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Xhafer Deva (21 February 1904 – 25 May 1978) was a nationalist Kosovo Albanian politician during World War II. A notable local politician in Kosovo and in Axis-occupied Albania, he took charge of German-occupied Mitrovica and worked with the Germans to establish a pro-German Albanian government in Kosovo. Following the capitulation of Italy from the war, he helped form a provisional government under German occupation and set up the Second League of Prizren alongside other Albanian nationalists.

Key Information

In November 1943, he was appointed Minister of the Interior and was effectively given direct command of the forces of the newly formed Albanian government. On 4 February 1944, police units subordinate to him massacred 86 residents of Tirana suspected of being anti-fascists. Deva was later involved in recruiting Kosovo Albanians to join the 21st Waffen Mountain Division of the SS Skanderbeg (1st Albanian). He lost his position as Minister of the Interior with the dissolution of the Albanian government on 16 June, and subsequently became leader of the Second League of Prizren and led anti-Partisan operations around Prizren in September. Soon after, he fled to Croatia and then to Austria with the help of the Germans, where he joined other anti-Communist Albanians.

After the war, he moved via Italy to Damascus, where he helped publish an exile newspaper entitled Bashkimi i Kombit (Albanian: Unity of the Nation). In 1956, he immigrated to the United States and briefly lived in New York and Boston before moving to Calaveras County, California in 1960. He worked as an assistant supervisor at the mailing department of Stanford University in Palo Alto until his retirement in 1972. During this time, he led the Third League of Prizren and played an active role in organizing anti-Communist resistance until his death on 25 May 1978. Files released after his death showed that he had been recruited by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) while living in the United States.

Early life

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Xhafer Ibrahim Deva was born in Mitrovica, Kosovo Vilayet, Ottoman Empire on 21 February 1904. He was the seventh son of Ibrahim Deva, a wood merchant from Gjakova. Prior to the Balkan Wars, he attended a German-language school in Salonika. Afterwards, he studied commerce at Robert College, an American private boarding school in Istanbul's Arnavutköy neighborhood. He graduated in 1922 and traveled to Egypt, where he briefly worked for a bank in Alexandria. Suffering from rheumatism, he left Egypt and sought treatment in Austria. He studied forestry in Vienna before returning to Mitrovica in 1933 and setting up a lumber business that lasted until 1941.[1]

World War II

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The Kingdom of Italy invaded the Albanian Kingdom on 7 April 1939, and deposed its monarch, King Zog I. Afterwards, they re-established the Albanian state as a protectorate of the Kingdom of Italy,[2]

By 1941, Deva was the first Kosovo Albanian political leader to declare himself ready to collaborate with the Germans in the event of the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia. Having been in contact with the Abwehr (the German military intelligence) for some time, he met Hermann Neubacher, the German special representative for southeastern Europe, in Belgrade prior to the invasion and had given the latter his support.[3]

The Axis powers invaded the Kingdom of Yugoslavia on 6 April 1941.[4] Afterwards, the country was dismantled and the Wehrmacht established the Territory of the Military Commander in Serbia[5] under a military government of occupation. The territory included most of Serbia proper, with the addition of the northern portion of Kosovo and the Banat.[6] Italian Albania was expanded to include adjacent parts of Yugoslavia incorporated mainly from the Yugoslav banovinas (regional subdivisions) of Vardar and Morava.[7] Most of Kosovo was annexed to Albania and in the beginning Albanians living there enthusiastically welcomed the Italian occupation.[8] Although officially under Italian rule, the Albanians controlled the region and were encouraged to open Albanian language schools,[9] which had been banned by the Yugoslav government.[10] The Italians also gave the inhabitants Albanian citizenship and allowed them to fly the Albanian flag.[9]

