised the Meriam people of Murray Island (Mer) in the Torres Strait as native title holders over part of their traditional lands. The Court rejected the notion that all Indigenous rights to land were abolished upon acquisition of sovereignty over Australia. The Court held that native title rights continued to exist, and that these rights existed by virtue of the continuing connection of Indigenous People to land, independent from a grant from the Crown. Native title would continue to exist as long as traditional laws and customs continue to be observed, unless the rights were otherwise extinguished by an incompatible grant by the Crown. Justice Gerard Brennan delivered the lead judgment in this landmark decision, stating:
However, when the tide of history has washed away any real acknowledgment of traditional law and any real observance of traditional customs, the foundation of native title has disappeared.[20] Thus although over some parts of Australia native title has been lost, in large areas of the nation's interior, native title could be recognised.
As Justice Brennan stated in Mabo (No. 2), "native title has its origin and is given its content by the traditional laws acknowledged by and the customs observed by the Aboriginal inhabitants of a territory".[20]
1993 – Native Title Act 1993
[edit]One year after the recognition of the legal concept of native title in Mabo (No 2), the Keating government formalised the recognition by legislation with the enactment by the Australian Parliament of the Native Title Act 1993.[21] The Act attempted to clarify the legal position of landholders and the processes to be followed for native title to be claimed, protected and recognised through the courts. The Act also established the National Native Title Tribunal.
Wik and 1998 amendment
[edit]1996 – Wik
[edit]After the Mabo decision it was uncertain as to whether the granting of pastoral leases would extinguish native title. The Wik Decision in 1996 clarified the uncertainty. The court found that the statutory pastoral leases (which cover some 40% of the Australian land mass) under consideration by the court did not bestow rights of exclusive possession on the leaseholder. As a result, native title rights could co-exist, depending on the terms and nature of the particular pastoral lease. Where there was a conflict of rights, the rights under the pastoral lease would prevail over native title rights.[22]
1998 – Native Title Amendment Act 1998
[edit]The Wik decision led to amendments to the Native Title Act 1993 by the Native Title Amendment Act 1998. This Act contained then Prime Minister John Howard's "10 Point Plan" to counter the effects of the Wik Decision. The amending Act was introduced by the Howard government. The amendments substantially restricted native title by narrowing the right to negotiate and extinguishing native title on most pastoral and mining leases granted before 1994.[23]
Cases after the 1998 amendment
[edit]1998–2002 – Yorta Yorta
[edit]Yorta Yorta v Victoria,[24] dismissed a native title claim by the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal people of north central Victoria, on appeal from a decision of Justice Olney of the Federal Court in 1998.[25] An appeal to the Full Bench of the Federal Court in 2001,[26] had also been dismissed.
The determination by Justice Olney in 1998 ruled that the 'tide of history' had 'washed away' any real acknowledgement of traditional laws and any real observance of traditional customs by the applicants.[25] The 2002 High Court decision adopted strict requirements of continuity of traditional laws and customs for native title claims to succeed.[24]
1998–2003 – Miriuwung Gajerrong
[edit]Ward v Western Australia (1998) addressed an application made on behalf of the Miriuwung and Gajerrong people of the east Kimberly, over land in Western Australia and the Northern Territory. Justice Malcolm Lee of the Federal Court ruled in their favour in recognition of the native title.[27] Western Australia appealed the decision to the Full Court of the Federal Court,[28] then to the High Court.[29]
The High Court held in Western Australia v Ward that native title is a bundle of rights, which may be extinguished one by one, for example, by a mining lease.[29] In this case, the lease did not confer 'exclusive possession', because the claimants could pass over the land and do various things. But some parts of native title rights were extinguished, including the rights to control access and make use of the land.[29]
The claim was remitted to the Full Court of the Federal Court to determine in accordance with the decision of the High Court. The claimants reached an agreement about the claim area and a determination was made in 2003.[30] "Exclusive possession native title was recognised over Lacrosse Island, Kanggurru Island, Aboriginal reserves within the Kununurra townsite, Glen Hill pastoral lease and Hagan Island. Non-exclusive rights were recognised over a number of areas including islands in Lake Argyle."[31]
2001 – Yarmirr
[edit]Yarmirr v Northern Territory (2001),[32] addressed an application made on behalf of a number of clan groups of Aboriginal people to an area of seas and sea-beds surrounding Croker Island in the Northern Territory. It was the first judgment by the High Court of native title over waters. The judge, Olney J, determined that members of the Croker Island community have a native title right to have free access to the sea and sea-bed of the claimed area for a number of purposes. The case established that traditional owners do have native title of the sea and sea-bed; however common law rights of fishing and navigation mean that only non-exclusive native title can exist over the sea.[33] The decision paved the way for other native title applications involving waters to proceed.[34]
2002 & 2004 – Nangkiriny
[edit]Nangkiriny v State of Western Australia (2002 & 2004), in which John Dudu Nangkiriny and others were plaintiffs,[35][36] were cases addressing the claims of the Karajarri people in the Kimberley region, south of Broome. Land rights were recognised over 31,000 square kilometres (12,000 sq mi) of land (half the size of Tasmania) via an ILUA on 5 July 2011.[37]
2004 – Maralinga
[edit]In May 2004, following the passage of special legislation, South Australian Premier Mike Rann handed back title to 21,000 square kilometres of land to the Maralinga Tjarutja and Pila Nguru people. The land, 1,000 kilometres (620 mi) north-west of Adelaide and abutting the Western Australia border, was then called the Unnamed Conservation Park. It is now known as Mamungari Conservation Park. It includes the Serpentine Lakes, and was the largest land return since 1984. At the 2004 ceremony Rann said the return of the land fulfilled a promise he made to Archie Barton in 1991 when he was Aboriginal Affairs Minister, after he passed legislation to return lands including the sacred Ooldea area (which also included the site of Daisy Bates' mission camp) to the Maralinga Tjarutja people.[38] The Maralinga Tjarutja lands now total 102,863 square kilometres.
2005 – Wotjobaluk, Jaadwa, Jadawadjali, Wergaia and Jupagalk
[edit]The Aboriginal peoples of the Wimmera region of Western Victoria won recognition of their native title on 13 December 2005 after a ten-year legal process commenced in 1995 when they filed an application for a determination of native title in respect of certain land and waters in Western Victoria. It was the first successful native title claim in south-eastern Australia and in Victoria, determined by Justice Ron Merkel involving Wotjobaluk, Jaadwa, Jadawadjali, Wergaia and Jupagalk people.[39][40] In his reasons for judgment Justice Merkel explained the significance of his orders:
- "The orders I propose to make are of special significance as they constitute the first recognition and protection of native title resulting in the ongoing enjoyment of native title in the State of Victoria and, it would appear, on the South-Eastern seaboard of Australia. These are areas in which the Aboriginal peoples suffered severe and extensive dispossession, degradation and devastation as a consequence of the establishment of British sovereignty over their lands and waters during the 19th century."[40]
2005 – Noongar
[edit]In 2005 the Federal Court brought down a judgment recognising the native title of the Noongar people over the Perth metropolitan area.[41] Justice Wilcox found that native title continues to exist within an area in and around Perth. It was the first judgment recognising native title over a capital city and its surroundings. The claim area itself is part of a much larger area included in the "Single Noongar Claim", covering the south-western corner of Western Australia. An appeal was subsequently lodged and in 2008 the Full Court of the Federal Court upheld parts of the appeal by the Western Australian and Commonwealth governments against Justice Wilcox's judgment.[42]
2008 – Blue Mud Bay sea rights
[edit]The 2008 decision by the High Court decided the Blue Mud Bay sea rights case, establishing a precedent for sea rights over an intertidal zone for the first time. The Yolngu people of Baniyala were involved in this case, which involved Blue Mud Bay in East Arnhem Land.[43][44][45]
2007 & 2009 amendments
[edit]In 2007 the Howard government passed the Native Title Amendment Act 2007,[46] and the Native Title Amendment (Technical Amendments) Act 2007,[47] a package of coordinated measures and technical amendments to improve the performance of the native title system.[48][49] These are aimed at making the native title process more efficient and to speed up the determination of whether native title exists on the 580 claims that had been registered but not yet determined.
