Hubbry Logo
Virginia General AssemblyVirginia General AssemblyMain
Open search
Virginia General Assembly
Community hub
Virginia General Assembly
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Contribute something
Virginia General Assembly
Virginia General Assembly
Virginia General Assembly
View on Wikipedia
from Wikipedia

The Virginia General Assembly is the legislative body of the Commonwealth of Virginia, the oldest continuous law-making body in the Western Hemisphere, and the first elected legislative assembly in the New World. It was established on July 30, 1619.[1][2]

Key Information

The General Assembly is a bicameral body consisting of a lower house, the Virginia House of Delegates, with 100 members, and an upper house, the Senate of Virginia, with 40 members. Senators serve terms of four years, and delegates serve two-year terms. Combined, the General Assembly consists of 140 elected representatives from an equal number of constituent districts across the commonwealth. The House of Delegates is presided over by the speaker of the House, while the Senate is presided over by the lieutenant governor of Virginia. The House and Senate each elect a clerk and sergeant-at-arms. The Senate of Virginia's clerk is known as the clerk of the Senate (instead of as the secretary of the Senate, the title used by the U.S. Senate).

Following the 2019 election, the Democratic Party held a majority of seats in both the House and the Senate for the first time since 1996. They were sworn into office on January 8, 2020, at the start of the 161st session.[3][4] In the 2021 election, the Republican Party recaptured a majority in the House of Delegates, then lost it after the 2023 election, when the Democratic Party secured majorities in both chambers of the General Assembly.

Capitol

[edit]

The General Assembly meets in Virginia's capital of Richmond. When sitting in Richmond, the General Assembly holds sessions in the Virginia State Capitol, designed by Thomas Jefferson in 1788 and expanded in 1904. During the American Civil War, the building was used as the capitol of the Confederate States, housing the Confederate Congress. The building was renovated between 2005 and 2006. Senators and delegates have their offices in the General Assembly Building across the street directly north of the Capitol, which have been rebuilt and opened in 2023.[5][6] The Governor of Virginia lives across the street directly east of the Capitol in the Virginia Executive Mansion.

History

[edit]

The Virginia General Assembly is described as "the oldest continuous law-making body in the New World."[7] Its existence dates to its establishment at Jamestown on July 30, 1619, by instructions from the Virginia Company of London to the new Governor Sir George Yeardley. It was initially a unicameral body composed of the Company-appointed Governor and Council of State, plus 22 burgesses elected by the settlements and Jamestown.[8]

In 1642, the Assembly became bicameral upon the formation of the House of Burgesses. The Assembly had a judicial function of hearing cases both original and appellate.[9] At various times, it was referred to as the Grand Assembly of Virginia.[10] The General Assembly met in Jamestown from 1619 until 1699, when it first moved to the College of William & Mary in Williamsburg, Virginia, and from 1705 met in the colonial Capitol building. It became the General Assembly in 1776 with the ratification of the Constitution of Virginia. The government was moved to Richmond in 1780 during the administration of Governor Thomas Jefferson.

Salary and qualifications

[edit]

The annual salary for senators is $18,000.[11] The annual salary for delegates is $17,640, with the exception that the Speaker's salary is $36,321.[12] Members and one staff member also receive a per diem allowance for each day spent attending to official duties such as attending session in Richmond or attending committee meetings. Transportation expenses are reimbursed.[13]

Under the Constitution of Virginia, senators and delegates must be twenty-one years of age at the time of the election, residents of the district they represent, and qualified to vote for members of the General Assembly. Under the Constitution, "a senator or delegate who moves his residence from the district for which he is elected shall thereby vacate his office."[14]

The state constitution specifies that the General Assembly shall meet annually, and its regular session is a maximum of 60 days long in even-numbered years and 30 days long in odd-numbered years, unless extended by a two-thirds vote of both houses.[15] The Governor of Virginia may convene a special session of the General Assembly "when, in his opinion, the interest of the Commonwealth may require" and must convene a special session "upon the application of two-thirds of the members elected to each house."[16]

Redistricting reform

[edit]

Article II, section 6 on apportionment states, "Members of the . . . Senate and of the House of Delegates of the General Assembly shall be elected from electoral districts established by the General Assembly. Every electoral district shall be composed of contiguous and compact territory and shall be so constituted as to give, as nearly as is practicable, representation in proportion to the population of the district."[17] The Redistricting Coalition of Virginia proposes either an independent commission or a bipartisan commission that is not polarized. Member organizations include the League of Women Voters of Virginia, AARP of Virginia, OneVirginia2021, the Virginia Chamber of Commerce and Virginia Organizing.[18] Governor Bob McDonnell's Independent Bipartisan Advisory Commission on Redistricting for the Commonwealth of Virginia made its report on April 1, 2011. It made two recommendations for each state legislative house that showed maps of districts more compact and contiguous than those adopted by the General Assembly.[19] However, no action was taken after the report was released.

In 2011 the Virginia College and University Redistricting Competition was organized by Professors Michael McDonald of George Mason University and Quentin Kidd of Christopher Newport University. About 150 students on sixteen teams from thirteen schools submitted plans for legislative and U.S. Congressional Districts. They created districts more compact than the General Assembly's efforts. The "Division 1" maps conformed with the Governor's executive order, and did not address electoral competition or representational fairness. In addition to the criteria of contiguity, equipopulation, the federal Voting Rights Act and communities of interest in the existing city and county boundaries, "Division 2" maps in the competition did incorporate considerations of electoral competition and representational fairness. Judges for the cash award prizes were Thomas Mann of the Brookings Institution and Norman Ornstein of the American Enterprise Institute.[20]

In January 2015 Republican state senator Jill Holtzman Vogel of Winchester and Democratic state senator Louise Lucas of Portsmouth sponsored a Senate Joint Resolution to establish additional criteria for the Virginia Redistricting Commission of four identified members of political parties, and three other independent public officials. The criteria began with respecting existing political boundaries, such as cities and towns, counties and magisterial districts, election districts and voting precincts. Districts are to be established on the basis of population, in conformance with federal and state laws and court cases, including those addressing racial fairness. The territory is to be contiguous and compact, without oddly shaped boundaries. The commission is prohibited from using political data or election results to favor either political party or incumbent. It passed with a two-thirds majority of 27 to 12 in the Senate, and was then referred to committee in the House of Delegates.[21]

In 2015, in Vesilind v. Virginia State Board of Elections in a Virginia state court, plaintiffs sought to overturn the General Assembly's redistricting in five House of Delegates and six state Senate districts as violations of both the Virginia and U.S. Constitutions because they failed to represent populations in "continuous and compact territory".[22]

In 2020, a constitutional amendment moved redistricting power to a commission consisting of eight lawmakers, four from each party, and eight citizens.[23] The amendment passed with all counties and cities supporting the measure except Arlington.[24] The commission failed to reach an agreement on new state and congressional districts by an October 25, 2021, deadline, and relied upon the amendment's provision that lets the state Supreme Court of Virginia draw the districts in the event that the commission could not do so.[25] The Supreme Court did so and approved newly drawn districts on December 28, 2021.[26] While newly drawn districts will currently first be used in 2023, a federal lawsuit is pending that calls for an election to be held using newly drawn districts as immediately as November 2022. If the lawsuit was successful, it would have required all House districts, which just held elections under the previous districts in 2021, to hold back-to-back elections in 2022 and 2023 under the newly drawn districts.[27]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Virginia General Assembly

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
The Virginia General Assembly is the bicameral legislative body of the of , comprising the upper with 40 members and the of Delegates with 100 members, all elected from single-member districts. Originating in 1619 with the convening of the in Jamestown, it is recognized as the oldest continuously operating legislative assembly in the . The Assembly convenes annually for regular sessions, typically lasting 45 days in odd-numbered years and 60 days in even-numbered years, during which it enacts statutes, appropriates funds for the state budget, levies taxes, and confirms gubernatorial appointments to certain executive and judicial positions. Under the Virginia Constitution, the General Assembly possesses broad making authority, including the power to override gubernatorial vetoes by a two-thirds majority in each chamber and to propose constitutional amendments, reflecting its relatively dominant role in state governance compared to the executive branch in many other states. Notable for its historical influence on American legislative traditions and periodic partisan shifts—such as the Democratic majorities secured in both chambers following the 2019 and 2023 elections—the body has shaped policies on taxation, , and , often amid debates over and fiscal priorities.