On April 26 Deva organized a meeting between Albanian representatives from Kosovo and south Sandžak with German general Friedrich-Georg Eberhardt about organization of 'new order'. Eberhardt demanded that new municipal governments have to be formed and claim that Adolf Hitler will probably allow cleansing of Serbs from these areas, but any radical actions shouldn't be rushed.[11] Later that year, Deva worked with the Balli Kombëtar and the Germans to establish a pro-German Albanian government in Kosovo linked to the Albanian nation.[1] He quickly became the Balli Kombëtar's most powerful figure.[12] The most capable Kosovo Albanian politician of the war,[13] he was then appointed head of the local administration in German-occupied Mitrovica.[1] After the capitulation of Italy, Deva and Bedri Pejani, assisted by the German emissary Franz von Schweiger,[14] set up the Second League of Prizren on 16 September 1943.[12] The league, whose aim was to defend the borders of Greater Albania,[1] declared jihad (holy war) against Slavs, Gypsies and Jews and sought to create an ethnically cleansed Greater Albania.[15] Between 4 and 7 December 1943, 400 soldiers of Kosovo Regiment commanded by Deva surrounded Peja and committed mass murder of local Serbs and Montenegrins, killing at least 300 people.[16] Deva subsequently placed the newly established units of Balli Kombëtar under the command of the Germans.[12]

Together with Pejani and Ibrahim Biçakçiu, a landowner from Elbasan, he later helped create a national committee of twenty-two Albanian and Kosovo Albanian leaders which declared Albania independent and which elected an executive committee under Biçakçiu to form a provisional government. On 5 November,[17] Deva was appointed Minister of the Interior in the Tirana Government of Rexhep Mitrovica and collaborated with the Germans to oppose the spread of Communist forces in the north,[14] effectively giving him direct command over the forces of the new government.[18]

Xhafer Deva's house in Mitrovica after renovation

On 4 February 1944, police units under his authority massacred 86 residents of Tirana suspected of being anti-fascists.[14][19] Later, Deva began recruiting Kosovo Albanians to join the SS Skanderbeg.[20] Previously, in 1943 in Novi Pazar, after invitation from mayor Aćif Hadžiahmetović, he popularized recruition in SS Handschar.[21] In May, he visited Germany with Ago Agaj, the Albanian Minister of National Economy.[22] On 16 June, Mitrovica's government was dissolved and Deva lost his position as Minister of the Interior.[1] He was then appointed leader of the Second League of Prizren,[14] and took charge of anti-Partisan operations around the town in September.[23]

With the Allied victory in the Balkans imminent, Deva was also involved in a last-ditch attempt to set up an anti-Communist government in Kosovo, and received large caches of weapons and ammunition from SS General Josef Fitzthum and Neubacher's special representative, Karl Gstottenbauer.[1] For similar reasons Deva and other Albanian collaborators agreed to an alliance with Chetniks of Draža Mihailović in mid-1944,[24] when he met with Tihomir Šarković, representative of Mihailović.[25] He and his men also engaged in collecting food and radio equipment from withdrawing German soldiers[23] and attempted to purchase further weapons from them in order to organize a "final solution" of the Slavic population of Kosovo. Nothing came of this as the powerful Yugoslav Partisans prevented any large-scale ethnic cleansing of Slavs from occurring.[26] According to German reports from November 1944, Deva had a force of about 20,000 armed men at his disposal. Historian Jozo Tomasevich writes that this number is likely exaggerated, but concedes that large groups of Kosovo Albanians were active in the region at the time.[23]

Historical review of Deva's role in World War II has become more complicated as, while his atrocities and collaboration with the Axis continue to be acknowledged and condemned, his role in saving Jews within Albania proper has also come to light. In the spring of 1944, the German occupiers again asked for a list of Jews, which had earlier been refused by Albanian collaborationist authorities; upon hearing the grave situation, two of the local Jewish leaders sought the council of Mehdi Frasheri, a government official, for help; Frasheri referred them to Xhafer Deva, who apparently on the one hand had a "good reputation for protecting Jews" yet on the other "had become known for the terror he exercised across the streets of Tirana along with his hordes".[27] Xhafer Deva, then the interior minister of the Albanian quisling government, reportedly told two Jewish delegates that he had the list, and agreed that he would protest the matter with the Germans.[28] He refused to hand the list over to the Germans and rejected their requests to gather Jews in one place, purportedly because of the Albanian besa custom of hospitality.[29] To the Germans, Deva argued that he would not hand over the list as he would not accept "interference in Albanian affairs". Deva informed the leaders of the Jewish community that he had successfully refused the German request afterward. In June 1944, the German authorities asked for the list of Jews again, and the Albanian collaborationist government refused yet again.[28]