The Native Title Act 1993 was further amended by the Rudd government by the Native Title Amendment Act 2009.[50][51] It allows the Federal Court to determine who may mediate a claim, whether that be the court itself, the Native Title Tribunal, or otherwise.[52]
Further significant determinations
[edit]2008–2019 – Timber Creek
[edit]Northern Territory v Mr Griffiths and Lorraine Jones was a 2018 High Court of Australia case, ruled in 2019, regarding land around Timber Creek, Northern Territory, involving a compensation claim by Ngaliwurru and Nungali lands surrounding Timber Creek. It related to various earlier cases since 1997. Described as "the most significant [case]… since Mabo", the High Court ruled for the first time on compensation for the extinguishment of native title in Australia.[53] It is considered a "landmark" native title case,[54] because the clauses contained within the Native Title Act 1993 pertaining to the determination of compensation payable due to the extinguishment of native title had never been heard before in the High Court.[55]
2020 – Yamatji
[edit]Yamatji Marlpa Aboriginal Corporation was involved in a large native title claim from 1996, based on the Native Title Act 1993, resulting in an historic determination in February 2020, involving both native title and an ILUA, covering an area of 48,000 square kilometres (19,000 sq mi) in Western Australia.[56]
2020 – Gurindji, Wave Hill Station
[edit]A claim was lodged in 2016 by the Central Land Council on behalf of the Gurindji peoples in the area, as there were mining interests in area covered by Wave Hill Station's pastoral lease.[57] On 8 September 2020, the Federal Court of Australia recognised the native title rights of the Gurindji people to 5,000 square kilometres (1,900 sq mi) of the Wave Hill Station, allowing them to receive royalties as compensation from resource companies who explore the area. Justice Richard White said that the determination recognised Indigenous involvement (Jamangku, Japuwuny, Parlakuna-Parkinykarni and Yilyilyimawu peoples) with the land "at least since European settlement and probably for millennia".[57][58] The court sitting took place nearly 800 kilometres (500 mi) south of Darwin, and descendants of Vincent Lingiari and others involved in the Wave Hill walk-off celebrated the determination.[57] The owners will participate in the mining negotiations and exploration work, from which royalties may flow in the future, but just as important is the right to hunt, gather, teach and perform cultural activities and ceremonies, and allow the young people to connect with their land.[57]
2023 – Eastern Maar
[edit]In March 2023, 8578.35 kilometres along the coast of the Grey River in Victoria. The case was the first Native Title case heard in the state of Victoria for 10 years. At the Federal Court at Warnambool designated the land as native title rights.[59]
2025 – Gove Peninsula
[edit]In 2019, Galarrwuy Yunupingu brought a native title claim against the Australian Government on behalf of the Gumatj peoples of the Northern Territory.[60] He sought financial compensation over the acquisition of land on the Gove Peninsula, which was obtained by the government without the consent of the traditional owners, which were transmuted into bauxite mines. The Federal Court of Australia ruled in favour of the Gumatj people in 2023, finding that their land was not acquired "on just terms" before being leased to mining consortium Nabalco in 1968.[61] This was upheld on appeal by the High Court of Australia in March 2025.[62][63] The decision potentially makes the Commonwealth liable to claims of compensation for decisions made which extinguished native title claims for territories under its administration.[64][65][66]
Native title rights and interests
[edit]Native title concerns the interaction of two systems of law:[67][68]
- The traditional laws and customs that regulated the lives of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders prior to the colonisation of Australia by the British ("Aboriginal customary law").
- The English-derived legal system, which was brought to Australia with colonisation, which includes the common law and enacted laws ("Australian law"). As Australia was (and remains)[69] designated as a "settled" colony, the laws of England were imported with any local laws not recognised (as they would be in "conquered" or "ceded" colonies).
Native title is the term adopted in Australian law to describe the rights to land and waters possessed by Indigenous Australians under their customary laws that are recognised by the Australian legal system. Native title is able to be possessed by a community or individual depending on the content of the traditional laws and customs; it is inalienable other than by surrender to the Crown; and rights over the land may range from access and usage rights to rights of exclusive possession. Native title rights and interests are based on laws and customs that pre-date the British acquisition of sovereignty; they are distinct from the rights granted by government such as statutory land rights of the kind found in the Land Rights Act. Native title rights and interests may exist over land and waters to the extent that they are consistent with other rights established over the land by law or executive action.[12]
According to the National Native Title Tribunal (2013): "The native title rights and interests held by particular Aboriginal people will depend on both their traditional laws and customs and what interests are held by others in the area concerned. Generally speaking, native title must give way to the rights held by others. The capacity of Australian law to recognise the rights and interests held under traditional law and custom will also be a factor... The source of native title is the system of traditional laws and customs of the native title holders themselves." Native title rights and interests may include the right to live in an area or to access it for traditional purposes; to visit and protect sacred sites; to hunt, fish or gather resources; or to teach law and custom. Exclusive possession can only be recognised over certain parts of Australia, such as vacant Crown land, or areas already held by Indigenous Australians.[70]
A 2015 review of the Native Title Act by the Australian Law Reform Commission reported that "Courts have indicated that native title is not to be understood in terms equivalent to common law property interests, but they often still tend to draw on these concepts... The prevailing view of the nature and content of native title is hybrid, drawing on traditional laws and customs for content, but also at times idiosyncratically adopting common law terms to describe the nature or character of the rights". It is a complex area of law.[71] The Act continues to be reviewed and amended.[72]
Native title determinations
[edit]The National Native Title Register (NNTR), maintained by the NNTT, is a register of approved native title determinations. A determination can be that native title does or does not exist. As part of the determination of native title, native title groups are required to nominate a Native Title Prescribed Body Corporate to hold (as trustee) or manage (as agent) their native title. Following a determination, Prescribed Bodies Corporate are entered onto the NNTR. At this point, the corporation becomes a Registered Native Title Body Corporate (RNTBC).[73]
On 1 July 2011, the 160 registered determinations of native title covered some 1,228,373 km2 (474,277 sq mi) (approximately 16 per cent) of the land mass of Australia; and registered Indigenous land use agreements (ILUAs) covered about 1,234,129 km2 (476,500 sq mi) (about 16 per cent) of the land mass, as well as about 5,435 km2 (2,098 sq mi) of sea.[74]
Mediation
[edit]Native title in Australia frequently involves mediation between native title parties and other groups with an interest in native title, such as the Australian Government, state and territory governments, miners and pastoralists.[12] Amendments to the NTA made in 2012 meant that the NNTT would henceforth only conduct native title claim mediation by referral from the Federal Court, which may also order mediation by other agencies or persons.[75] The purpose of mediation is to assist parties to clarify the issues in dispute, to explore options for settlement and to reach agreement.[76] Mediation is a structured process, with the intention of a mutually agreed outcome rather than having a decision imposed by a judge.[77]
Alternative agreements
[edit]Alternative settlements (also termed "broader settlements"[78]) may be negotiated out of court, often being resolved more quickly and efficiently than via the court process under the Native Title Act. They can give traditional owner group recognition in areas where native title rights have been extinguished, or where it is difficult for a group to prove that it persists. Such agreements are resolved through negotiation, and recognition of traditional ownership and various other land rights in land may be achieved without an actual native title determination. Examples of such arrangements are the Indigenous land use agreement or, in Victoria, a settlement under the Traditional Owner Settlement Act 2010 (TOSA).[79]
Alternative settlements agreements can be made alongside the Native Title Act, but usually the traditional owners are required to withdraw any existing native title claims. Such settlements can include any matters agreed to by all parties, which may included recognition of traditional owner rights, grants of freehold for specified purposes, or the right to be consulted and participate in natural resource management.[79]
Types
[edit]ILUAs
[edit]An Indigenous land use agreement (ILUA) is a voluntary agreement between a native title group and others about the use of land and waters,[80] provided for under the Act. They must be about native title matters, but can include other matters.[81] They enable people to negotiate flexible and pragmatic agreements to suit their particular circumstances.[80]
An ILUA may exist over areas where native title has, or has not yet, been determined; may be entered into regardless of whether there is a native title claim over the area or not; and may be part of a native title determination, or settled separately from a native title claim.[80] An ILUA is binding between a native title group or Registered Native Title Body Corporate/s (RNTBC) and other parties, and bind all persons holding native title in the area of the ILUA, regardless of whether they are parties or not.[81]
ILUAs are an alternative to making an application for native title determination, generally processed within less than six months, and may deal with a wide range of issues, including such topics as:[81][80]
- native title holders agreeing to a future development;
- how native title rights coexist with the rights of other people;
- access to an area;
- protection of sacred sites
- extinguishment of native title;
- compensation;
- employment and economic opportunities for native title groups;
- cultural heritage; and
- mining.
There are three types of ILUAs: Body Corporate Agreements, Area Agreements and Alternative Procedure Agreements.[81]
TOSA settlements (Vic.)