Legislative Structure

Senate

The Senate of Virginia, the upper chamber of the General Assembly, consists of 40 members elected from single-member districts to staggered four-year terms, with 20 seats contested every two years in odd-numbered general elections. This arrangement fosters deliberation and institutional memory, distinguishing it from the House of Delegates' shorter two-year cycles. As of October 2025, Democrats maintain a slim 21–19 , secured after flipping control from Republicans in the elections and holding it through the 2023 cycle. Historically, the chamber reflected Virginia's political evolution: Democratic dominance prevailed through much of the 20th century under the , yielding to Republican majorities from 1998 to amid the state's shift from conservatism to suburban growth and national polarization, rendering recent contests highly competitive. The Lieutenant Governor serves as President of the Senate, casting tie-breaking votes but typically absent from daily proceedings; Winsome Earle-Sears, a Republican elected in 2021, holds this role until the end of her term. The , elected by the from the majority party, presides in the President's absence, while the —currently Scott A. Surovell (Democrat)—sets the agenda and coordinates strategy, supported by the , Ryan T. McDougle (Republican). Committee chairs, selected by the with party input, direct policy scrutiny across standing committees. A of senators (21) constitutes a for business, with two members able to adjourn and nine able to compel attendance via a call of the . Most legislation advances by simple majority vote, though procedural rules allow for debate limits, amendments, and to expedite non-controversial measures.

House of Delegates

The House of Delegates constitutes the of the Virginia General Assembly, comprising 100 members elected from single-member districts every two years. This biennial cycle, contrasted with the Senate's four-year terms, facilitates more immediate responsiveness to constituent preferences and greater electoral turnover in the chamber. Leadership centers on the Speaker, elected by House members to preside over floor proceedings, enforce rules, and influence committee assignments. The Clerk of the House manages administrative operations, including bill engrossment and session records. The chamber divides work among standing committees—such as Appropriations, Finance, and Courts of Justice—which review legislation, conduct hearings, and recommend actions to the full House. House rules, adopted biennially, impose debate limits (e.g., ten minutes per member on most questions) and structured amendment procedures, including germaneness tests, to accommodate efficient deliberation among the larger membership. Under the state , the holds exclusive origination authority for bills raising or making appropriations, positioning it as the primary initiator of fiscal legislation. This requirement, combined with the chamber's size and election frequency, promotes dynamic representation while channeling budgetary priorities through its committees and leadership.

Powers and Functions

Legislative Authority

The legislative power of the of is vested exclusively in the General Assembly, comprising the and the House of Delegates, pursuant to Article IV, Section 1 of the Virginia Constitution. This vesting establishes the Assembly as the sole body authorized to enact statutes governing taxation, regulation of economic activities, professional licensing, and the definition of felonies and other criminal offenses, with no concurrent authority granted to the executive or branches. All proposed legislation requires bicameral concurrence, meaning a bill must pass both chambers in identical form before presentation to the for approval or , ensuring deliberate alignment between the two houses on matters of . Virginia's constitutional framework affords the General Assembly unusually broad authority relative to legislatures in many other states, stemming from a historical emphasis on centralized state sovereignty and limited gubernatorial prerogatives. This includes plenary powers to municipalities and counties, as no may operate without explicit legislative authorization or amendment of its by act of the Assembly. Similarly, the Assembly exercises exclusive control over state debt, prohibiting issuance of general obligation bonds except as authorized by and subject to voter approval in certain cases, thereby maintaining direct oversight of fiscal liabilities. The Constitution's allocation of powers implicitly constrains excessive to executive agencies, requiring that any authority granted include ascertainable standards to preserve legislative primacy—a enforced by courts to prevent abdication of core responsibilities. This approach, while permitting administrative implementation of statutes, reinforces the Assembly's dominance by necessitating periodic legislative review and of delegated rules, contrasting with more permissive federal and some state practices where broad delegations dilute elected . Such limits underscore the causal link between undivided legislative and sustained state-level control over policy domains traditionally reserved to representative bodies.

Budgetary and Fiscal Control

The Virginia General Assembly exercises predominant control over the state's through its authority to enact a biennial covering two fiscal years, primarily during 60-day sessions in even-numbered years. The process begins with the submitting a proposed bill by December 20 of the preceding year, which is introduced and subject to extensive by legislative committees such as the House Committee on Appropriations and the Senate Committee on and Appropriations. These bodies conduct public hearings and craft amendments that often substantially alter the executive proposal, reflecting the legislature's role in prioritizing appropriations for , transportation, , and public safety. In odd-numbered years, shorter 30-day sessions (frequently extended to 45 days) focus on amendments to the existing biennium via a " bill" to address shortfalls or surpluses. Complementing this process, the Assembly holds exclusive power over taxation and appropriations, including setting rates for the state individual (ranging from 2% to 5.75% as of ) and corporate taxes, without gubernatorial approval required for rate changes. Debt issuance is similarly constrained: the Constitution permits the General Assembly to authorize general obligation bonds for or capital projects, but prohibits long-term debt without voter or legislative consent except in emergencies like or insurrection. The may exercise line-item vetoes on the enacted , but the can override them—and any amendments rejected—by a two-thirds vote in both chambers upon reconvening, typically in April following sine die adjournment. This mechanism reinforces legislative supremacy, as evidenced by failed override attempts in under , where Democrats held majorities but lacked the threshold against Republican Glenn Youngkin's 157 vetoes. Empirical trends indicate fiscal restraint under divided control, with Virginia recording consistent surpluses: $9.4 billion in 2024 alone, driven by $3.8 billion in excess individual , contributing to a cumulative unassigned general fund balance surpassing $21 billion by September 2025. This contrasts with periods of unified Democratic control pre-2022, where spending growth averaged 7% annually from 2015 amid federal aid inflows, though deficits have been rare due to statutory projections and rainy-day fund requirements. Such data underscores the causal role of legislative bicameral checks in curbing executive-driven expansions, prioritizing balanced outcomes over unchecked spending. The constrained length of sessions, however, limits opportunities for rigorous fiscal analysis, as budget bills—often thousands of pages—are debated amid compressed timelines, potentially deferring detailed scrutiny to interim committees. Critics, including analysts, contend this structure risks insufficient oversight of executive reallocations during biennial execution, advocating constitutional amendments for longer sessions to bolster legislative in verifying spending efficacy against revenue forecasts.