Exile and death

[edit]

As the war in Albania drew to a close, Deva fled to Croatia and then to Austria in December,[1] where he was resettled with the help of the Reich Foreign Ministry as the Germans evacuated Albania and Kosovo.[30] There, he joined other anti-Communist Albanians in exile and took care of the ailing Rexhep Mitrovica. From late 1945 until early 1947, he lived in western Austria, at a safe distance from Soviet forces. In 1947, Deva moved via Italy to Damascus in Syria, where he helped publish an exile newspaper entitled Bashkimi i Kombit (Albanian: Unity of the Nation). In 1956, he immigrated to the United States and briefly lived in New York and Boston. In 1960, he moved to Calaveras County, California,[14] and worked as an assistant supervisor at the mailing department[31] of Stanford University in Palo Alto until his retirement in 1972. In his years in exile, Deva led the Third League of Prizren and played an active role in organizing anti-Communist resistance. He died on 25 May 1978, aged 74.[14]

Legacy

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Files released after his death showed that Deva was one of 743 suspected fascist war criminals recruited by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) during the Cold War.[32]

In February 2022, it was announced that the United Nations Development Programme and the European Union would help finance the restoration of Deva's former home in Mitrovica. The decision was condemned by Serbian Culture Minister Maja Gojković, Germany's ambassador to Kosovo, Joern Rohde, as well as Efraim Zuroff, the director of the Simon Wiesenthal Center. In response to the criticism, the UNDP and EU decided to withdraw funding for the project.[33][34]

Notes

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References

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Xhafer Deva

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Xhafer Ibrahim Deva (21 February 1904 – 25 May 1978) was a Kosovo Albanian politician and nationalist who rose to prominence during World War II as Minister of the Interior in the German-backed Albanian government from November 1943 to 1944. In this role, he commanded security forces aimed at suppressing communist insurgents and non-Albanian populations, while advancing irredentist aims to integrate Kosovo and other territories into a greater Albanian state under Axis protection. Deva's tenure involved organizing Albanian militias, such as those tied to the Second League of Prizren, which contributed to ethnic violence including the expulsion and killing of Serbs, amid broader collaboration with Nazi occupation authorities. Following the Axis defeat, he evaded Allied pursuit by fleeing through Europe and the Middle East, ultimately resettling in the United States, where he engaged in exile networks opposing communist Yugoslavia and Albania, including recruitment efforts documented in declassified intelligence files. His legacy remains polarized, with Albanian nationalists viewing him as a defender against Slavic dominance and communism, while critics highlight his role in wartime atrocities, though postwar Western intelligence pragmatically leveraged his anti-communist stance despite Axis ties.

Early Life and Background

Family Origins and Upbringing

Xhafer Ibrahim Deva was born on 21 February 1904 in Mitrovica, then part of the in the . He was the seventh son of Ibrahim Deva, a prosperous wholesaler and wood merchant who served twice as of Mitrovica before being compelled to relinquish control to Serbian authorities during periods of occupation. His mother, Esma, hailed from the Hasan Berisha family. The Deva family, originally muhajirs from who had settled in the region before establishing prominence in Mitrovica, ranked among the wealthiest and most progressive Albanian Muslim households in the area, with business interests including shares in the Trepça mining enterprise. Raised in this affluent environment amid the Ottoman Empire's decline and subsequent Balkan conflicts, Deva grew up in a devout Muslim tradition, with his family's experiences of Serbian encroachment fostering early exposure to Albanian nationalist sentiments.