[edit]The Traditional Owner Settlement Act 2010 (TOSA) "provides for an out-of-court settlement of native title. The Act allows the Victorian Government to recognise traditional owners and certain rights in Crown land. In return for entering into a settlement, traditional owners must agree to withdraw any native title claim, pursuant to the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) and not to make any future native title claims".[82]
Traditional owner
[edit]Alternative agreements require that the claimants demonstrate that they are the "traditional owners" (or "traditional custodians") of the country in question. However, this term has sometimes proved problematic in law: it is not mentioned in the NTA, but Indigenous Land Use Agreements (see below), which are provided for under the Act, require that the Indigenous group or groups party to the agreement assert "traditional ownership" of the area.[83][78]
The definition of the term "traditional owner" varies among jurisdictions. According to the Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1976, the term refers to "a local descent group of Aboriginals who: (a) have common spiritual affiliations to a site on the land, being affiliations that place the group under a primary spiritual responsibility for that site and for the land; and (b) are entitled by Aboriginal tradition to forage as of right over that land".[5] A similar definition was incorporated in the Environment Protection and Biodiversity Conservation Act 1999 (EPBC), but legislation differed in various states, such as the South Australian legislation referring to an "Aboriginal person who has, in accordance with Aboriginal tradition, social, economic and spiritual affiliations with, and responsibilities for, the lands or any part of them".[78]
A further complexity is introduced in a form of ranking of rights, for example in New South Wales, a traditional owner must be both born in the country and have a cultural association with the land. Peter Sutton distinguishes between "core" and "contingent" rights, which he says are recognised among most Aboriginal peoples. So there are sometimes challenges in finding "the right people for the right country", complicated by the fact that there are cases where both primary and secondary rights holders are described by the term. Distinguishing between "historical people" and others who have been custodians of the land for many generations add to the complexity. In the case of some agreements, historical people may be recognised as parties even when they don't have "traditional" associations with the land.[78]
The term Traditional Owner Corporation (TOC) is used to refer to various types of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander corporations. Such a corporation is usually the negotiating body when determining native title outcomes.[79] (A TOC is distinct from the Registered Native Title Body Corporate (RNTBC), which manages the land after a native title determination has been made.[84][4])
In Victoria, a "traditional owner group" is defined in the Traditional Owner Settlement Act 2010 to include those people recognised by the Attorney-General as traditional owners, based on their traditional and cultural associations with the land, and there are government guidelines detailing what these terms mean. They state that traditional "Denotes linkages with the past that are actively kept alive by the traditional owner group members. It is not restricted to features or activities understood to be fully continuous with, and identical to, such activities or features in pre-contact Aboriginal society".[85]
Apart from the legal definitions, the terms traditional owners or traditional custodians of the land are included in Acknowledgment of Country wording which is used to pay respects to the people of that Country.[86][87]
Examples of alternative settlements
[edit]- South West Native Title Settlement for Noongar people in Western Australia aims to resolve native title claims in exchange for statutory recognition of the Noongar people as the traditional owners of south-Western Australia.[79] As of 2020[update] it is the largest native title settlement in Australian history, affecting about 30,000 Noongar people and encompassing around 200,000 km2 (77,000 sq mi) in south-western Western Australia. It has been described as "Australia's first treaty".[88]
- An Indigenous Land Use Agreement (ILUA) was agreed with the Kaurna Yerta Aboriginal Corporation (KYAC) in Adelaide, South Australia and effected on 19 November 2018.[89]
By state and territory
[edit]ACT
[edit]No native title claim has ever been determined in the ACT, because of the lack of historical records enabling such a determination to be made.[90]
South Australia
[edit]An Indigenous Land Use Agreement (ILUA) was agreed with the Kaurna Yerta Aboriginal Corporation (KYAC) and effected on 19 November 2018.[89] The agreement was among the South Australian government, the federal government and the Kaurna people, with formal recognition coming after the Federal Court judgment, 18 years after lodgement. This was the first claim for a first land use agreement to be agreed to in any Australian capital city. The rights cover Adelaide's whole metropolitan area and includes "17 parcels of undeveloped land not under freehold". Some of the land is Crown land, some belongs to the state government and some is private land owned by corporations. Justice Debra Mortimer said it would be "the first time in Australia that there [had] been a positive outcome within the area of (native title) determination".[91][92]
Victoria
[edit]As of 2020[update], four native title claims have been determined in Victoria; three of them resulted in the recognition of native title by agreement via a consent determination in the Federal Court. In Yorta Yorta v Victoria (see above) in 2003, native title was determined not to exist by the Federal Court. The native title determinations are:[93]
- Wotjobaluk, Jaadwa, Jadawadjali, Wergaia and Yupagalk Peoples (known as the "Wimmera claim - see above) (2005)
- Gunditjmara People (2007)
- Gunaikurnai People (October 2010)
Although the Yorta Yorta people's claim did not meet the legal standard for native title under the Act, in 2004 the Victorian Government entered into a Cooperative Management Agreement with the Yorta Yorta Nation Aboriginal Corporation, which was the first Victorian agreement reached outside the native title process, and applies to designated areas of Crown land in north central Victoria, with direct engagement between Yorta Yorta, Parks Victoria and the Department of Environment, Land, Water and Planning (DELWP). In October 2010, the State entered into a Traditional Owner Land Management Agreement with the Yorta Yorta, which established the Yorta Yorta Traditional Owner Land Management Board to jointly manage Barmah National Park (a TOSA settlement, under the Traditional Owner Settlement Act 2010[94]).
Western Australia
[edit]An alternative settlement, the South West Native Title Settlement for Noongar people in Western Australia, aims to resolve native title claims in exchange for statutory recognition of the Noongar people as the traditional owners of south-Western Australia.[79] As of 2020[update] it is the largest native title settlement in Australian history, affecting about 30,000 Noongar people and encompassing around 200,000 km2 (77,000 sq mi) in south-western Western Australia. It has been described as "Australia's first treaty".[88]
The Noongar (Koorah, Nitja, Boordahwan) (Past, Present, Future) Recognition Act 2016 recognises Noongar ownership, and the settlement includes six individual Indigenous Land Use Agreements (ILUAs).[88] On 19 December 2019, the Federal Court upheld the Native Title Registrar’s decision to register the six ILUAs, and settlement is expected to begin in the second half of 2020.[95]
National Native Title Council
[edit]The National Native Title Council (NNTC) is a not-for-profit organisation whose website states that it is the "peak body for the native title sector". Its members include regional Native Title Representative Bodies (NTRBs), Native Title Service Providers (NTSPs), local Prescribed Body Corporates (PBCs) and Traditional Owner Corporations (TOCs).[96]
As of 2025[update], Jamie Lowe is CEO of the council. He is also inaugural co-chair of the board of the Mabo Centre, established in Perth in March 2025.[97][98]
Human rights reports
[edit]Under the Native Title Act 1993, the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Justice Commissioner was required to prepare an annual report to the Attorney-General on the operation of the NTA and its effect on the exercise and enjoyment of human rights of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, and to report on other matters as and when requested by the Attorney-General.[99]
The objectives of the Commissioner were to provide and promote a human rights perspective on native title; to assist in developing more efficient native title processes; and to advocate for the co-existence between Indigenous and non-Indigenous interests in land based on compatible land use.[99] All of the reports from 1994 to 2016 have been published online.[100] Changes brought about by the Human Rights Legislation Amendment Act 2017 removed the statutory obligation for an annual Social Justice and Native Title Report such as those produced up to and including 2016.[101]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ "Commonwealth v Yunupingu [2025] HCA 6". High Court of Australia Judgments. Retrieved 20 June 2025.
- ^ "Native title". Attorney-General's Department. Commonwealth of Australia. 2019. Retrieved 21 July 2020.
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- ^ "Our governing laws". Northern Land Council. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
- ^ a b "Glossary". National Native Title Tribunal. Commonwealth of Australia. 2017. Retrieved 21 July 2020.
Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) licence (as per this page).
- ^ a b "Curricula Project Glossary". indigenous.gov.au. Australian Government. Retrieved 30 July 2020.
- ^ "Commonwealth v Yunupingu [2025] HCA 6".
- ^ "Native title, rights and interests". PBC. 1 January 1994. Retrieved 30 July 2020.
- ^ National Archives of Australia, Governor Bourke's Proclamation 1835 (UK) Archived 25 July 2008 at the Wayback Machine Accessed 3 November 2008
- ^ Milirrpum v Nabalco Pty Ltd (1971) 17 FLR 141 (27 April 1971) Supreme Court (NT).
- ^ a b c d Brock, Peggy; Gara, Tom (2017). "3. From segregation to self-determination in the twentieth century". In Brock, Peggy; Gara, Tom (eds.). Colonialism and its Aftermath: A history of Aboriginal South Australia. Wakefield Press. p. 57. ISBN 9781743054994. Archived from the original on 21 October 2022. Retrieved 21 June 2019.
- ^ Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (Cth).
- ^ a b c "Aboriginal land rights and native title". Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade (Australia). Archived from the original on 26 January 2012. Retrieved 30 January 2012.
- ^ a b Coe v Commonwealth [1979] HCA 68, (1979) 24 ALR 118; (1979) 53 ALJR 403 (5 April 1979), High Court (Australia).
- ^ Coe v Commonwealth [1979] HCA 68 at [12], (1979) 53 ALJR 403, High Court (Australia)
- ^ Kelly, G M, Constitutional Confusion in the Cocos Islands: The Strange Deliverance of Lim Keng (1982-1983) 13(3) Federal Law Review 229.
- ^ Anangu Pitjantjatjara Yankunytjatjara Land Rights Act 1981 (SA).
- ^ "Pitjantjatjara Land Rights Act 1981 (SA)". Documenting a Democracy. Archived from the original on 11 July 2007. Retrieved 21 June 2019.
- ^ Sydney Morning Herald, 3 Dec 2008, "Hero of the Maralinga People"
- ^ Russel, Peter (2005). Recognizing Aboriginal title: the Mabo case and Aboriginal resistance to English-settler colonialism. University of Toronto Press.
- ^ a b c Mabo v Queensland (No 2) [1992] HCA 23, (1992) 175 CLR 1 (3 June 1992), High Court.
- ^ Native Title Act (Cth).
- ^ Wik Peoples v The State of Queensland [1996] HCA 40, (1996) 187 CLR 1 (23 December 1996), High Court.
- ^ Bartlett, Richard (1 December 2019). Native Title in Australia (4 ed.). Australia: LexisNexis Butterworths. pp. 56–57. ISBN 9780409350920.
- ^ a b Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [2002] HCA 58, (2002) 214 CLR 422 "Judgment Summary" (PDF). High Court. 12 December 2002.
- ^ a b Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria [1998] FCA 1606 (18 December 1998), Federal Court.
- ^ Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v State of Victoria [2001] FCA 45 (8 February 2001), Federal Court (Full Court).
- ^ Ward v Western Australia [1998] FCA 1478 (24 November 1998), Federal Court.
- ^ Western Australia v Ward [2000] FCA 191 (3 March 2000), Federal Court (Full Court).
- ^ a b c Western Australia v Ward [2002] HCA 28, (2002) 213 CLR 1 (8 August 2002), High Court
- ^ Attorney-General of the Northern Territory v Ward [2003] FCAFC 283 (9 December 2003), Federal Court (Full Court).
- ^ "Land, Approvals and Native Title Unit - Key Legal Events". dpc.wa.gov.au. Retrieved 20 June 2017.[permanent dead link]
- ^ Commonwealth v Yarmirr [2001] HCA 56, (2001) 208 CLR 1 (11 October 2001), High Court
- ^ Yarmirr v Northern Territory [No 2] [1998] FCA 771, (1998) 82 FCR 533, Federal Court.
- ^ National Native Title Tribunal, Talking Native Title, Issue 1, National Native Title Tribunal, December 2001.