Oversight of Executive and Judiciary

The Virginia General Assembly maintains checks on the executive branch through confirmation of gubernatorial appointments to executive positions, such as cabinet secretaries and board members, ensuring legislative scrutiny of key administrative roles. The House of Delegates holds the sole power to impeach the governor for malfeasance, corruption, neglect of duty, or other by vote, with the conducting the trial and requiring a two-thirds vote for conviction and removal. The Assembly can override gubernatorial vetoes of legislation with a two-thirds vote of members present in each house, provided it includes at least a of the total elected members, a threshold that has been met in sessions to enact policies against executive opposition, such as failed Democratic attempts to override Republican Governor Glenn Youngkin's 2025 vetoes of 13 bills. Additionally, joint legislative committees conduct investigations into executive agencies, gathering evidence on operations and policy implementation to inform oversight and potential reforms. Virginia's constitutional single consecutive for governors—four years without immediate re-election—further constrains executive authority, promoting turnover and reducing the risk of entrenched power, a provision unchanged despite over 50 amendment attempts since 1971. This structure has empirically limited gubernatorial influence over time, as incoming administrations face a legislature with staggered terms (House of Delegates: two years; : four years), enabling sustained legislative resistance to executive initiatives, such as Republican lawmakers blocking Democratic Ralph Northam's late-term appointments to state boards in 2021 to preserve influence over . Regarding the judiciary, the General Assembly elects all state judges, including justices for 12-year terms and judges for eight-year terms, with governors providing interim appointments subject to legislative confirmation at the next session. The Assembly also defines jurisdictions, numbers, and , allowing it to reshape judicial structure as needed, such as expanding or limiting appellate scopes. Judges, like the , are subject to impeachment by the and trial by the , providing a direct check on . These mechanisms collectively decentralize power, prioritizing legislative control to counter executive or judicial expansion, as evidenced by the Assembly's historical role in rejecting gubernatorial nominees perceived as advancing partisan agendas, thereby maintaining institutional balance amid Virginia's partisan shifts.

Historical Development

Colonial Origins and Early Formation

The Virginia General Assembly originated with the establishment of the on July 30, 1619, in Jamestown, when Governor George Yeardley convened the first elected representative assembly in the English North American colonies under instructions from the Virginia Company of London. This unicameral body included the governor, his advisory , and 22 burgesses elected from 11 plantations and settlements, meeting from July 30 to to address local laws, trade regulations, and martial issues, though all enactments required ratification by the and . The assembly's formation reflected the 's pragmatic response to colonial instability, aiming to foster to attract settlers and stabilize the tobacco economy, while limiting powers through gubernatorial veto and oversight from . By 1643, the legislature evolved into a bicameral structure when Governor William Berkeley directed the burgesses to convene separately from the , which assumed the role of an appointed by , thereby formalizing a division between elected representatives and elite advisors. This arrangement persisted, with the handling taxation, militia organization, and colonial petitions, though constrained by imperial authority and the council's influence. The body's continuity through sessions amid conflicts, such as the English Civil War's disruptions, underscores its institutional resilience, as it reconvened post-interruptions to legislate on land distribution and defense against Native American raids. Bacon's Rebellion in 1676 highlighted tensions over representation, as frontier settlers led by Nathaniel Bacon criticized the assembly's eastern-dominated policies favoring trade with Native tribes over aggressive expansion and protection. Under duress, the assembly passed measures aligning with rebel demands, including expanded fortifications and war declarations, which temporarily broadened the scope of legislative responsiveness to popular grievances before royal commissioners restored order and imposed reforms. These events empirically reinforced the assembly's claim to embody colonial interests against executive overreach, contributing to incremental assertions of autonomy that carried into the revolutionary era. The maintained operations until its final session on May 6, 1776, when it effectively transitioned into the framework of the independent commonwealth's legislature, preserving direct lineage in the while adapting the upper chamber under the 1776 state constitution. This evolution affirms the General Assembly's status as the oldest continuous legislative body in the , with the House of Delegates as the unbroken successor to the 1619 burgesses despite procedural shifts and external impositions.

Post-Revolutionary Evolution

The Virginia Constitution of 1776 established a bicameral consisting of an elected and House of Delegates, replacing the appointed colonial with a popularly elected upper chamber to enhance legislative representation while vesting primary lawmaking authority in the assembly amid debates over balancing state sovereignty against emerging federal structures under the . This framework reflected first-principles concerns for , with the serving as a check on the House, though executive influence remained limited to prevent monarchical overreach post-independence. The 1829–1830 constitutional convention expanded by eliminating strict freehold requirements for voting in elections, extending the franchise to adult white males who paid taxes or owned modest equivalents like 25 acres of improved , thereby increasing the electorate from rural yeomen while preserving qualifications for voters to maintain elite oversight. These reforms addressed growing disparities between eastern Tidewater planters and western smallholders, driven by population shifts, but retained thresholds that excluded many poor whites and all non-whites, reflecting causal tensions in where state-level voting rules navigated national republican ideals without fully democratizing amid slavery's economic entrenchment. During the Civil War era, the General Assembly debated in the 1861 Virginia Convention, initially rejecting immediate withdrawal after Lincoln's call for troops but approving it on following Fort Sumter's fall, with the assembly ratifying the ordinance and transferring state capital to Richmond as Confederate headquarters, contracting legislative powers under wartime exigencies while highlighting fractures over coercion and union preservation. Reconstruction imposed federal oversight, culminating in the 1867–1868 convention's Underwood ratified in 1870, which mandated universal male , ratified the 14th and 15th Amendments for readmission, established free public schools, and reformed taxation, expanding assembly powers in and but sparking backlash against perceived northern imposition that prioritized racial inclusion over state autonomy. The 1902 Constitution, drafted by a convention dominated by Democratic segregationists, introduced poll taxes, literacy tests with grandfather clauses, and felony disenfranchisement provisions selectively targeting crimes associated with Black populations, empirically reducing registered voters from 145,000 in 1902 to under 30,000 by 1904 among eligible Blacks and curtailing poor white participation, thereby contracting amid Jim Crow consolidation and federal acquiescence post-Plessy. These mechanisms, justified as anti-fraud reforms but causally linked to entrenching one-party rule, reinforced segregation in schools and public life while limiting assembly reforms to elite interests, with data showing a 50% drop in overall turnout that preserved rural dominance despite urbanization. Mid-20th-century U.S. Supreme Court rulings in (1962) and (1964) enforced "one person, one vote" by invalidating malapportioned districts, compelling Virginia's 1964 reapportionment that shifted 11 House seats from rural to urban areas like and , where population growth from postwar migration and industrialization had rendered prior ratios—up to 3:1 rural overrepresentation—empirically unjust, expanding urban legislative influence and prompting ongoing federal-state tensions over districting equity. This causal response to demographic diluted agrarian veto power, fostering bipartisan commissions for future maps while highlighting assembly adaptations to federal equal protection mandates without fully resolving incentives.

