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Vocable
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In the broadest sense of the word, a vocable (from Latin: vocabulum) is any identifiable utterance or writing, such as a word or term, that is fixed by their language and culture.[1][2] The use of the term for words in the broad sense is archaic and the term is instead used for utterances which are not considered words, such as the English interjections of assent and denial, uh-huh /əˈhʌ/ and uh-uh /ˈʌʔə/, or the interjection of error, uh-oh /ˈʌʔoʊ/.[3]
Such non-lexical vocables are often used in music, for example la la la or dum dee dum, or in magical incantations, such as abra-cadabra. Scat singing is essentially all vocables.[4] Many Native American songs consist entirely of vocables; this may be due to both phonetic substitution to increase the resonance of the song, and to the trade of songs between nations speaking different languages.[5] Jewish Nigunim also feature wordless melodies composed entirely of vocables such as Yai nai nai or Yai dai dai.[6]
Vocables are common as pause fillers, such as um and er in English, where they have little formal meaning and are rarely purposeful.
Pseudowords that mimic the structure of real words are used in experiments in psycholinguistics and cognitive psychology, for example the nonsense syllables introduced by Hermann Ebbinghaus.
The proto-words of infants, which are meaningful but do not correspond to words of adult speech, are also sometimes called vocables.[7]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ "vocable". Oxford English Dictionary (Online ed.). Oxford University Press. (Subscription or participating institution membership required.)
- ^ The Cambridge Companion to Saussure
- ^ Danesi (2004) A Basic Course in Anthropological Linguistics
- ^ William R. Bauer, "Scat Singing: A Timbral and Phonemic Analysis", Current Musicology, 2002, no.71-73, doi:10.7916/cm.v0i71-73.4828
- ^ Golla (2011) California Indian Languages, §4.12.4
- ^ Matansky, Eugene. "Nigun Shamil: The Soul Endlessly Yearning for What It Has Always Never Been". Herzog Academic College. Retrieved 28 June 2021.
- ^ Crystal (2008) A Dictionary of Linguistics and Phonetics
Vocable
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A vocable is a word, term, or utterance regarded solely as a sequence of sounds or letters, irrespective of its meaning or semantic content.[1] In linguistics, it emphasizes the phonetic or formal structure of language units, such as syllables or phonemes, without reference to their referential significance.[2] For instance, non-lexical vocables include interjections like "er" or "um," whose interpretation depends on contextual cues rather than fixed definitions.[3]
The term originates from the mid-15th century, initially denoting a "name" or "appellation," and by the 1520s evolving to signify a "word" or "term" in English.[4] It derives from Old French vocable, borrowed directly from Latin vocabulum ("name, noun, word"), which stems from vocare ("to call") and is related to vox ("voice"), tracing back to the Proto-Indo-European root wekw- ("to speak").[4] This etymological lineage highlights vocables' connection to vocal expression and naming practices across languages.[1]
Beyond linguistics, vocables appear in musical contexts as non-lexical syllables, such as "la la la," used to convey rhythm, emotion, or melody without words.[5] In scholarly linguistic analysis, they are examined as building blocks of lexical codes, where phrase-words or idioms function as coded units similar to individual vocables.[2] This formal focus distinguishes vocables from meaningful vocabulary, underscoring their role in studying sound patterns and prosody in both spoken and sung forms.[6]
Definition and Etymology
Definition
A vocable is any identifiable utterance, word, or term that is fixed within a particular language or culture, often emphasizing its phonetic form over its semantic content. Derived from the Latin vocabulum, meaning "a name" or "a word," it serves as a fundamental unit of verbal expression in linguistics. Vocables encompass a broad range of spoken elements, from meaningful words to purely phonetic sounds, and are essential in analyzing how languages structure communication through sound patterns. General examples of vocables as basic units of speech include isolated syllables such as "la" or "ooh," which appear in exclamations, songs, or chants to evoke emotion or rhythm rather than denote objects. These elements underscore the vocable's role in the phonetic inventory of languages, where form and sound can stand independently of meaning.Etymology