- ^ "Nangkiriny v State of Western Australia [2002] FCA 660 (12 February 2002)". Agreements, Treaties and Negotiated Settlements. Retrieved 23 August 2023.
- ^ "Nangkiriny v State of Western Australia [2004] FCA 1156 (8 September 2004)". Agreements, Treaties and Negotiated Settlements. Retrieved 23 August 2023.
- ^ Bourova, Evgenia; Dias, Nuwan (5 July 2011). "Bidyadanga Initial Works Indigenous Land Use Agreement (ILUA)". ATNS (28 October 2011 ed.). Retrieved 8 December 2019.
- ^ The Age 25 August 2004, "Maralinga Handover Prompts Celebration"
- ^ Fergus Shiel, Past gives us strength, Aborigines say, The Age, 14 December 2005. Accessed 10 September 2011
- ^ a b Clarke on behalf of the Wotjobaluk, Jaadwa, Jadawadjali, Wergaia and Jupagulk Peoples v Victoria [2005] FCA 1795 (13 December 2005), Federal Court.
- ^ Bennell v State of Western Australia [2006] FCA 1243, Federal Court.
- ^ Bodney v Bennell [2008] FCAFC 63 (23 April 2000), Federal Court (Full Court).
- ^ "Baniyala". East Arnhem Land. Retrieved 6 February 2021.
- ^ Northern Territory of Australia v Arnhem Land Aboriginal Land Trust [2008] HCA 29 (30 July 2008), High Court
- ^ "The High Court's decision in the Blue Mud Bay case: a summary" (PDF). Northern Territory Government. 11 February 2009.
- ^ Native Title Amendment Act 2007 (Cth).
- ^ Native Title Amendment(Technical Amendments) Act 2007 (Cth).
- ^ Frith, Angus (November 2008). "The 2007 Amendments to the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth): Technical Amendments or Disturbing the Balance of Rights?" (PDF).
- ^ Clayton Utz – Amendments to the Native Title Act 1993 – some improvements for the energy and resources sector
- ^ Native Title Amendment Act 2009 (Cth).
- ^ "Native Title Amendment Act 2009 – Information sheet". Department of Social Security.
- ^ Australian Local Government Association. Native Title Amendment Act 2009 Information Sheet (PDF).
- ^ Hobbs, Harry (4 November 2022). "The Timber Creek Decision". ANTAR. Retrieved 12 February 2024. PDF
- ^ National Indigenous Television (19 March 2019). "What Next After 'Most Significant' Native Title Decision Since Mabo". Retrieved 11 May 2019.
- ^ James, Felicity (5 September 2018). "Timber Creek Native Title Compensation Claim Brings High Court to NT for First Time". ABC News. Retrieved 26 April 2019.
- ^ Meachim, Laura (7 February 2020). "'It is your land': Traditional owners granted native title and funding deal in Australian first". ABC News. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 8 February 2020.
- ^ a b c d Wellington, Shahni (9 September 2020). "Native Title rights recognised over famous Wave Hill Station". NITV. Special Broadcasting Service. Retrieved 10 September 2020.
- ^ Bardon, Jane (9 September 2020). "Wave Hill walk-off veterans recognised in 'particularly special' native title determination". ABC News. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 10 September 2020.
- ^ Latimore, Jack (28 March 2023). "First native title ruling in decade returns Victorian land to traditional owners". The Age. The Age. Retrieved 28 March 2023.
- ^ Pelly, Michael (4 February 2024). "A fight over a bauxite mine may launch a new era for land rights". The Australian Financial Review. Archived from the original on 3 March 2025. Retrieved 12 March 2025.
- ^ Yunupingu v Commonwealth [2023] FCAFC 75 (22 May 2023), Federal Court (Full Court) (Australia)
- ^ Commonwealth v Yunupingu [2025] HCA 6 (12 March 2025), High Court (Australia)
- ^ "Indigenous leaders celebrate as court rejects appeal in landmark Yunupingu compensation case". The Guardian. 12 March 2025. Retrieved 12 March 2025.
- ^ Shanahan, Maxim (12 March 2025). "High Court expands native title rights in historic ruling". The Australian Financial Review. Archived from the original on 12 March 2025. Retrieved 12 March 2025.
- ^ Chrysanthos, Natassia (12 March 2025). "Landmark High Court case paves the way for $700 million native title claim". The Age. Archived from the original on 12 March 2025. Retrieved 12 March 2025.
- ^ Taylor, Paige (12 March 2025). "'Hugely significant' High Court ruling finds native title is property in Galarrwuy Yunupingu case". The Australian. Retrieved 12 March 2025.
- ^ Australian Law Reform Commission (28 May 2015). "Native title in its historical context". Connection to Country: Review of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth): Final report. ALRC Report 126. ISBN 978-0-9924069-8-1. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
- ^ "Connection to Country: Review of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) (ALRC Report 126)". ALRC. 4 June 2015. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
- ^ [1992] HCA 23 at 42–3
- ^ "Exactly what is native title? – What is native title?". National Native Title Tribunal. 19 December 2007. Archived from the original on 12 May 2014. Retrieved 28 January 2011.
- ^ Australian Law Reform Commission (28 May 2015). "The nature and content of native title rights and interests". Connection to Country: Review of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth): Final report. ALRC Report 126. ISBN 978-0-9924069-8-1. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
- ^ "Native Title Act 1993". Federal Register of Legislation. Australian Government. Retrieved 5 December 2021.
- ^ "Native Title Corporations: Prescribed Bodies Corporate". Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders Studies. Retrieved 28 January 2011.
- ^ National Native Title Tribunal. "Annual Report 2010-2011: President's Overview". Archived from the original on 24 March 2012. Retrieved 7 February 2012.
- ^ "Native Title". List of Mediators. 17 May 2019. Retrieved 30 July 2020.
- ^ "Mediation of claims". National Native Title Tribunal. 7 October 2010. Retrieved 30 July 2020. Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) licence (as per this page).
- ^ "Mediation". Federal Court of Australia. 17 May 2019. Retrieved 30 July 2020.
- ^ a b c d Edelman, David (3 June 2009). "Broader native title settlements and the meaning of the term 'traditional owners': AIATSIS Native Title Conference, Melbourne, 4 June 2009" (PDF). Retrieved 30 July 2020.
- ^ a b c d e Cawthorn, Michael (22 November 2017). "Traditional Owner Corporations". PBC. Archived from the original on 17 July 2020. Retrieved 30 July 2020.
- ^ a b c d "About Indigenous Land Use Agreements (ILUAs)". National Native Title Tribunal. Commonwealth of Australia. 2017. Retrieved 22 July 2020.
Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) licence (as per this page).
- ^ a b c d "About Indigenous Land Use Agreements (ILUAs): [Fact sheet]" (PDF). National Native Title Tribunal. Commonwealth of Australia. 2017. Retrieved 22 July 2020.
Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) licence (as per this page).
- ^ "Traditional Owner Settlement Act". Victoria State Government. Justice and Community Safety. 15 May 2020. Retrieved 30 July 2020.
Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) licence.
- ^ "Broader native title settlements and the meaning of the term 'traditional owners'". Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. 3 February 2016. Retrieved 9 December 2022.
- ^ "Prescribed Bodies Corporate". Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. 2 December 2014. Archived from the original on 22 July 2020. Retrieved 22 July 2020.
- ^ "The meaning of 'traditional'". ALRC. 19 March 2014. Retrieved 30 July 2020.
Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Attribution 3.0 Australia (CC BY 3.0 AU) licence.
- ^ "MTWW Protocols and Procedures Working in Partnership with Aboriginal Communities". Women's Health Goulburn North East Women’s Health Promotion Victoria. Retrieved 30 July 2020.
- ^ Example, ServiceNSW: "We acknowledge the Traditional Custodians of NSW, and their continued connection to land, water and culture. We pay our respects to Elders past, present and emerging."
- ^ a b c "Settlement Agreement". South West Aboriginal Land and Sea Council. Archived from the original on 16 October 2016. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
- ^ a b "Native Title Determination Details: SCD2018/001 - Kaurna Peoples Native Title Claim". National Native Title Tribunal. 19 November 2018. Retrieved 28 April 2020.[permanent dead link] Kaurna People Native Title Settlement ILUA
- ^ Evans, Jake (21 June 2020). "Doma development to be built over possible Aboriginal men's business site in Canberra". ABC News. Australian Broadcasting Corporation. Retrieved 25 June 2020.
- ^ Richards, Stephanie (21 March 2018). ""Our ancestors will be smiling": Kaurna people gain native title rights". InDaily. Retrieved 16 May 2020.
- ^ "Kaurna Yerta is a step closer to finding a home in Tarntanya Adelaide". CityMag. 7 February 2020. Retrieved 16 May 2020.
- ^ "Native Title". Victoria Government. Dept of Environment, Land, Water and Planning (DELWP) Forests and Reserves. State of Victoria (Department of Environment, Land, Water and Planning). 12 June 2019. Retrieved 1 August 2020.
Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) licence. (Stated here.)
- ^ "Agreements with Traditional Owners". Victoria Government. Dept of Environment, Land, Water and Planning (DELWP) Forests and Reserves. State of Victoria (Department of Environment, Land, Water and Planning). 12 June 2019. Retrieved 1 August 2020.
Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) licence. (Stated here.)
- ^ "South West Native Title Settlement timeline". Western Australian Government. Dept of Premier and Cabinet. 20 April 2020. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
- ^ "Home". National Native Title Council. 21 April 2020. Retrieved 24 August 2020.
- ^ "Mabo Centre advances new era of Native Title and First Nations leadership". Newsroom. 6 March 2025. Retrieved 27 July 2025.
- ^ "Our Story". Mabo Centre. 19 February 2025. Retrieved 27 July 2025.