20th and 21st Century Reforms

In response to the 1954 Brown v. Board of Education decision mandating school desegregation, the Virginia General Assembly enacted Massive Resistance in 1956 through a package of 13 bills, including provisions for closing public schools facing integration orders and establishing a Pupil Placement Board to assign students by race under the guise of non-racial criteria. This policy, championed by U.S. Senator Harry F. Byrd and the Democratic machine, aimed to preserve racial segregation by defying federal mandates, resulting in the closure of schools in Prince Edward County from 1959 to 1964 and temporary shutdowns elsewhere. Federal courts invalidated key elements, such as school closure laws, by 1959, forcing partial compliance and highlighting the legislature's resistance to external impositions on state authority, though at the cost of educational disruption for thousands of students. Suffrage expansions in the 20th century were driven primarily by federal interventions overriding state restrictions. The 19th Amendment granted women voting rights nationwide in 1920, though Virginia's General Assembly rejected ratification until 1952, reflecting entrenched opposition among state leaders. The 1964 abolition of poll taxes via the 24th Amendment and the 1965 Voting Rights Act further dismantled barriers like literacy tests and discriminatory registration practices in Virginia, which had suppressed black to under 25% in some areas pre-1965; post-Act enforcement led to registration surges exceeding 50% in affected counties by 1968. These changes shifted electoral dynamics, diluting the Byrd machine's rural dominance and enabling urban and minority influences, though indicates federal coercion was necessary due to the legislature's prior entrenchment of Jim Crow-era exclusions. The 1970 constitutional revisions, approved by voters and effective in 1971, modernized the document by removing archaic provisions and affirming the General Assembly's primacy in legislative matters under Article IV, vesting full lawmaking power in the bicameral body while delegating administrative details to statutes. This streamlined framework preserved the legislature's discretion over policy implementation, rejecting broader executive or judicial encroachments seen in other states' reforms, and emphasized by maintaining strict controls on debt and taxation without mandating progressive spending formulas. In the , a 2020 , ratified by 65.7% of voters, created a bipartisan to draw congressional and state legislative maps, ostensibly curbing partisan by requiring commission consensus over direct legislative control.) However, the process includes deadlock provisions allowing the General Assembly to intervene and enact maps, which critics from both parties have highlighted as a enabling partisan overrides, as evidenced by post-2021 disputes where initial commission failures led to legislative resolutions. Absent term limits—unlike 15 other states—the General Assembly sustains incumbency advantages, with re-election rates for state legislators averaging over 90% in non-wave years, fostering entrenched leadership and reducing turnover compared to term-limited bodies where fresh perspectives mitigate capture by special interests. Such structural has drawn conservative critiques that recent equity-oriented reforms, often advanced by Democratic majorities post-2019, prioritize demographic proportionality over merit-based districting or competency in appointments, potentially undermining causal links between voter intent and representational .

Elections and Membership

Qualifications and Eligibility

Members of the must be at least 21 years of age, citizens of the , and residents of for one year immediately preceding the election. Members of the Virginia State Senate must meet identical requirements except for a minimum age of 25 years. These provisions, outlined in Article II, Sections 2 and 3 of the Virginia Constitution, impose few barriers to candidacy, enabling a wide range of citizen-legislators rather than restricting entry to professional politicians with extensive prior experience; such minimal thresholds align with principles favoring accessible representation to reflect diverse constituencies without artificial gatekeeping. The Constitution's Article II, Section 5 establishes these as the sole qualifications for any elective in the , encompassing U.S. for one year and residency for one year prior to , without mandating district-specific residency, advanced education, or property ownership. While state requires candidates to qualify as voters in their —effectively tying eligibility to local residency for practical representation—constitutional standards prioritize state-level ties to ensure legislators maintain broad accountability to Virginia's populace. Persons with convictions are eligible once they have completed their sentences, including any period of incarceration, as voting rights restoration under extends to eligibility for , absent ongoing disenfranchisement. Disqualifications include prohibitions on dual office-holding: acceptance of a second elected office automatically vacates the first, per state code implementing constitutional intent against divided loyalties. Members of Congress or federal employees are barred from serving in the General Assembly, reflecting separation-of-powers principles to prevent conflicts between state and national duties. The General Assembly enforces eligibility through expulsion by a two-thirds vote in each house for cause, such as conviction or breach of qualifications, though historical instances remain rare, with no recorded expulsions in modern sessions and precedents limited to 19th-century cases involving or disloyalty. This sparse enforcement underscores the system's reliance on electoral over frequent internal purges.

Election Procedures and Cycles

The Virginia General Assembly conducts elections during odd-numbered years, aligning neither with presidential nor midterm federal contests, a practice rooted in the state constitution and resulting in voter turnout typically ranging from 35% to 45% of registered voters—substantially below the 60-70% seen in even-year national elections. This off-cycle timing, one of only four states maintaining it for legislative races, historically amplified the influence of organized political machines by mobilizing dedicated voter bases amid broader apathy, though it has fostered greater competitiveness since the 1990s with rising suburban participation. General elections occur on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in , with party nominations determined via primaries on the third Tuesday in of the election year; these are partisan primaries open to voters without party affiliation restrictions, allowing crossover participation. Independent candidates qualify through petitions requiring signatures from at least 125 registered voters in the district for House seats or 250 for Senate seats, filed with the state board by deadlines typically in late spring. Both chambers employ single-member districts, with the comprising 100 districts and the 40; all House seats are elected biennially for two-year terms, while Senate terms last four years with contesting 20 seats (even-numbered districts one cycle, odd the next) to ensure continuity. Districts are reapportioned decennially following U.S. Census data to reflect population shifts, adhering to constitutional compactness and contiguity standards without adoption of advanced voting methods like ranked-choice, despite occasional legislative proposals for electoral reforms. This framework has sustained a transition from one-party Democratic control—bolstered by low-turnout advantages for urban and rural machines—toward a polarized two-party contest post-1993 Republican House takeover, marked by frequent control shifts including Democratic majorities in 2019 and 2023.

Compensation, Terms, and Partisan Dynamics

Members of the receive an annual base salary of $17,640, while members of the earn $18,000, supplemented by reimbursements during legislative sessions but without full-time or benefits provided as standard for state employees. This compensation structure underscores the part-time nature of service, with legislators typically maintaining outside employment or professions, as the low pay—among the nation's lowest relative to median state legislative salaries of about $25,000—does not support full-time dedication. House members serve two-year terms, elected biennially in odd-numbered years, while Senators serve four-year terms, with half the Senate seats up for every two years to ensure staggered renewal and continuity. The short terms for Delegates promote frequent accountability to voters but increase campaign demands, whereas longer Senate terms allow for policy expertise accumulation amid the body's smaller size. Partisan control has fluctuated, with Republicans dominating both chambers through much of the , including unified government under Governor from 2010 to 2014, enabling advancements in areas like and without veto overrides. Democrats gained slim majorities in 2019—51-49 in the House and 21-19 in the Senate—retaining them after the 2023 elections despite Republican gains in rural districts, resulting in divided government under Republican Governor since 2022. This balance has led to veto overrides by the Democratic legislature on issues like and rights, though requiring supermajorities has moderated some partisan excesses. The modest compensation favors candidates with independent wealth or robust fundraising networks, as self-funding or large-donor reliance becomes essential for competitive races; analyses show Virginia legislative campaigns predominantly draw from high-dollar contributions rather than broad small-donor bases, amplifying influence from interest groups across parties. This dynamic, coupled with part-time service, can expose legislators to external pressures from employers or donors, potentially prioritizing special interests over broad public accountability, though it also curbs professionalization and careerist entrenchment seen in higher-paid legislatures.