The term "vocable" entered English in the mid-15th century, borrowed from Old French vocable and directly from Latin vocābulum, meaning "name," "noun," or "word."[4][7] The earliest recorded use appears around 1440 in the works of John Capgrave, a medieval English theologian and historian.[7] This Latin root derives from vocāre, "to call," which is connected to vōx, "voice," tracing back to the Proto-Indo-European root wekw-, "to speak."[4] By the 1520s, the meaning had evolved to refer more generally to "a word or term" in itself, shifting emphasis from designation to the linguistic unit regardless of its specific signification.[4] This development reflects broader medieval linguistic discussions on nomenclature and expression. Related terms emerged from the same lineage, such as "vocabulary" in the 1530s, from Medieval Latin vocabulārium, denoting a collection or list of words.[8] Over time, "vocable" became specialized in certain contexts to denote utterances focused on their phonetic or sonic qualities rather than semantic content.[9]Linguistic Usage
Lexical Vocables
In linguistics, words or terms with referential meaning—known as lexical items—are often treated as vocables when the focus is solely on their phonetic or sound-based composition, disregarding their semantic content.[1] This approach allows researchers to examine their formal properties, such as sound sequences, independent of the concepts they represent.[5] It underscores the vocable's role as a unit defined by linguistic conventions, where the auditory form takes precedence in analysis. In phonology, these vocables function as basic units of the vocabulary, built from phonemes—the smallest sounds that distinguish meaning—and frequently including morphemes, the smallest meaningful elements that combine to create words. Phonologists represent them as phoneme sequences to uncover patterns in sound distribution, syllable structure, and prosody within a language's lexicon. Morphemes, such as roots and affixes, form the basis for word creation, supporting the growth and organization of vocabulary.[10] For example, the English word "cat," which refers to a feline animal, can be analyzed as the phoneme sequence /k/ /æ/ /t/, illustrating its structure with a consonantal onset, vowel nucleus, and coda. Likewise, "run," indicating motion, decomposes into /r/ /ʌ/ /n/, showing how phonemes form simple monosyllabic words that contribute to lexical variety. These cases highlight how treating lexical items as vocables connects sound systems to broader linguistic study. Unlike non-lexical vocables, which have no fixed meaning, this analysis separates phonetic form from semantics even for meaningful words.[11]Non-Lexical Vocables
Non-lexical vocables in linguistics are vocal utterances that lack inherent lexical or semantic meaning, functioning instead as pragmatic tools to support conversational dynamics without contributing propositional content. These sounds, often termed conversational grunts or non-lexical vocalizations, include hesitation markers like "um" and "uh," which speakers produce to signal ongoing speech planning or to hold the floor during pauses.[12] They are distinguished from words by their productive generation—speakers create variations based on context rather than drawing from a fixed lexicon—and by their reliance on phonetic features such as nasality, breathiness, or creakiness to convey nuance.[13] A primary function of non-lexical vocables is to serve as hesitation markers, allowing speakers to mitigate disfluency while maintaining listener engagement; for instance, "er" or "ah" fills silences during word searches, occurring approximately once every 5 seconds in informal American English speech.[12] They also act as discourse particles or backchannels, providing minimal feedback to the interlocutor, such as "uh-huh" to affirm comprehension or encourage continuation without interrupting the turn.[14] Additionally, these vocables express attitudinal or emotional states, with sounds like "mm" indicating contemplation or agreement, and "oh" marking realization of new information, thereby regulating interaction pace and interpersonal rapport.[13] Their meanings are often compositional, derived from sound symbolism: for example, nasalized forms like "hm" suggest affiliation or thoughtfulness, while breathy "ha" variants convey openness or control.[12] Examples abound in everyday dialogue, where "uh-huh" functions as a continuer to signal active listening, as in responses during storytelling, and context-dependent items like "mm-hm" negotiate agreement without lexical commitment.[14] Unlike lexical items analyzed as vocables, non-lexical ones prioritize relational and procedural roles, enhancing fluency and social cohesion in spoken language.[13] In corpora like the Switchboard collection of telephone conversations, such sounds comprise a significant portion of utterances, underscoring their ubiquity in natural discourse.[12]Musical Applications
In Native American Music