- ^ a b "Native Title". Australian Human Rights Commission. 27 November 2015. Retrieved 4 August 2020.
Text was copied from this source, which is available under a Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) licence. (Statement here.)
- ^ "Native Title Reports". Australian Human Rights Commission. 29 November 2015. Retrieved 4 August 2020.
- ^ "Social Justice and Native Title Reports". Australian Human Rights Commission. 1 August 2019. Retrieved 4 August 2020.
Further reading
[edit]- "AATL: Historical land right legislations Flashcards". Quizlet. 11 October 2012. – Summary of points in the land rights movement and native title for a Yr 11 course.
- Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. Native Title Research Unit (June 2000). A guide to Australian legislation relevant to native title: Volume One (NSW, VIC, QLD, SA). Aboriginal Studies Press. ISBN 0-85575-361-7. PDF
- Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies. Native Title Research Unit (June 2000). A guide to Australian legislation relevant to native title: Volume Two (WA, Tas., ACT, NT and Commonwealth). Aboriginal Studies Press. ISBN 0-85575-361-7. PDF
- Berg, Shaun, ed. (2010). Coming to terms : Aboriginal title in South Australia. Wakefield Press. ISBN 9781862548671.
- Ganesharajah, Cynthia (April 2009). Indigenous Health and Wellbeing: The Importance of Country (PDF). Native Title Research Report: Report No. 1/2009. AIATSIS. Native Title Research Unit. ISBN 9780855756697. AIATSIS summary Archived 4 May 2020 at the Wayback Machine
- Gardiner-Garden, John (12 October 1993). "The Mabo debate: a chronology". ParlInfo.
- Glaskin, Katie (2007). "Chapter Ten: Outstation Incorporation as Precursor to a Prescribed Body Corporate 1". In Weiner, James F.; Glaskin, Katie (eds.). Customary Land Tenure and Registration in Australia and Papua New Guinea: Anthropological Perspectives. Asia-Pacific Environment Monographs. ANU E Press. p. 199. ISBN 978-1-921313-27-1. Text
- "Mabo and Native Title". Australians Together.
- "Native title and the claim process: an overview" (PDF). National Native Title Tribunal.
- "Native Title Infobase". Federal Court of Australia. 28 October 2012. The Native Title Infobase includes selected material commencing from 1839 to the present day - online catalogue only
- "Native Title Reports". Australian Human Rights Commission. 29 November 2015. (1994– )
- Native title research and resources Archived 2 April 2015 at the Wayback Machine at Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies (AIATSIS)
- "Native Title National Practice Area (NPA)". Federal Court of Australia. 17 May 2019. – includes all applications relating to native title and Indigenous Land Use Agreements.
- Van Krieken, Robert (1 July 2000), From Milirrpum to Mabo: The High Court, Terra Nullius and Moral Entrepreneurship (2000) 23 UNSW Law Journal 63.
- Walker v State of South Australia (No 2) [2013] FCA 93 (17 January 2019) His Honour quotes Kirby in Fejo, who dismissed an argument that the Letters Patent Proviso provides any protection for the rights of Aboriginal people to the occupation or enjoyment of their lands. – refers to Fejo v Northern Territory (1998) 195 CLR 96. (This case is based on s 61 Native Title Act 1993 (Cth).)
External links
[edit]- "Native Title Act 1993". Federal Register of Legislation. 18 January 2019. (Latest version as of July 2020)
- "Search Register of Native Title Claims". National Native Title Tribunal.
- "Native title". Government of Australia. Attorney-General's Department. 8 March 2020.
Native title in Australia
View on GrokipediaConceptual and Legal Foundations
Definition and Scope of Native Title
Native title refers to the communal, group, or individual rights and interests of Aboriginal peoples or Torres Strait Islanders in relation to land or waters, possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and traditional customs observed by those peoples, with a connection to the land or waters maintained by those laws and customs, and recognised by the common law of Australia.[6] This definition, codified in section 223 of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth), derives from the common law recognition of pre-existing Indigenous rights surviving the acquisition of sovereignty, rather than creating new rights.[7] The rights are inherently traditional, requiring evidence of continuity from pre-sovereignty times, and are not equivalent to fee simple ownership under Australian property law.[8] The scope of native title encompasses a "bundle of rights" that may include the right to possess, occupy, use, and enjoy land or waters for purposes such as hunting, gathering, fishing, camping, and conducting ceremonies, provided these align with traditional practices.[9] Section 223(2) of the Act explicitly includes hunting, gathering, or fishing rights as examples, but the full extent depends on specific customs proven in each claim.[6] Native title can extend to coastal waters and seabed where traditional connections are demonstrated, though claims over offshore areas face evidentiary challenges due to historical disruptions.[10] Unlike alienable property, native title is inalienable and cannot be sold or transferred except by surrender to the Crown, emphasizing its communal and non-proprietary character.[9] Limitations on native title's scope arise from its susceptibility to extinguishment by inconsistent acts of the Crown, such as grants of freehold title or certain leases that fully confer exclusive possession, which wholly or partially negate native title rights.[11] Partial extinguishment occurs where government actions, like reservations for public purposes, are inconsistent but not absolute, allowing residual rights to persist.[12] Commercial exploitation is possible if rooted in traditional laws, but courts require claimants to prove such rights existed pre-sovereignty and continue without substantial interruption, often narrowing scope in urban or heavily developed areas.[11] Recognition demands judicial or negotiated determination, with the onus on claimants to establish all elements of section 223, reflecting the Act's balance between Indigenous interests and existing land tenures.[8]Common Law Basis and the Terra Nullius Doctrine
The doctrine of terra nullius, meaning "land belonging to no one," formed the foundational premise under English common law for Britain's acquisition of Australia by settlement rather than conquest or cession, thereby denying recognition of pre-existing Indigenous land rights.[13] Under common law principles applicable to colonies, territories classified as terra nullius—those without a recognized sovereign government or settled legal system—were subject to full importation of English law, vesting radical (underlying) title in the Crown while presuming no proprietary interests in the original inhabitants.[14] This classification, despite evidence of Aboriginal occupation and customary laws dating back tens of thousands of years, treated the continent as practically unoccupied for legal purposes, enabling unrestricted Crown grants of land that extinguished any potential native claims without compensation or treaty.[15] The application of terra nullius in Australian jurisprudence was reinforced by early colonial administrative acts and judicial decisions. In 1835, New South Wales Governor Richard Bourke issued a proclamation declaring all land grants under Crown authority valid and prohibiting private treaties with Aboriginal people, explicitly implementing terra nullius as the legal basis for settlement and alienating land from Indigenous control.[13] This aligned with international law norms of the era, derived from doctrines like the Doctrine of Discovery, which permitted European powers to claim "vacant" lands irrespective of Indigenous presence if deemed insufficiently "civilized" by Eurocentric standards.[16] By the late 19th century, the Privy Council in Cooper v Stuart (1889) affirmed this framework, with Lord Watson describing New South Wales as "a tract of territory, practically unoccupied, without settled inhabitants or settled law," thereby embedding terra nullius into Australian common law and precluding native title as a cognizable interest.[17] Under this doctrine, native title—defined as rights and interests in land arising from traditional laws and customs—had no basis in common law, as Aboriginal systems were systematically disregarded as incapable of yielding proprietary rights enforceable against the Crown.[18] Colonial courts consistently upheld Crown sovereignty as absolute, viewing land use practices like hunting and gathering as insufficient to establish ownership under English property concepts, which prioritized fixed agriculture and permanent improvements.[17] This legal fiction persisted through federation in 1901 and into the 20th century, shaping land tenure such that all freehold and leasehold titles derived solely from Crown grants, with no remnant Indigenous interests presumed to survive.[19] The doctrine's empirical underpinnings were later critiqued for ignoring archaeological and ethnographic evidence of sophisticated Aboriginal resource management, but it remained unchallenged in law until the High Court's rejection in 1992.[20]Historical Development
Pre-Mabo Legal Landscape
Prior to the 1992 Mabo decision, Australian common law did not recognize native title or any proprietary interests held by Indigenous Australians in land, treating the continent as acquired by the British Crown through settlement rather than conquest.[21] This framework stemmed from the application of the terra nullius doctrine, Latin for "land belonging to no one," which posited that the land was unoccupied or lacked recognizable sovereignty at the time of British annexation in 1788, thereby justifying the imposition of English law without treaties or acknowledgment of prior Indigenous systems.[22] The doctrine effectively ignored evidence of Indigenous occupation, social organization, and land use practices spanning millennia, classifying Australia as "desert and uncultivated" territory suitable for full Crown dominion.[4] A pivotal affirmation of this position came in the 1889 Privy Council case Cooper v Stuart (14 App Cas 286), where the court upheld the characterization of New South Wales as a settled colony, applying English common law prospectively from 1788 and denying any pre-existing Indigenous land tenure.[23] In that dispute over a Crown land grant reservation, the Privy Council ruled that the colony's status precluded recognition of native customs as legal rights, reinforcing that all land vested in the Crown subject to grants to settlers, with Indigenous people regarded as lacking proprietary interests enforceable in colonial courts.[24] This decision entrenched the view that Australian land law derived solely from British sovereignty, extinguishing any potential for native title claims without explicit legislative intervention.[25] Colonial and post-federation statutes further solidified this landscape by facilitating land alienation to non-Indigenous interests, such as through pastoral leases and freehold grants, without compensating Indigenous groups or preserving communal titles.[26] While limited statutory measures emerged later, such as the Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976, which granted inalienable freehold to certain traditional owners in that territory, these were exceptional and did not extend common law native title recognition across Australia or overturn the foundational terra nullius premise.[27] Pre-Mabo judicial interpretations consistently rejected arguments for Indigenous sovereignty or equitable interests, viewing such claims as incompatible with the Crown's radical title, which allowed for plenary legislative extinguishment of any putative native rights without compensation.[4] This legal edifice persisted until challenged in the High Court, reflecting a systemic prioritization of settler property paradigms over empirical evidence of Indigenous continuity.[21]The Mabo Decision and Overturning Prior Precedents