Operations and Procedures

Annual Sessions and Scheduling

The Virginia General Assembly convenes its regular annual session on the second Wednesday in January, as mandated by the state constitution. Regular sessions are limited to 60 days in even-numbered years, which typically include adoption of the biennial budget, and 30 days in odd-numbered years, with each house able to extend its session by up to 30 additional days upon a majority vote. These constraints reflect Virginia's tradition of a part-time, citizen legislature aimed at minimizing costs and preventing professionalization, but they have been criticized for compressing deliberation on thousands of bills—over 2,500 introduced in the 2025 session alone—potentially fostering hasty approvals and errors, such as unintended policy reversals in education funding. Special sessions may be called by the at their discretion or by a two-thirds vote in each chamber of the General Assembly, allowing targeted action outside the regular calendar without fixed duration limits. Such sessions have addressed urgent matters, including recent calls in October 2025 by House leadership amid potential disputes, though they remain infrequent compared to annual gatherings. In practice, the abbreviated timelines can constrain legislative , as the governor's pre-session proposal—introduced in preceding the start—sets the fiscal framework, leaving limited time for amendments despite the assembly's constitutional authority over appropriations. For instance, the 2025 odd-year session prioritized in its deliberations, allocating over $190 million for transit and road projects alongside energy capacity enhancements to support growth. Critics contend this structure amplifies executive influence by design, as short durations prioritize executive-initiated items over exhaustive review, though proponents highlight it as a safeguard against legislative overreach.

Committee System and Leadership

The Virginia General Assembly utilizes a system of standing committees to and deliberate on introduced , referrals determined by chamber or presiding officers, enabling efficient management of the biennial workload exceeding thousands of bills. The House of Delegates operates 14 standing committees, including Appropriations, Courts of Justice, Finance, General Laws, Health Welfare and Institutions, Privileges and Elections, and Transportation. The Senate employs 11 standing committees, such as Agriculture Conservation and Natural Resources, Commerce and Labor, Courts of Justice, Education and Health, Finance and Appropriations, and General Laws and Technology. These committees conduct hearings, amend measures, and vote to report bills favorably, unfavorably, or without recommendation, with unreported bills effectively dying at session's end. Committee assignments reflect approximate of each party's chamber membership, fostering bipartisan review, though the majority party secures all chairmanships and vice-chairmanships to direct priorities and scheduling. Chairs are designated by the presiding officer or leadership post-election, as seen in December 2023 when Speaker-designee Don Scott announced Democratic chairs for the 2024 session following the party's slim majority regain. Deviations from proportionality occur; for instance, the Senate Democratic majority in January 2024 rejected strict ratios, drawing Republican criticism for enabling outsized influence on key panels like and Appropriations. Chamber leadership, including the House Speaker, Clerk, and Senate Majority Leader, is elected by majority vote at the outset of odd-year organizational sessions, with rules requiring joint assembly votes for certain officers and prohibiting proxy participation to ensure direct accountability. The House Rules, adopted January 10, 2024, mandate physical quorum for committee actions, barring proxies except in limited procedural contexts, a standard reinforced after pandemic-era virtual exceptions lapsed. Committees frequently bottleneck policy advancement, as majority coalitions can indefinitely table or defeat measures without exposure; empirical data from sessions show over 90% of bills fail in committee referral. The Courts of Justice Committee exemplifies this gatekeeping on executive nominations, blocking confirmations amid partisan tensions—for example, rejecting multiple Governor university board picks in June 2025, prompting lawsuits, and stalling a April 2025 reconvened session over a Virginia judicial nominee's religious background. Such dynamics underscore committees' causal role in diluting gubernatorial influence when the legislature opposes, with no formal discharge mechanisms to force consideration.

Legislative Process and Voting

Bills in the Virginia General Assembly may originate in either the House of Delegates or the and are introduced by members during the session. Upon introduction, a bill undergoes its first reading, typically by title only, followed by referral to an appropriate standing committee for initial consideration. If reported favorably by the committee, the bill advances to second reading, where amendments may be offered and debated, and engrossment occurs if passed. On third reading, the bill faces final debate and a vote for passage, requiring a simple majority of members present and voting in that chamber. Once passed by the originating chamber, the bill moves to the opposite house, where it repeats the three-reading process, including referral, debate, and majority vote for passage. Bicameral agreement demands identical language; discrepancies trigger appointment of a , typically comprising three members from each chamber, tasked with reconciling differences through a compromise report. The report, if approved by majority vote in both houses without further , finalizes the bill for transmission to the . This process enforces rigorous bicameral hurdles, ensuring scrutiny across chambers but potentially delaying non-controversial measures. Voting occurs via recorded roll-call in both chambers, with the House of Delegates employing an system for efficiency and transparency in tallying yeas and nays. Simple majorities suffice for bill passage, distinguishing Virginia's from the U.S. Senate's filibuster-enabled delays and enabling swifter responsiveness to issues, though shorter timelines may heighten risks of oversight or hasty amendments. Gubernatorial vetoes necessitate a two-thirds in each chamber for override, a threshold rarely met, as evidenced by no successful overrides since 2008.

Facilities and Infrastructure

Current Capitol Usage

The Virginia General Assembly convenes its floor sessions in the , located at 1000 Bank Street in Richmond, a neoclassical structure designed by and constructed between 1785 and 1788. The building houses the chambers of both the and the House of Delegates, with joint sessions held in the House chamber, symbolizing the continuity of legislative operations in a facility that has served as the seat of Virginia's government since the capital moved from Williamsburg. To address growing space needs, wings were added to the Capitol in 1904 and 1906, providing dedicated chambers for the House of Delegates on the east side and the on the west side, while preserving Jefferson's original temple-form design. These expansions enabled to accommodate larger memberships and increased legislative activity without abandoning the historic core, though the aging infrastructure has periodically required restorations to maintain functionality, such as the comprehensive project completed in 2007 that restored early 20th-century aesthetics and expanded workspace. Logistical challenges persist, including limited room for committee work within the Capitol itself, often necessitating overflow to the adjacent General Assembly Building for subcommittee meetings and offices. During the , the General Assembly adapted by implementing hybrid session formats, particularly in the Senate during the 2021 session, allowing remote participation to ensure continuity amid restrictions. By 2022, hybrid elements persisted for public access, such as remote testimony, but full in-person floor sessions resumed to facilitate direct debate and voting. These adaptations, while empirically enabling sessions during disruptions, have drawn criticism from some observers for potentially diminishing the in-person accountability and informal negotiations central to legislative efficacy.

Expansion and Modernization Efforts

The Virginia approved funding in its 2025 budget for schematic design of a new dedicated office building, aimed at providing expanded, modern facilities for legislators and staff amid persistent overcrowding in the existing Building and adjacent Capitol spaces. This initiative prioritizes on-site development within Capitol Square to maintain proximity to the historic chambers without relocation, addressing needs for additional rooms, offices, and infrastructure driven by a now exceeding 140 members plus expanded support staff. Proponents argue that such investment promotes legislative autonomy by reducing shared occupancy with executive agencies, with preliminary cost estimates projecting $400-500 million for a multi-story structure incorporating sustainable features like energy-efficient systems. Historically, modernization efforts have included the 2004-2007 Capitol Restoration and Expansion Project, which added an underground extension increasing usable workspace by approximately one-third through new tunnels, utilities, and support areas while preserving the Jefferson-designed structure. This followed earlier 20th-century alterations, such as rear bay additions in the to accommodate growing assembly sessions, reflecting recurring responses to spatial constraints without full relocation. Cost-benefit analyses from state facilities reports emphasize that targeted upgrades yield long-term savings over temporary leasing, with return on investment evidenced by reduced maintenance disruptions and enhanced operational efficiency compared to deferred repairs. Progress on recent proposals has faced criticism for delays attributed to partisan budget disputes, particularly during the 2025 short session where Democratic majorities prioritized competing capital priorities amid Republican calls for fiscal restraint. Comparable investments in other states, such as Texas's $800 million Capitol complex expansions since 2010 or North Carolina's $100 million legislative office modernizations in 2020, demonstrate that dedicated facilities correlate with improved legislative productivity, though 's efforts lag due to biennial funding cycles and threats. These benchmarks underscore the rationale for prioritizing schematic completion by mid-2026 to avoid escalating interim costs from outdated .