Education and Formative Influences

Xhafer Deva was born on February 21, 1904, in Mitrovica, then part of the Ottoman Empire's , into a prosperous Albanian Muslim family; his father, Ibrahim Deva, operated as a wholesaler in timber and other goods, while his mother, Esma, hailed from the influential Osmani family. His early education reflected the multicultural environment of the late Ottoman and post-Balkan Wars era, beginning with primary schooling in Mitrovica and from 1909 to 1913, including attendance at a German-language school in the latter city. Deva continued his secondary education at , an American-founded institution in , attending intermittently from 1913 to 1914 and 1915 to 1917 amid regional disruptions, before completing high school in Prishtina from 1918 to 1922 under emerging Yugoslav administration. For higher education, he pursued commercial studies in from 1922 to 1924 and in from 1924 to 1926, alongside enrollment at the Forest Faculty in (Zemlin), aligning with his family's timber trade interests. These experiences fostered a practical, business-oriented worldview, supplemented by an internship as an import-export clerk in Alexandria, Egypt, from 1927 to 1928, where he engaged in trade ventures including dealings with German partners and the Egyptian government. Upon returning to Mitrovica, Deva integrated into the family firm, eventually leading it after his father's death and expanding into timber exports, while assuming local leadership roles such as mayor and president of the Mitrovica Chamber of Commerce. The turbulence of successive imperial shifts—from Ottoman decline through Balkan conflicts and Yugoslav dominance—instilled formative anti-centralist sentiments rooted in observed Albanian marginalization under Serbian rule, as evidenced by his father's repeated mayoral displacements, channeling his elite education toward nationalist economic self-reliance rather than ideological abstraction.

Pre-World War II Career

Entry into Local Politics

Deva returned to , in the 1930s following education abroad and established himself as an entrepreneur by taking over his family's construction company. Leveraging this economic foundation amid Yugoslav rule, he entered local governance through appointed and elective public roles, serving as president of the and as a member of the municipal council. These positions involved economic advocacy and administrative oversight in a region marked by ethnic Albanian grievances against Serb-dominated Yugoslav policies. His family's prior involvement in Mitrovica's administration—his father having been appointed twice, only to relinquish control to Serbian authorities—provided a backdrop for Deva's emergence in local affairs, though he later claimed no direct political engagement until 1941.

Anti-Yugoslav and Nationalist Activities

Deva entered local politics in Kosovo during the interwar period under the Kingdom of , serving as mayor of Mitrovica, a position previously held by his father. In this role, he navigated the tensions arising from Yugoslav policies of administrative centralization, Serb colonization, and , which sought to integrate Kosovo more firmly into the South Slav state while suppressing Albanian ethnic identity. As a prominent figure among , Deva advocated for greater autonomy and the preservation of Albanian rights, associating with groups like the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, established to counter Yugoslav encroachments and defend local Albanian interests against forced migrations and land expropriations. His activities focused on fostering nationalist sentiment through community organization and resistance to Belgrade's directives, positioning him as an early proponent of Albanian in the region, though constrained by his official ties to the Yugoslav administration. These efforts reflected broader interwar Albanian opposition to Yugoslav rule, marked by sporadic unrest and demands for separation or union with proper, amid reports of Albanian displacement numbering in the tens of thousands during the and 1930s.

Role in World War II

Alignment with Axis Powers


Xhafer Deva's alignment with the Axis powers stemmed from his prioritization of Albanian nationalism over opposition to foreign occupation, viewing collaboration as a pathway to territorial expansion and independence from Yugoslav control. After Fascist Italy's invasion of Albania on April 7, 1939, and the annexation of Kosovo to the Italian protectorate in spring 1941, Deva positioned himself as a key local administrator in Mitrovica, cooperating with Italian officials to enforce order and promote the incorporation of Albanian-majority areas into a unified state. By 1941, he had ordered the confiscation of Jewish property in Mitrovica following German advances, signaling early pragmatic engagement with Axis policies. Following Italy's capitulation on September 8, 1943, and the subsequent , Deva deepened his collaboration by accepting the role of Minister of the Interior in the puppet government formed under Prime Minister on November 5, 1943. In this capacity, he directed the Albanian gendarmerie and police—numbering around 1,600 men in initial security formations—to support German forces against communist partisans and other insurgents, while coordinating with German envoy to administer Kosovo-Mitrovica. This partnership facilitated the realization of a "" under Axis oversight, encompassing and parts of Macedonia until Deva's resignation in June 1944 amid escalating internal pressures. Deva's alignment extended to the recruitment of into the 21st Waffen Mountain Division of the SS Skanderbeg, established in April 1944 as a Nazi-aligned unit to bolster defenses in the , reflecting his strategy of leveraging German military support for anti-communist and irredentist aims. Throughout, his actions prioritized ethnic Albanian consolidation against perceived threats from Serb and communist forces, treating Axis occupation as a temporary expedient rather than ideological endorsement.