In Native American musical traditions, vocables—non-lexical syllables without direct referential meaning—play a central role in vocal performances, particularly in Plains and Woodland tribal styles. These vocables, such as "hey," "ha," "yo," or sequences like "he ha ha-ah he ha ha," are commonly employed to structure songs, often forming the entirety of the text or framing meaningful words within them.[15] They appear in various regional examples, including "hee, hee, ho, ho" in Dene dance songs from the Western Subarctic and "hwa" or "ō" in Plateau tribal mourning and ceremonial pieces.[15] Vocables serve essential cultural functions by expressing deep emotions, such as sorrow or spiritual longing, and creating rhythmic patterns that enhance communal participation. In chants and powwow songs, they emphasize emotional intensity without requiring translation, allowing singers to convey personal or supernatural experiences received through dreams or visions.[16] For instance, in Plains powwow traditions, vocables delineate song units, support call-and-response structures, and integrate with drumming to foster unity during social dances and rituals like the Sun Dance.[15] This usage underscores their role in evoking atmosphere and rhythm, often imitating natural sounds like animal calls to symbolize broader cultural narratives.[15] Historically, vocables have been integral to Native American oral traditions for centuries, predating European contact and persisting across diverse tribes in Plains, Woodland, and other regions. Transmitted verbally through generations, they embody sacred knowledge, with some scholars suggesting they may derive from ancient meaningful words that evolved into abstract forms over time.[16] In Woodland and Plains contexts, vocables appear in ceremonial chants and communal songs, ensuring cultural continuity and spiritual efficacy without reliance on written language.[15]In Other Traditions
In Western musical traditions, scat singing emerged as a prominent use of vocables within jazz, where performers improvise melodies and rhythms using nonsense syllables to treat the voice as an instrumental soloist. Pioneered in the early 20th century, scat allows vocalists to mimic horn sections or explore complex improvisations without lyrical constraints, as exemplified by Ella Fitzgerald's virtuosic scat solo in her 1947 recording of "How High the Moon," featuring rapid-fire syllables like "skiddly-bop" and "ba-da-wee."[17] This technique shares a functional similarity with vocables in Native American music by emphasizing rhythmic and melodic expression through non-lexical sounds. Vocables also appear in popular and folk styles, often filling melodic lines or enhancing catchiness in ensemble singing. The Beach Boys' 1965 hit "Barbara Ann" prominently features repetitive vocables such as "ba-ba-ba-ba-Barbara Ann," which drive the song's energetic, doo-wop-inspired harmony and contribute to its commercial success by creating an infectious, wordless hook. Beyond Western contexts, Gaelic lilting, or diddling, represents a traditional Irish vocal practice where performers sing dance tunes using improvised syllables like "tra-la-la" or "diddle-dee" to replicate fiddle or pipe melodies, particularly in regions where instruments were scarce. This form, dating back to at least the 17th century, serves as a mnemonic device for tune transmission and accompanies step dancing by emphasizing rhythmic precision over semantics.[18] In Indian classical music, bols function as standardized rhythmic vocables—syllables such as "ta-ka-dhi-na" or "dha"—recited by percussionists on instruments like the tabla to denote beats, strokes, and cycles within a tala framework, enabling precise teaching and performance of intricate patterns.[19] Tuvan throat singing from Central Asia incorporates vocables to enhance its overtone-rich multiphonic technique, where singers produce a fundamental drone alongside high harmonics, often using syllables like "oo" or nature-imitating sounds to evoke wind, animals, or landscapes in epic storytelling songs.[20] Across these diverse traditions, vocables commonly serve to imitate instrumental timbres, bridge melodic gaps in unaccompanied settings, or add textural layers in choral and a cappella ensembles, fostering improvisation and cultural continuity without reliance on words.[21]Cultural and Historical Context
Historical Development