Controversies and Criticisms

Redistricting Disputes and Gerrymandering Claims

Prior to the 2020 constitutional reforms, control of the Virginia General Assembly by alternating parties resulted in mutual partisan gerrymanders during the decennial cycles. In the and , Democrats, when dominant, drew state districts that packed Republican voters into fewer seats, achieving supermajorities disproportionate to statewide vote shares; Republicans reciprocated in the of Delegates post-2010 census by cracking Democratic strongholds in to dilute their influence, yielding an efficiency gap favoring Republicans by approximately 10-12% in simulated neutral maps. These practices, measurable via metrics like the efficiency gap—which quantifies "wasted" votes (votes beyond the margin needed to win a )—systematically advantaged the map-drawers' party by engineering outcomes rather than reflecting geographic communities or voter distributions. Voters approved a constitutional amendment in November 2020 establishing a bipartisan redistricting commission comprising seven citizens (four selected by legislative leaders, two by the state Supreme Court) and eight legislators to draw congressional and state legislative maps post-2020 census, with criteria emphasizing equal population, compactness, contiguity, and respect for county/town boundaries while prohibiting subordination of these to partisan or incumbent interests. The commission deadlocked in 2021 after partisan disputes over criteria implementation, including the role of racial data under the Voting Rights Act, failing to approve maps by the statutory deadline of October 11, 2021. This impasse triggered court intervention, with the Virginia Supreme Court appointing special masters to propose plans; the court ultimately adopted maps with higher compactness scores (e.g., average Polsby-Popper scores around 0.25-0.30 for congressional districts, exceeding prior partisan maps' 0.15-0.20) and near-zero efficiency gaps, yielding seats roughly proportional to statewide partisan vote shares (Democrats capturing about 55% of simulated uniform swing elections translating to 6 of 11 congressional seats). In October 2025, Democrats, holding slim majorities in both legislative chambers following the 2023 elections, convened a on October 27—days before the state elections—to propose redrawing congressional districts ahead of the 2026 midterms, explicitly aiming to convert the current 6-5 Democratic edge into an 8-3 or greater advantage by reconfiguring battleground districts in suburban Richmond and . Republican critics, including Winsome Sears, condemned the move as a "partisan stunt" and "gerrymander" enabled by out-of-state donations totaling over $300,000 to Democratic campaigns from groups like the National Democratic Redistricting Committee, arguing it circumvented the 2020 commission process and would inflate the efficiency gap to favor Democrats by 8-15% based on preliminary simulations. Governor described it as a "desperate grab for power," noting the proposal's timing exploited lame-duck control before potential Republican gains in the impending state elections. Such mid-decade redraws deviate from first-principles standards of , which prioritize verifiable equipopulosity (deviations under 1% per district) and geometric to ensure districts represent coherent communities without diluting votes through packing or cracking; outcome engineering, whether partisan or justified under equity rationales like racial balancing, causal undermines by predetermining results uncorrelated with voter preferences, as evidenced by neutral benchmarks where Virginia's partisan lean (roughly 52-55% Democratic in statewide races) supports no more than 6 congressional seats without . Defenses invoking Voting Rights Act compliance falter empirically, as post-Shelby County (2013) precedents require only avoidance of minority vote dilution, not engineered proportionality, and Virginia's current court-drawn maps already satisfy Section 2 without majority-minority districts, achieving higher Black voting-age population equity through dispersion rather than concentration. The proposal's projected lower (preliminary Reock scores dipping below 0.20 in affected districts) and widened gaps underscore its causal intent to harvest partisan gains, mirroring pre-reform abuses despite the commission's safeguards.

Partisan Power Struggles and Recent Developments

The 2023 elections marked a pivotal shift in the Virginia General Assembly's partisan balance, with Republicans securing a 51-49 majority in the while Democrats retained a 21-19 edge in the . This divided legislature, combined with Republican Glenn Youngkin's administration, curtailed Democratic ambitions for expansive policy changes, enabling the GOP to reject or amend numerous Senate-passed bills on issues like gun restrictions and labor expansions. The resulting fostered compromises, particularly evident in the 2024 state budget negotiations for fiscal years 2024-2026, where lawmakers avoided proposed tax hikes and incorporated limited relief measures amid GOP demands for fiscal restraint. In the 2025 legislative session, partisan tensions escalated as the Republican House continued to thwart Democratic priorities, contributing to Youngkin's record 157 vetoes of bills perceived as advancing unchecked progressive spending and regulatory burdens, including proposals for increases and requirements. Democrats attempted but failed to override 13 of these es in April 2025, lacking the necessary two-thirds majorities due to GOP House opposition, which effectively preserved veto power and blocked measures critics argued ignored of strained state finances and softened enforcement standards in areas like . Under this configuration, Republican-led initiatives advanced modest deregulatory steps and prioritized budget allocations toward core functions over expansive social programs, contrasting with prior Democratic majorities' approaches that correlated with higher expenditures without proportional improvements in outcomes such as school proficiency rates or urban safety metrics. As of October 2025, Democrats are intensifying efforts to recapture full legislative control in the elections for the and half the , alongside the gubernatorial race, aiming to dismantle the veto-proof barriers that have constrained their agenda. Such a shift could enable overrides of executive resistance, potentially accelerating policies on taxation and social issues, though proponents of warn it risks fiscal overextension akin to pre-2023 trends where unchecked spending contributed to budgetary pressures without addressing underlying causal factors like economic constraints.

Notable Scandals and Ethical Issues

One prominent case involved Delegate Phillip Hamilton (R-Newport ), who in 2011 was convicted of federal program and under color of official right for securing state funding for a public in exchange for a promised job there. Hamilton received a sentence of 114 months in , highlighting vulnerabilities in the part-time legislature's oversight of funding decisions tied to personal gain. In 2014, Senator Phillip Puckett (D-Russell) resigned abruptly from the , shifting partisan control to Republicans amid allegations of arrangements, including a potential state job for Puckett and a judgeship for his daughter. The FBI investigated the circumstances but declined prosecution in 2014, citing insufficient evidence for charges, though the episode underscored persistent gaps in disclosure requirements for such transitions. Delegate (R-Scott), involved via the Virginia Tobacco Indemnification and Community Revitalization Commission, hired legal counsel during the probe, raising questions about opaque influence networks in a citizen-legislator body where side employment is common. These incidents contributed to broader critiques of Virginia's framework, rated poorly in national assessments for weak and disclosure, with failing scores in legislative ethics prior to reforms. In response to related executive-level like the 2014 McDonnell case, the General Assembly enacted 2015 measures capping gifts from lobbyists and contractors at $100 annually, including meals and travel, while mandating broader reporting under the General Assembly Conflicts of Interests Act. Despite such changes, empirical patterns show low accountability, with rare federal convictions like Hamilton's contrasting against unprosecuted probes such as Puckett's, attributable in part to the legislature's part-time structure enabling unreported conflicts from secondary professions. Ongoing concerns include outsized donor sway from entities like , whose contributions exceed $1 million biennially to lawmakers regulating utilities, prompting calls for recusal rules beyond current disclosures, as stock holdings or campaign funds can indirectly shape policy without formal breach. Reforms have curbed overt gifts but exhibited limited causal effect on systemic influences, as evidenced by sustained D-grade rankings and persistent for independent over self-policing.