Service in the Greater Albanian Government

![Albania](./assets/Flag_of_Albania_19431943%E2%80%931944 After the Italian armistice on September 8, 1943, assumed control of , dissolving the Italian-backed regime and installing a puppet administration to maintain order and counter communist partisans. In , a new government was formed in under , with Xhafer Deva appointed as Minister of the Interior. This position granted Deva authority over internal security apparatus, including and police units, amid efforts to consolidate Albanian administration over expanded territories incorporating and parts of from occupied . Deva's ministry focused on suppressing anti-Axis resistance, particularly communist-led partisans, while promoting nationalist goals of an ethnic Albanian state. The government, though nominally proclaiming Albanian independence and neutrality on October 16, 1943, collaborated closely with German forces, providing logistical support and manpower against Allied-backed guerrillas. Deva, leveraging his origins, facilitated the integration of Kosovar Albanians into administrative and security roles, aiming to realize a "" by expelling or repressing non-Albanian populations in annexed areas. Deva served until mid-1944, resigning around June or July amid escalating partisan offensives and German retreats, which undermined the regime's viability. During his tenure, internal conflicts arose, including rivalries with rival nationalist factions like , though Deva aligned with German directives to prioritize anti-communist operations over full independence. The Mitrovica government's dissolution by June 16, 1944, marked the end of Deva's formal service, as German influence waned and communist forces gained ground.

Oversight of Security Forces and SS Skanderbeg Division

As Minister of the Interior in the German-occupied Albanian government from November 1943 to June 1944, Xhafer Deva commanded the country's police and gendarmerie, which were restructured to suppress communist partisans and maintain Axis control over Greater Albania territories including Kosovo. These forces, numbering in the tens of thousands across security battalions, conducted operations aligned with German directives, prioritizing anti-partisan warfare and ethnic homogenization efforts such as the expulsion of Serb civilians from Kosovo—actions that displaced an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 Serbs between 1941 and 1944, with intensified drives under Deva's tenure. Deva directly facilitated the formation of the 21st Waffen Mountain Division of the Skanderbeg on 17 April 1944, serving as the primary Albanian liaison for recruiting Muslims into the unit under command. Drawing from his ministry's and volunteer militias, he mobilized approximately 6,000 to 9,000 initial recruits, though desertions plagued the division, reducing its combat-effective strength to around 2,000–3,000 by mid-1944 as many prioritized local feuds or evaded service. The Skanderbeg Division, tasked with counterinsurgency in and , engaged in operations against , including village raids and reprisals that targeted Serb communities; it was also linked to the roundup and of remaining from to Bergen-Belsen in 1944, though proper sheltered most of its Jewish population under prevailing Besa customs despite Deva's known anti-Semitic policies. under Deva's oversight committed documented atrocities, such as the 4 1944 massacre in , where gendarmes killed dozens of anti-fascist civilians and suspected communists in coordination with German SS units. These actions reflected Deva's prioritization of nationalist goals—expanding Albanian ethnic boundaries—over broader Axis loyalty, often leading to tensions with German overseers who criticized the units' indiscipline and ineffectiveness.

Post-War Exile and Later Years

Immediate Flight from Albania

In November 1944, as German occupation forces began withdrawing from in the face of advancing communist partisans under , Xhafer Deva departed the country to evade capture. On November 3, he fled first to in —a region incorporated into the Axis-aligned —before proceeding northward to accompanied by retreating German units. This exodus aligned with the broader collapse of Axis control, as fell to partisans on November 17 and the Germans fully evacuated by late November. Deva's flight was facilitated by his ties to German authorities, including resettlement assistance from the Foreign , allowing him to link up with other Albanian anti-communist exiles in . Reports indicate he initially reached , where he remained amid the chaos of the war's final months. His departure left behind nationalist forces in exposed to reprisals from under , who targeted collaborators as the region reverted to Yugoslav administration. Deva later reflected on the move as a strategic retreat to preserve anti-communist leadership for potential future resistance.