The use of vocables traces its ancient roots to shamanic chants and incantations in ritualistic practices, where non-lexical syllables served to invoke spiritual forces or induce altered states of consciousness. In many indigenous and pre-Christian traditions, these throaty, meaningless sounds facilitated rhythmic repetition to connect with the divine or heal, often without fixed linguistic meaning. A notable example from Roman times is "abracadabra," a magical vocable prescribed by the physician Quintus Serenus Sammonicus in the 2nd century AD as an apotropaic charm against fever and misfortune; it was inscribed in a triangular amulet, with each line shortening by one letter to diminish evil's power.[22][23] From the medieval period through the Renaissance, vocables gained prominence in European folk songs, where neutral syllables like "lullay" or "trolly-lolly" filled refrains to enhance rhythm and express emotion, often in secular contexts such as lullabies and mystery plays. In 14th-century English literature, such as William Langland's Piers Plowman, field workers are depicted singing "hey! trolly-lolly!" as a nonsensical folk refrain, reflecting rustic oral traditions criticized by elites for their simplicity. By the early 16th century, in the Chester Mystery Plays, shepherds responded to angelic announcements with "troly, loly, loly, loo," blending sacred narrative with profane folk elements sponsored by craft guilds. In sacred music, Gregorian chants emphasized syllabic rendering of Latin texts, with neutral syllable delivery aiding melodic flow, though melismatic extensions on vowels occasionally evoked a vocable-like quality in ritual performance.[24][25] In the 19th and early 20th centuries, ethnographic documentation brought greater attention to vocables in Indigenous traditions, particularly through the work of anthropologists like Frances Densmore, who recorded over 340 Chippewa songs between 1909 and 1911 using phonographs at reservations in Minnesota and Wisconsin. Densmore described vocables as throaty, glottal sounds—such as "e ya," "we ho ho ho," or "wewe"—lacking semantic content but essential for tonal differentiation, rhythm, and emotional depth, often interpolated in Mide'wiwin ceremonial songs or dream chants. Her analyses, published in Chippewa Music II (1913), highlighted their consistency across performers and cultural roles, preserving examples like the vocable-only "Dance of the Dog Feast" and noting their nasal quality in love songs requiring an "Indian throat" for authenticity.[26][27]Modern Significance
In contemporary popular music, vocables play a prominent role in enhancing rhythmic and emotional expressiveness, particularly in genres like K-pop and hip-hop. In K-pop, non-lexical syllables such as "ddu-du ddu-du" in BLACKPINK's 2018 hit "DDU-DU DDU-DU" serve as catchy hooks that mimic sound effects and add playfulness, contributing to the genre's global appeal through repetitive, memorable motifs. Similarly, in hip-hop, ad-libs function as vocables to punctuate verses and build energy; for instance, Megan Thee Stallion employs short exclamations like "ay," "huh," and "baow" in tracks such as "Savage" (2020), which amplify her flow and create a layered vocal texture that distinguishes modern rap production.[28][29] Vocables also appear in film scores as dramatic vocalizations, often using "oohs" and wordless chants to evoke atmosphere without relying on lyrics. This technique, known as vocalise, traces its filmic use to early 20th-century composers but persists in modern soundtracks for its ability to convey emotion universally; Howard Shore's score for The Lord of the Rings trilogy (2001–2003), for example, incorporates ethereal "oohs" in choral sections to heighten epic tension and otherworldliness.[30] In sociolinguistics, vocables are analyzed as filler words that facilitate fluid interaction, with growing attention to their adaptation in digital communication. Fillers like "um" and "uh" allow speakers to pause for thought while signaling ongoing dialogue, a function that extends to texting where phatic expressions such as "lol" variants (e.g., "lmao") act as non-lexical affirmations to maintain conversational rhythm in asynchronous exchanges. Sociolinguistic studies highlight how these digital vocables reduce perceived abruptness in online chats, mirroring spoken fillers' role in rapport-building.[31][32] Preservation efforts have revitalized vocables within Indigenous music, integrating them into festivals and fusion genres to sustain cultural heritage amid globalization. Groups like Ulali perform traditional a cappella vocable singing at events such as the sākihiwē festival (formerly Aboriginal Music Week, est. 2009), blending high-pitched yelps and rhythmic syllables with contemporary arrangements to educate younger audiences on Native American vocal traditions. In global fusion like worldbeat, vocables add exotic texture; ethno-techno acts such as Deep Forest sample untexted syllables from Baegu lullabies in tracks like "Sweet Lullaby" (1992), merging them with electronic beats to bridge Indigenous roots and modern pop, though this sometimes risks cultural commodification. These initiatives, supported by awards like the Indigenous Music Awards, underscore vocables' enduring spiritual and communal value in 21st-century contexts.[33][34]References
- https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/vocable