References

  1. https://virginiageneralassembly.gov/
  2. https://www.jmu.edu/civic/virginia_general_assembly_guide.shtml
  3. https://vga.virginia.gov/about/virginias-legislature/
  4. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitutionexpand/article4/
  5. https://www.civiceducationva.org/vastate3.php
  6. https://ballotpedia.org/Virginia_General_Assembly
  7. https://ballotpedia.org/Virginia_State_Senate
  8. https://apps.senate.virginia.gov/Senator/leadershipDesc.php
  9. https://apps.senate.virginia.gov/Portal/Resources/SenateRules.pdf
  10. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitution/article4/
  11. https://publications.virginiageneralassembly.gov/download_publication/237
  12. https://virginiageneralassembly.gov/house/members/members.php?committee=H18
  13. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitution/article5/section6/
  14. https://virginiamercury.com/2024/04/16/virginia-may-be-the-most-powerful-legislature-of-them-all/
  15. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/vacodefull/title15.2/chapter2/
  16. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitution/article7/section10/
  17. https://ballotpedia.org/Nondelegation_doctrine:_State_limits_on_delegation_of_legislative_power_to_agencies
  18. https://virginialawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/12/Sullivan_Online.pdf
  19. https://budget.lis.virginia.gov/
  20. https://hac.virginia.gov/general/legislative.htm
  21. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitution/article4/section6/
  22. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitution/article10/section9/
  23. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitutionexpand/article5/
  24. https://www.thecentralvirginian.com/news/state/virginia-posts-21b-surplus-in-new-report/article_9bd2ac69-037e-5d95-be88-0a11d5ab87e4.html
  25. https://jlarc.virginia.gov/pdfs/reports/Rpt596.pdf
  26. https://ballotpedia.org/Virginia_state_budget_and_finances
  27. https://virginiamercury.com/2025/03/03/enough-already-extend-the-length-of-virginias-regular-legislative-sessions/
  28. https://guides.ll.georgetown.edu/c.php?g=277319&p=7710526
  29. https://virginiamercury.com/2025/07/14/va-governors-make-board-appointments-legislators-confirm-them-hows-the-process-work/
  30. https://publications.virginiageneralassembly.gov/download_publication/86
  31. https://virginiamercury.com/2025/04/02/democrats-fail-to-override-youngkin-vetoes-in-largely-symbolic-showdown/
  32. https://levin-center.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/State-Oversight-Report-Virginia-updated-2021.pdf
  33. https://ballotpedia.org/Virginia_still_clings_onto_one-term_limit_policy_for_Governors
  34. https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2023/09/09/glenn-youngkin-history-wars-virginia-00113958
  35. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitution/article6/section7/
  36. https://virginiarules.org/varules_topics/introduction-to-virginias-judicial-system/
  37. https://sk.sagepub.com/book/mono/virginia-government-institutions-and-policy/chpt/the-virginia-general-assembly-lawmaking-the-nations
  38. https://historicjamestowne.org/history/the-first-general-assembly/
  39. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/house-of-burgesses/
  40. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/bacons-rebellion-1676-1677/
  41. https://www.americanrevolution.org/bacons-rebellion/
  42. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/primary-documents/the-constitution-of-virginia-1776/
  43. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-01-02-0161-0008
  44. https://old.lva.virginia.gov/constitutions/discover/
  45. http://s1030794421.onlinehome.us/government/constitution1830.html
  46. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/virginia-convention-of-1861/
  47. https://virginiahistory.org/learn/story-of-virginia/chapter/reconstruction
  48. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/constitutional-convention-virginia-1901-1902/
  49. https://edu.lva.virginia.gov/oc/stc/entries/voting-requirements-of-the-constitution-of-virginia-1902
  50. https://www.nytimes.com/1964/12/02/archives/virginia-legislators-reapportion-11-seats-from-rural-to-urban-areas.html
  51. https://scholarlycommons.law.wlu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=3618&context=wlulr
  52. https://virginiahistory.org/learn/civil-rights-movement-virginia/massive-resistance
  53. https://www.vcdh.virginia.edu/solguide/VUS13/essay13a.html
  54. https://segregationinamerica.eji.org/report/massive-resistance.html
  55. https://encyclopediavirginia.org/entries/woman-suffrage-in-virginia/
  56. https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1552&context=pilr
  57. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitution.pdf
  58. https://www.commoncause.org/virginia/resources/virginia/
  59. https://scholarship.richmond.edu/pilr/vol24/iss1/6/
  60. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/constitution/article2/section5/
  61. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/vacode/title2.2/chapter28/section2.2-2807/
  62. https://www.elections.virginia.gov/resultsreports/registrationturnout-statistics/
  63. https://www.vpm.org/news/2019-10-25/a-brief-history-of-virginias-off-year-elections
  64. https://www.vpm.org/news/2025-08-20/curious-commonwealth-off-year-elections-civil-war-tarter-grant
  65. https://www.ncsl.org/resources/details/odd-ones-out-just-4-states-hold-off-year-elections
  66. https://www.elections.virginia.gov/election-law/
  67. https://ballotpedia.org/Primary_elections_in_Virginia
  68. https://www.elections.virginia.gov/candidatepac-info/becoming-a-candidate/
  69. https://centerforpolitics.org/vote/virginia-general-assembly/
  70. https://www.vaourway.org/how-are-virginia-lawmakers-compensated
  71. https://www.wvtf.org/news/2024-12-11/could-state-lawmakers-give-themselves-a-raise-next-month
  72. https://rga.lis.virginia.gov/Published/2025/SD4/PDF
  73. https://jlarc.virginia.gov/pdfs/presentations/Rpt599Pres.pdf
  74. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/vacode/title24.2/chapter2/section24.2-215/
  75. https://law.lis.virginia.gov/vacode/title24.2/chapter2/section24.2-214/
  76. https://ballotpedia.org/Party_control_of_Virginia_state_government
  77. https://virginiamercury.com/2023/11/13/virginia-voters-gave-democrats-control-of-the-legislature-what-will-it-mean-for-policy/
  78. https://www.ncsl.org/about-state-legislatures/state-partisan-composition
  79. https://my.lwv.org/sites/default/files/leagues/wysiwyg/%255Bcurrent-user%253Aog-user-node%253A1%253Atitle%255D/money-in-virginia-politics-lwv-va-report-2022.pdf
  80. https://virginiamercury.com/2023/07/11/millions-funneled-into-virginia-primaries-reignite-calls-for-campaign-finance-reform/
  81. https://stateline.org/2023/04/13/voting-to-raise-their-own-pay-puts-state-lawmakers-in-a-bind/
  82. https://gps.ucsd.edu/_files/faculty/lyons/lyons_research_07022014.pdf
  83. https://www.acecva.org/legislative-update/