The case of Mabo v Queensland (No 2) originated in 1982 when Eddie Koiki Mabo, along with other Meriam plaintiffs from the Murray Islands (Mer) in the Torres Strait, sought declarations affirming their traditional rights to land and waters against the State of Queensland.[21] The proceedings challenged Queensland's Coastal Islands Declaratory Act 1985, which retroactively asserted absolute Crown ownership over the islands to extinguish any potential native interests; in Mabo v Queensland (No 1) (1988), the High Court invalidated this Act as inconsistent with the Racial Discrimination Act 1975.[4] On 3 June 1992, the High Court delivered its judgment in Mabo (No 2) by a 6–1 majority (Mason CJ, Brennan, Deane, Toohey, Gaudron and McHugh JJ; Dawson J dissenting), holding that native title to the Murray Islands had not been extinguished upon British annexation in 1879 and persisted where the Meriam people's traditional laws and customs provided for rights of possession, occupation, and use of land.[1] [28] The Court ruled that the Meriam were entitled "as against the whole world" to such possession, subject only to valid Crown grants or other extinguishing acts, thereby affirming that Indigenous title could coexist with radical Crown title unless clearly terminated.[28] This ruling fundamentally overturned the doctrine of terra nullius—Latin for "land belonging to no one"—which had underpinned Australian land law since British settlement in 1788 by treating the continent as legally unoccupied and devoid of recognizable Indigenous sovereignty or proprietary systems.[13] [19] The doctrine, formalized in Australian jurisprudence through instruments like Governor Richard Bourke's 1835 Proclamation and reinforced in cases such as Milirrpum v Nabalco Pty Ltd (1971), where Justice Blackburn upheld no native title in the Northern Territory on terra nullius grounds, denied continuity of pre-sovereignty Indigenous rights.[13] [19] Brennan J's leading judgment explicitly rejected terra nullius as a "fiction" historically misapplied to inhabited lands with established systems of law, declaring it incompatible with the common law's recognition of traditional title in settled colonies where Indigenous customs endured.[19] [15] By distinguishing acquisition by "settlement" (implying no prior rights) from conquest or cession, Mabo repudiated precedents like the Privy Council's 1889 characterization in Cooper v Stuart of Australia as "practically unoccupied" desert land, shifting the legal paradigm to acknowledge that native title arises from ongoing connection to country under pre-existing laws, burdening the Crown's underlying title until extinguished by inconsistent grant or executive action.[19] This departure from prior assumptions opened the door to claims across Australia but preserved Crown sovereignty, limiting native title to non-exclusive communal rights rather than full alienable fee simple ownership.[4] The decision's empirical grounding in Meriam evidence of customary inheritance, gardening, and resource management underscored its rejection of blanket denial of Indigenous tenure, influencing subsequent federal legislation to codify native title processes.[21]Enactment of the Native Title Act 1993
The High Court of Australia's decision in Mabo v Queensland (No 2) on 3 June 1992 rejected the doctrine of terra nullius and affirmed the existence of native title as a common law right derived from Indigenous laws and customs, prompting the need for legislative clarification to integrate this recognition into Australia's statutory framework.[29] In response, Prime Minister Paul Keating's Labor government initiated a national consultation process in October 1992 involving Indigenous representatives, state and territory governments, mining and pastoral industries, and other stakeholders to develop a unified system for native title claims, validation of prior land grants, and regulation of future developments affecting native title lands.[30] This process addressed uncertainties arising from the Mabo ruling, which had invalidated certain historical grants of land to the extent they conflicted with pre-existing native title, while seeking to balance Indigenous rights with established property interests and economic activities.[31] The Native Title Bill 1993 was introduced into the House of Representatives on 16 June 1993 by the Attorney-General, Michael Lavarch, and underwent extensive parliamentary debate reflecting tensions between recognition of native title and protections for non-Indigenous landholders. Key concerns included the potential for retrospective invalidation of pastoral leases and mining tenements, leading to amendments that validated "past acts" (pre-1994 actions affecting native title) where they were otherwise invalid under common law, subject to compensation provisions.[29] The bill passed the House on 8 November 1993 and the Senate on 21 December 1993 after further negotiations, receiving royal assent on 24 November 1993, though it commenced operation on 1 January 1994 to allow preparatory measures.[30][2] The Act's enactment established the National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT) as an independent body to facilitate mediation, inquire into claims, and advise on future acts, aiming to resolve disputes without overburdening courts.[31] It codified the Mabo principles by defining native title under section 223 as rights and interests in land or waters possessed under traditional laws acknowledged and observed by Indigenous peoples, provided those rights are not extinguished and the group maintains connection to the area.[29] The legislation also introduced a "future acts" regime requiring negotiation with native title holders for developments like mining or infrastructure, with arbitration by the NNTT or Federal Court if agreements failed, while preserving state regulatory powers where consistent with the Act.[30] This framework sought empirical validation of claims through evidence of continuous tradition, rejecting expansive interpretations that lacked causal continuity from pre-sovereignty customs.Wik Ruling and 1998 Amendments
The Wik Peoples v Queensland decision, delivered by the High Court of Australia on 23 December 1996, addressed native title claims by the Wik and Thayorre peoples over lands in far north Queensland subject to pastoral and mining leases granted under the Land Act 1910 (Qld) and Land Act 1962 (Qld).[32] In a 4-3 majority judgment, the Court held that such leases do not necessarily confer exclusive possession on lessees, thereby allowing native title rights to coexist where they are not inconsistent with lease terms; in cases of inconsistency, the rights of the pastoral lessee prevail.[33] The majority reasoning emphasized that the statutory terms of Queensland pastoral leases—typically granting rights to use land for grazing without explicit exclusion of Indigenous access—do not automatically extinguish native title, distinguishing them from grants of freehold or absolute possession.[34] Dissenting justices, including Chief Justice Brennan, argued that pastoral leases implied exclusive possession sufficient to extinguish native title, prioritizing statutory interpretation and historical land use practices.[33] The ruling extended the Mabo precedent by clarifying that native title could survive non-exclusive tenures like pastoral leases, which covered approximately 42% of Australia's land at the time, potentially affecting millions of hectares and introducing uncertainty for pastoralists, miners, and governments regarding future development approvals.[35] It affirmed that native title rights, such as access for traditional purposes, could revive upon lease expiry if not otherwise extinguished, but subordinated them to valid lease activities, rejecting claims of blanket extinguishment while upholding the government's authority to regulate land use.[36] The decision prompted immediate political controversy, with pastoral industry groups and state governments decrying it as undermining property security, while Indigenous advocates viewed it as affirming coexistence without requiring lease surrender.[37] In response, the Howard federal government introduced amendments to the Native Title Act 1993 via the Native Title Amendment Act 1998, enacted on 8 July 1998 following Senate negotiations and a "Ten Point Plan" to restore certainty for non-native title interests.[38] Key provisions included validating past non-extensive acts (e.g., certain pastoral improvements) that might otherwise infringe native title, confirming extinguishment by freehold, residential, and most pastoral leases (with a "past act" compensation scheme), and narrowing the "right to negotiate" under future mining or compulsory acquisitions to government-initiated acts on exclusive tenures only.[37] The amendments imposed stricter evidentiary thresholds for registering native title claims via a new "registration test" administered by the National Native Title Tribunal, requiring claimants to demonstrate a prima facie case including connection to the area and credible evidence of traditional laws, which filtered out weaker applications and expedited processes. Further changes restructured mediation by emphasizing tribunal-led processes over court primacy, allowing states to manage non-claimant negotiations, and introducing "alternative state regimes" for claim resolution where deemed equivalent to federal standards, aiming to reduce litigation delays that had averaged over five years post-Wik.[39] These reforms prioritized causal clarity in land tenure by subordinating native title to post-1975 grants and statutory reservations, while mandating compensation for confirmed extinguishments, though critics from Indigenous bodies argued they disproportionately limited bargaining power without empirical justification beyond industry lobbying.[40] The amendments were upheld against constitutional challenges in Western Australia v Commonwealth (1998), affirming Parliament's legislative competence, and shifted native title toward negotiated indigenous land use agreements over adversarial claims.[41]Post-1998 Judicial Evolution
Following the 1998 amendments to the Native Title Act 1993, which introduced stricter evidentiary thresholds and validation provisions for past acts, High Court jurisprudence further delimited the scope and proof of native title claims. In Fejo v Northern Territory (1998), the Court unanimously ruled that the grant of a fee simple estate in land completely and permanently extinguishes any native title over that land, as the proprietary interests conferred by freehold are fundamentally inconsistent with continuing native title rights. This decision reinforced the vulnerability of native title to sovereign grants of absolute title, distinguishing it from lesser interests like pastoral leases.[42] Subsequent rulings in 2002 emphasized rigorous proof of continuity and the fragmented nature of native title. In Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v Victoria, the High Court established that native title under section 223 of the Native Title Act requires evidence of a traditional normative system maintained by a substantially uninterrupted society since British sovereignty; cessation or substantial alteration of laws and customs severs the connection, extinguishing title prospectively.[43] The majority rejected claims based on revived or reconstructed practices, applying a strict temporal test that has since dismissed numerous applications lacking unbroken acknowledgment of tradition.[3] Concurrently, Western Australia v Ward conceptualized native title as a "bundle of rights" susceptible to partial extinguishment by inconsistent historical acts, without requiring total loss where grants affect only specific rights.[44] The Court held that native title does not confer proprietary interests in minerals or petroleum, and spiritual or cultural connection to country can substitute for physical occupation in establishing rights, though commercial activities like mining access were limited.[3] These principles facilitated nuanced determinations but heightened the evidentiary burden on claimants, aligning with the 1998 amendments' intent to prioritize validated tenures. Later decisions refined these doctrines without fundamentally expanding recognition. In Akiba v Commonwealth (2013), the Court affirmed that native title could encompass commercial exploitation of marine resources, such as fishing, if rooted in traditional laws, broadening potential economic interests in non-terrestrial claims.[3] However, cases like Western Australia v Brown (2014) distinguished temporary "yielding" of rights to superior grants from outright extinguishment, preserving title's resilience only where inconsistency is absent.[45] In a significant 2025 development, Commonwealth v Yunupingu confirmed native title as a proprietary interest protected by section 51(xxxi) of the Constitution, entitling holders to "just terms" compensation for compulsory acquisition by the Commonwealth, including historical acts post-1975.[46] The unanimous ruling rejected arguments that native title's sui generis status rendered it defeasible without compensation, upholding awards to the Gumatj clan for extinguishment over Arnhem Land bauxite reserves and affirming fiscal accountability for past sovereign actions.[47] This evolution underscores native title's enduring legal weight while maintaining judicial caution on recognition thresholds established in the early 2000s.Rights, Interests, and Extinguishment