  84. https://virginiamercury.com/2024/06/10/mistakes-happen-but-virginias-hurried-anachronistic-legislative-schedule-invites-them/
  85. https://virginiamercury.com/2025/10/23/house-speaker-calls-virginia-lawmakers-back-to-richmond-as-possible-redistricting-fight-brews/
  86. https://budget.lis.virginia.gov/bill/2025/1/
  87. https://mountvernonspringfield.com/legislative-luncheon-recap-and-2025-general-assembly-highlights/
  88. https://www.pecva.org/work/the-2025-virginia-general-assembly-is-in-session/
  89. https://www.governing.com/politics/why-virginias-legislature-holds-all-the-cards
  90. https://virginiageneralassembly.gov/hc
  91. https://www.vpap.org/general-assembly/standing-committees/
  92. https://help.lis.virginia.gov/session/committees-nav.asp
  93. https://apnews.com/article/virginia-legislature-2024-general-assembly-committees-ddf943159819836ecaa5ea99669f8f2f
  94. https://wset.com/news/local/virginia-legislative-committees-under-scrutiny-for-disproportionate-representation-general-assembly-house-of-delegates-october-2023
  95. https://www.virginiascope.com/some-returning-and-some-new-faces-to-serve-as-house-committee-chairs/
  96. https://studies.virginiageneralassembly.gov/studies/304
  97. https://www.pilotonline.com/2025/04/02/virginia-general-assembly-grounded-to-halt-in-apparent-conflict-over-judicial-nominees-religion/
  98. https://www.13newsnow.com/article/news/local/virginia/virginia-judge-gov-youngkin-university-board-appointments-george-mason-university-of-virginia-uva/291-10abf360-6dd3-4e45-9e7f-c57336779a55
  99. https://apps.senate.virginia.gov/Portal/Resources/HowaBillBL.pdf
  100. https://publications.virginiageneralassembly.gov/download_publication/111
  101. https://vcdl.org/page/Legislative-Process
  102. https://wvtf.org/news/2024-04-16/virginias-legislature-hasnt-overridden-a-veto-in-more-than-a-decade-could-that-change-wednesday
  103. https://www.dhr.virginia.gov/historic-registers/127-0002/
  104. https://virginiacapitol.gov/virtualtours/Virtualtours508/Interior508.html
  105. http://s1030794421.onlinehome.us/government/capitol.html
  106. https://publications.virginiageneralassembly.gov/download_publication/108
  107. https://www.williamsmullen.com/insights/news/legal-news/williams-mullen-2021-virginia-general-assembly-session-overview
  108. https://vapta.org/ga-basics/
  109. https://virginiamercury.com/2021/02/23/virginias-general-assembly-moves-closer-to-mandating-in-person-instruction-by-this-summer/
  110. https://budget.lis.virginia.gov/item/2025/1/HB1600/Introduced/2/C-3.50
  111. https://publications.virginiageneralassembly.gov/
  112. https://richmond.com/news/local/government-politics/article_0e057313-cd85-5e5f-908c-b4d325f8ae3c.html
  113. https://www.glaveandholmes.com/projects
  114. http://hodcap.state.va.us/publications/Capitol_Visitor_Guide.pdf
  115. https://www.christmanco.com/portfolio/virginia-capitol-historic-restoration-and-expansion
  116. https://old.lva.virginia.gov/exhibits/capitol/beyond/
  117. https://www.gilbaneco.com/projects/virginia-state-capitol-building-restoration/
  118. https://virginiamercury.com/2024/02/14/crossover-roundup-whats-alive-and-whats-on-shaky-ground-in-virginias-general-assembly/
  119. https://sfac.virginia.gov/pdf/Capital%2520Outlay%2520and%2520Transportation/2025%2520Session/01172025_No2_DGS.pdf
  120. https://budget.lis.virginia.gov/item/2025/1/SB800/Introduced/2/C-48
  121. https://scholarship.richmond.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1551&context=pilr
  122. https://gerrymander.princeton.edu/assets/docs/PGP_VA_Report_final.pdf
  123. https://ballotpedia.org/Efficiency_gap
  124. https://ballotpedia.org/Redistricting_in_Virginia_after_the_2020_census
  125. https://www.vpm.org/news/2021-10-11/virginia-redistricting-commission-stymied-by-a-fundamental-lack-of-trust
  126. https://www.democracydocket.com/news-alerts/virginia-redistricting-commission-fails-to-approve-legislative-maps/
  127. https://planscore.org/virginia/#%212022-plan-congress
  128. https://alarm-redist.org/fifty-states/VA_cd_2020/
  129. https://www.nytimes.com/2025/10/23/us/politics/virginia-democrats-redistrict.html
  130. https://www.politico.com/news/2025/10/23/virginia-house-redistricting-democrats-00620430
  131. https://www.facebook.com/WinsomeESears/posts/abigail-spanberger-and-virginia-democrats-pocketed-300k-in-out-of-state-money-to/1423458906447353/
  132. https://www.foxnews.com/politics/obamas-wingman-dumps-300k-new-virginia-redistricting-fight-dems-call-lawmakers-back
  133. https://wtop.com/virginia/2025/10/virginia-gov-youngkin-calls-potential-redistricting-from-house-dems-a-desperate-grab/
  134. https://www.yalelawjournal.org/forum/the-predominance-test
  135. https://mggg.org/VA-report.pdf
  136. https://virginiamercury.com/2024/05/13/5-things-to-know-about-virginias-newly-revealed-budget-deal/
  137. https://www.vpm.org/news/2024-05-07/general-assembly-youngkin-virginia-budget-compromise-fy25-fy26-update
  138. https://www.axios.com/local/richmond/2025/03/25/youngkin-bills-veto-virginia-legislature-list-2025
  139. https://www.sandsanderson.com/insights/thought/virginia-employment-laws-what-governor-youngkin-just-vetoed-and-why-it-matters
  140. https://www.governor.virginia.gov/newsroom/news-releases/2025/april/name-1045622-en.html
  141. https://www.29news.com/2025/01/03/virginia-lawmakers-prepare-2025-session-amidst-sharp-partisan-divides/
  142. https://cardinalnews.org/2025/02/06/legislators-prep-for-partisan-battles-in-second-half-of-general-assembly-session/
  143. https://www.washingtonpost.com/dc-md-va/2025/10/26/virginia-house-delegates-election-redistricting/
  144. https://virginiamercury.com/2025/10/16/house-district-82-rematch-could-help-decide-control-of-virginias-legislature/
  145. https://mwcllc.com/2025/09/19/virginia-2025-election-update/
  146. https://virginiabusiness.com/not-with-a-bang-but-a-whimper/
  147. https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/former-member-virginia-house-delegates-sentenced-114-months-prison-bribery-and-extortion
  148. https://www.justice.gov/archives/opa/pr/former-member-virginia-house-delegates-convicted-bribery-and-extortion
  149. https://wjla.com/news/political/phil-puckett-va-state-senator-under-fbi-investigation-104289
  150. https://www.gentrylocke.com/us-department-justice-will-not-prosecute-senator-phillip-puckett/
  151. https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/virginia-politics/terry-kilgore-state-delegate-and-va-tobacco-board-chief-hires-lawyer-in-puckett-probe/2014/06/19/426ed8d8-f7cf-11e3-a606-946fd632f9f1_story.html
  152. https://publicintegrity.org/politics/state-politics/state-integrity-investigation/virginia-gets-d-grade-in-2015-state-integrity-investigation/
  153. https://wtop.com/virginia/2015/02/virginia-general-assembly-passes-tough-new-gift-laws-in-response-to-mcdonnell-scandal/
  154. https://virginiabusiness.com/ethical-dilemma/
  155. https://www.cleanvirginia.org/2023/12/18/dominion-energys-outsized-influence-in-virginia-politics/
Add your contribution
Related Hubs
Contribute something
User Avatar
No comments yet.