Recognized Native Title Rights
Native title rights in Australia are the communal rights and interests in land or waters possessed by Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples under their traditional laws and customs, recognized by common law and codified in the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth), provided those rights have continued substantially uninterrupted since sovereignty.[29] These rights form a "bundle" tailored to the specific traditions of the claimant group and the nature of the land, rather than conferring fee simple ownership or individual alienable title.[9] Unlike statutory land grants, native title cannot be sold, transferred, or devised by will, and it is held collectively by the native title holders as defined in determinations. Recognized rights typically include the right to access and use the area for traditional purposes such as hunting, fishing, gathering bush foods and materials, camping, and conducting ceremonies, as well as maintaining and protecting cultural sites and objects of significance.[9] In areas where exclusive native title is determined—often over unalienated Crown land without prior inconsistent grants—holders possess the right to possess, occupy, use, and enjoy the land to the exclusion of all others, effectively mirroring freehold rights in scope but remaining inalienable.[48] Exclusive determinations have been issued in cases like the Meriam people's title over parts of Murray Islands following the 1992 Mabo v Queensland (No 2) High Court decision, which first overturned the terra nullius doctrine and affirmed continuous traditional ownership.[21] In contrast, non-exclusive native title, which predominates over areas subject to pastoral leases, mining tenements, or other non-freehold tenures, permits coexistence with those interests and does not confer a right to control third-party access or use. The 1996 Wik Peoples v Queensland High Court ruling clarified that native title can survive alongside valid pastoral leases, allowing rights like resource use but subordinating them to leaseholder activities where inconsistent; for instance, lessees retain priority for stock grazing and improvements.[29] Non-exclusive rights over marine areas were upheld in Commonwealth v Yarmirr (2001), recognizing Croker Island claimants' entitlements to fish, navigate, and protect cultural heritage in offshore waters, without excluding commercial fishing by others.[3] The scope of rights is factually determined by the Federal Court based on anthropological, historical, and ethnographic evidence proving pre-sovereignty laws, continuous acknowledgment, and physical or spiritual connection, as amended by the Native Title Amendment Act 2007 to emphasize continuity.[48] Rights may also encompass spiritual responsibilities to care for country, though these are not enforceable against the Crown without specific determination.[9] As of 2022, native title had been recognized over approximately 32% of Australia's land mass, primarily non-exclusive, reflecting judicial caution in expanding beyond proven traditional practices amid competing land uses.[31] Determinations do not automatically grant economic development rights, such as mining or commercial exploitation, which require negotiation via Indigenous Land Use Agreements under the Act.[49]Mechanisms of Extinguishment
Native title rights and interests in Australia may be extinguished wholly or partially by valid acts of the executive or legislative arms of government that are inconsistent with their continued existence, as established under common law following the High Court decision in Mabo v Queensland (No 2) (1992), where the Court held that native title could be overridden by grants conferring rights incompatible with traditional Indigenous usage, such as freehold estates that provide exclusive possession.[4] This principle reflects the doctrine that native title, being a creature of pre-sovereignty laws and customs, yields to subsequent sovereign acts demonstrating an intention to extinguish through clear inconsistency, rather than requiring explicit statutory declaration in all cases.[50] The Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) codifies and qualifies these common law mechanisms, prohibiting extinguishment contrary to its terms while confirming extinguishment by certain "previous acts" predating the Act's commencement on 1 January 1994.[51] Specifically, sections 23B to 23F validate and confirm the extinguishment of native title by historical grants of freehold titles, residential leases, commercial leases, and other exclusive possession tenures that conferred rights inconsistent with native title, such as the ability to exclude others from the land.[52] For instance, the grant of a freehold estate prior to 1994 extinguishes native title absolutely over that parcel, as the proprietary interest in fee simple is irreconcilable with communal traditional rights.[53] Partial extinguishment occurs where government acts, such as the construction of public works or certain reservations for public purposes under section 14 of the Act, override only specific native title rights (e.g., the right to control access) while leaving others intact, treating native title as a "bundle of rights" susceptible to selective termination based on factual inconsistency rather than wholesale erasure.[54] The Wik Peoples v Queensland (1996) High Court ruling clarified that non-exclusive pastoral or mining leases do not automatically extinguish native title, allowing coexistence unless the lease terms demonstrably grant exclusive possession or inconsistent rights; however, the Native Title Amendment Act 1998 introduced statutory confirmation of partial extinguishment for such leases to the extent of any inconsistency with native title, prioritizing the leaseholder's rights in cases of overlap.[55] Post-1998, future government acts affecting native title—termed "future acts" under Part 2 Division 3 of the Act—may extinguish rights through validated developments like mining tenements or infrastructure projects, but only after procedural safeguards such as notification, right to object, and negotiation via Indigenous Land Use Agreements (ILUAs), with compulsory acquisition possible under the "right to negotiate" regime if agreement fails.[56] Legislative extinguishment remains possible but must comply with the racial non-discrimination requirements of the Act and the Racial Discrimination Act 1975 (Cth), as arbitrary blanket extinguishment without compensation or validation would contravene these frameworks.[57] High Court jurisprudence, including Western Australia v Ward (2002), has reinforced that extinguishment demands a "clear and plain intention" for novel statutory schemes but adheres to inconsistency tests for executive grants, ensuring native title's vulnerability mirrors other non-sovereign property interests.[58]Claim Processes and Resolutions
Claim Lodgment and Evidence Requirements
Native title determination applications must be filed in the Federal Court of Australia on behalf of a defined claim group, typically comprising individuals or groups asserting rights and interests under traditional laws and customs.[59] The application is submitted using Form 1 under the Native Title (Federal Court) Regulations 2024, accompanied by an affidavit from each applicant (Form 59) that addresses the requirements of section 62(1) of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth).[60] These requirements include a description of the claimed area, identification of the native title rights and interests, evidence of the applicants' traditional connection to the land or waters, and a statement that the rights have not been extinguished.[59] Upon filing, the Court accepts the application and refers it to the National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT) for assessment against the registration test, which verifies compliance with statutory criteria to enter the claim on the Native Title Register.[61] Evidence supporting the claim must demonstrate, on the balance of probabilities, the existence of a body of laws and customs acknowledged and observed by the claim group since European settlement in 1788, conferring rights and interests in relation to particular land or waters, along with a continuous physical and spiritual connection maintained under those laws and customs.[62] Claimants typically submit anthropological reports, oral histories from senior knowledge holders, genealogical records establishing descent from traditional owners, and expert evidence on customs, language, and territorial boundaries.[31] Historical documents, such as colonial records or early anthropological accounts, may corroborate continuity where direct evidence is limited, though courts scrutinize such materials for reliability and relevance to avoid unsubstantiated assertions.[62] The evidentiary threshold is factual rather than legal ownership in a Western sense, requiring proof that the rights and interests are recognized by the common law as native title, not merely cultural attachment post-sovereignty.[62] Once registered, the application triggers public notification periods, allowing interested parties—such as governments, pastoralists, or miners—to respond, but the initial lodgment demands prima facie evidence sufficient to withstand preliminary dismissal under section 84 of the Act.[63] Failure to meet section 62 particulars can lead to amendment orders or rejection, emphasizing the need for precise boundary mapping, often using geospatial data, and authorization from the claim group via meeting resolutions to confirm representative capacity.[64] As of 2023, over 600 claimant applications remained active, reflecting the rigorous evidentiary demands that prolong many claims for years.[63]Mediation and Negotiation Frameworks
The mediation framework under the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) primarily operates through the National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT), which receives referrals from the Federal Court of Australia to facilitate negotiations among native title claimants, representative Aboriginal/Torres Strait Islander bodies, governments, and other interested parties.[65] The process aims to resolve disputes over the existence, holders, and extent of native title rights without necessitating a full judicial determination, emphasizing voluntary agreements on factual and legal issues.[66] As of 2015, mediation has contributed to over 80% of native title determinations being resolved by consent rather than litigation, reflecting a shift toward non-adversarial dispute resolution since the Act's inception.[67] In practice, NNTT mediation involves structured sessions where parties exchange evidence, identify common ground, and negotiate settlement terms, often spanning months or years depending on claim complexity and party cooperation.[68] The Tribunal employs interest-based mediation models, focusing on underlying interests rather than positional bargaining, to foster outcomes such as agreed determinations or Indigenous Land Use Agreements (ILUAs).[69] Parties are required to negotiate in good faith, with the NNTT empowered to make recommendations to the Federal Court if impasse occurs, though it lacks authority to impose binding resolutions in claim mediations.[70] A distinct negotiation framework governs "future acts"—government or third-party actions potentially affecting native title lands, such as mining tenements or infrastructure developments—via the statutory "right to negotiate" (RTN) process outlined in subdivisions P and PA of the Act.[71] Under RTN, native title parties must be notified of proposed acts on their lands, triggering a six-month negotiation period (extendable to nine months) among the government party, grantee (e.g., mining company), and native title holders.[72] Failure to agree leads to arbitration by the NNTT, which can authorize the act with conditions, or by the relevant minister in certain cases, prioritizing economic development while safeguarding native title interests where feasible. This regime applies to "permissible future acts" on lands where native title is not extinguished, excluding low-impact acts exempt from RTN.[73] Negotiation outcomes under both claim mediation and RTN frequently culminate in ILUAs, voluntary contracts registered with the NNTT that define co-existing land uses, compensation, and benefits for native title holders.[74] These agreements bypass RTN requirements for future acts if executed properly, enabling streamlined approvals; between 1994 and 2023, over 1,000 body corporate ILUAs were registered, often incorporating economic clauses like royalties or job quotas.[75] States and territories may legislate alternative RTN processes, provided they meet or exceed federal standards, leading to variations such as expedited negotiations in Western Australia for certain resource activities.[76]Indigenous Land Use Agreements
Indigenous Land Use Agreements (ILUAs) are voluntary, legally binding contracts under Subdivision P of the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth), enabling native title holders, claimants, or representative bodies to negotiate terms with other parties—such as governments, mining companies, or developers—regarding the use, management, access, or development of land and waters subject to native title.[77] These agreements bind all native title holders in the specified area upon registration with the National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT), facilitating coexistence of rights without requiring a native title determination by a court or tribunal.[78] ILUAs were introduced as part of the 1998 amendments to the Act, aiming to provide a flexible alternative to adversarial litigation for resolving future acts and land use conflicts.[79] There are three principal types of ILUAs, distinguished by the status of native title recognition in the agreement area:- Area agreements: Applicable where no registered native title body corporate (RNTBC) exists for the entire area, typically during pending claims; these require notification to all registered claimants and a minimum three-month public notice period before registration.[77]
- Body corporate agreements: Used where one or more RNTBCs hold native title in trust for the area (excluding extinguished portions), allowing streamlined negotiation among corporate entities; these involve a shorter one-month notification period.[78]
- Alternative procedure agreements: Employed in scenarios with partial RNTBC coverage or involvement of native title representative bodies, often for broader or complex areas; these follow customized consent processes under section 24CH of the Act.[77]
Tribunal and Court Determinations
Native title determinations under the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) are formal decisions made by the Federal Court of Australia, or in limited cases by other bodies recognized under section 225 of the Act, specifying whether native title exists over particular land or waters and, if so, the nature and extent of the rights and interests held by native title holders.[82] These determinations require evidence of continuous connection to the area since sovereignty, absence of extinguishment by valid acts, and identification of the native title holders or claimants.[83] The National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT) supports the process through mediation and administrative functions but lacks authority to issue binding determinations; unresolved matters proceed to the Federal Court for adjudication.[84] Determinations occur in three primary forms: consent determinations, where parties reach agreement following negotiation or mediation; litigated determinations, resulting from contested hearings; and unopposed determinations, where no party contests the claim after notification.[85] Consent determinations predominate, comprising the majority of outcomes due to the emphasis on voluntary agreements under the Act, which avoid the evidentiary burdens and costs of full trials. As of the latest NNTT records, there have been 520 consent determinations, 57 litigated determinations, and 84 unopposed determinations, totaling over 660 across Australia.[86]| Determination Type | Number |
|---|---|
| Consent | 520 |
| Litigated | 57 |
| Unopposed | 84 |
Jurisdictional Implementation
Federal Oversight and National Native Title Tribunal
The federal framework for native title in Australia is governed by the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth), which establishes a uniform national system for the recognition, protection, and management of native title rights and interests, while balancing these with the rights of other parties, including governments and resource developers.[2] The Act vests primary responsibility for claim determinations in the Federal Court of Australia, but delegates significant administrative, mediatory, and arbitral functions to the National Native Title Tribunal (NNTT) to facilitate efficient resolution without overburdening judicial resources.[61] Administered by the Attorney-General's Department, the federal oversight ensures consistency across states and territories, with the Commonwealth providing funding, policy direction, and regulatory enforcement, including the registration of native title claims and oversight of representative bodies.[91] This structure reflects a deliberate design to prioritize negotiated outcomes over litigation, as evidenced by the Act's emphasis on mediation, which has resolved over 80% of referred matters without court adjudication since inception. The NNTT, an independent statutory authority, was established under section 107 of the Native Title Act 1993 and commenced operations on 1 January 1994, comprising a President (who must be a Federal Court judge), other judicial members, and expert non-judicial members appointed by the Governor-General.[2] Its core functions include mediating native title claims referred by the Federal Court to negotiate settlements or Indigenous Land Use Agreements (ILUAs), which streamline approvals for developments while accommodating traditional interests.[66] The Tribunal also mediates "future acts" under the right-to-negotiate provisions (sections 24-43 of the Act), where parties dispute proposed actions like mining leases that may affect native title; if mediation fails after six months (extendable), the NNTT conducts arbitration and issues binding determinations on whether the act can proceed, subject to conditions such as compensation or cultural heritage protections.[66] In 2022-23, the NNTT handled 148 future act notices and mediated 52 native title applications, underscoring its role in averting protracted disputes. Beyond mediation and arbitration, the NNTT conducts inquiries into historical attachment evidence for claims, assists Registered Native Title Bodies Corporate (RNTBCs) with governance and compliance—managing over 200 such bodies as of 2023—and reviews ILUA registrations to ensure procedural validity.[66][92] Federal oversight manifests in the Tribunal's accountability to the Attorney-General, annual reporting requirements, and alignment with national policies, such as the 2017 amendments enhancing mediation powers to compel attendance and evidence production, which reduced resolution times by addressing claimant group coordination challenges.[91] While effective in promoting pragmatic outcomes—evidenced by $1.2 billion in annual economic activity facilitated through agreements—the system has faced critique for perceived delays, with average mediation periods exceeding five years in complex cases, prompting calls for streamlined federal processes.[70]Variations by State and Territory
Although the Native Title Act 1993 (Cth) establishes a uniform national framework for recognising and managing native title, each Australian state and territory administers its processes through distinct legislation, administrative bodies, and approaches to claim resolution, future acts, and integration with pre-existing land rights regimes, resulting in varying rates of determinations, reliance on negotiation versus litigation, and coverage of territory.[93] [94] These differences often reflect historical land tenures, resource interests, and state-specific statutory land grants that either complement or partially extinguish native title claims.[94] The table below summarises key variations in implementation, drawing on data up to approximately 2018, with processes emphasising consent-based outcomes in most jurisdictions but differing in arbitration mechanisms and land rights overlays.| Jurisdiction | Key Legislation | Determinations (approx.) | Unique Features |
|---|---|---|---|
| New South Wales | Aboriginal Land Rights Act 1983 (NSW) | 8 positive; 43 non-claimant | Limited claimable Crown land due to historical grants; heavy use of non-claimant applications by Aboriginal Land Councils; prioritises statutory land claims over native title.[94] [93] |
| Queensland | Aboriginal Land Act 1991; Torres Strait Islander Land Act 1991 | >100 (97% by consent); covers 97% of state | Extensive transfers of 4.5 million hectares under land acts; strong emphasis on Indigenous Land Use Agreements (770 recorded) for future acts like mining; high coverage via claimant applications.[94] [93] |
| South Australia | Various purpose-specific land rights acts | 27 (25 by consent); 56% of state | Unique state-based alternative arbitral body for future acts, reducing reliance on National Native Title Tribunal; focus on consent resolutions and Aboriginal Lands Trust holdings.[93] [94] |
| Victoria | Traditional Owner Settlement Act 2010 (Vic) | 4 positive over 14,899 km² | Non-native title settlements preferred for recognition and compensation; minimal native title determinations, with framework facilitating out-of-court agreements bypassing federal processes.[93] [94] |
| Western Australia | No comprehensive land rights act; Aboriginal Lands Trust Act 2013 | Covers 30% of state (mostly consent) | Heavy dependence on NNTT arbitration for future acts in mineral-rich areas; Aboriginal Lands Trust manages 27 million hectares; litigious history but shift to consent-based outcomes.[93] [94] |
| Northern Territory | Aboriginal Land Rights (Northern Territory) Act 1976 (Cth) | 99 (88 by consent); 253,886 km² recognised | 50% Aboriginal freehold under NT Act, limiting native title scope; high consent rates but interactions with federal land rights reduce overlapping claims.[93] [94] |
| Tasmania | Aboriginal Lands Act 1995 (Tas) | 0 successful; 5 claims | No native title determinations due to historical extinguishment and evidentiary challenges; state returns small parcels (12 areas) via dedicated act rather than native title framework.[93] [94] |
| Australian Capital Territory | Aboriginal Land Grant (Jervis Bay Territory) Act 1986 (Cth) | 0; no registered claims | Minimal land base; no native title processes active, with rights addressed through separate federal land grants focused on Jervis Bay.[94] [93] |