Attempts at Resettlement and Business Ventures

Following the communist takeover in in late 1944, Deva fled to on November 3, then to alongside retreating German forces. He subsequently traveled extensively across and other European locations from 1944 to 1947, holding multiple passports including Nansen, Turkish, and Egyptian documents obtained under aliases. In April 1948, he arrived in , , residing at the Hotel Nichols, where he networked with fellow Albanian exiles such as and Ernest Koliqi while seeking stability amid ongoing displacement. Deva's resettlement efforts involved repeated journeys to , , , and back to between 1949 and 1954, including stays in for over three weeks in January 1954 and multiple visits to Turkish contacts like Yusuf Koca. During his 1948 residence in , he pursued business ventures by attempting trade deals with a German associate named Scheiger and Egyptian government entities, leveraging regional connections for economic foothold. These initiatives reflected pragmatic efforts to establish livelihood in transient Middle Eastern and Mediterranean locales, though they yielded limited documented success amid his political status. By 1954, Deva focused on permanent resettlement , submitting a petition to the U.S. Consulate General in in April under the 1953 Refugee Relief Act, which required a U.S. sponsor for asylum approval; his application was formally listed on December 24, 1954. He outlined plans to support his family—wife Oswalda and children Udo, Burl, and stepdaughter Gerlind, then scattered between and —through forestry and timber trade, drawing on prior experience. These efforts culminated in successful to the U.S., where he resided until his death in 1978, continuing anti-communist political activities such as leading a recreated Second in New York during the 1960s.

Death and Personal Reflections

Xhafer Deva died on May 25, 1978, at the age of 74, after settling in California following years of exile in Europe. He was buried in a solitary grave at Palo Alto Cemetery in California. No specific circumstances beyond natural causes following prolonged displacement were documented in available records. In exile, Deva composed personal testimonies and letters reflecting on his life, family heritage, and political motivations, often emphasizing his father's repeated displacements under Serbian rule and his own dedication to Albanian territorial integrity against Yugoslav dominance and . A 1954 autobiographical statement submitted to the U.S. Consulate General in detailed his family composition and aspirations for resettlement in the United States, portraying his wartime actions as pragmatic steps toward ethnic Albanian unification amid Axis opportunities. Later writings, including analyses of 1943–1944 events, defended the Greater Albanian government's formation as a nationalist achievement, attributing policy decisions to anti-communist imperatives and the pursuit of independence from external occupations. These reflections, preserved in letters and unpublished accounts, consistently framed his collaboration with as a calculated response to existential threats to Albanian rather than ideological alignment with .

Controversies and Assessments

Allegations of Collaboration and Atrocities

Xhafer Deva served as Minister of the Interior in the German-backed Albanian established in late following Italy's capitulation, a role that involved coordinating security apparatus with Nazi authorities to combat communist partisans and maintain order in the occupied territories of and . In this capacity, he oversaw the recruitment of approximately 1,600 Albanian personnel into and units tasked with suppressing resistance, which historians allege facilitated in anti-partisan operations aligned with Axis objectives. Security forces under Deva's ministry have been accused of perpetrating specific atrocities, including the February 4, 1944, massacre in barracks, where 84 individuals—primarily anti-fascist detainees and civilians—were killed in their sleep as retaliation for an escape attempt by commander Kadri Cakrani. Deva is cited in declassified reports as a principal instigator of this event, with Yugoslav investigative committees attributing direct oversight to his interior ministry. Additional claims from Serbian historians implicate his forces in the plunder of Jewish shops and confiscation of assets in Mitrovica as early as April 1941, during his tenure as mayor under Italian administration, though these predate his formal Nazi collaboration. Deva contributed to the formation of the 21st Waffen Mountain Division of the SS in 1944, recruiting ethnic Albanians from for this unit under German command, which conducted raids resulting in documented massacres of Serb civilians and Orthodox populations in villages across and . The division's actions, including indiscriminate killings during operations like those in northern , have been described by postwar tribunals and historians as war crimes, with Deva's recruitment efforts enabling ethnic expulsions estimated to have displaced thousands of Serbs amid broader policies of "Albanianization." These allegations, drawn from Yugoslav state records and academic analyses, portray Deva's interior ministry as instrumental in facilitating Nazi-aligned violence, though direct personal command in field operations remains unproven in primary accounts.

Counterarguments and Contextual Defenses

Defenders of Deva, primarily Albanian nationalists and family members, argue that his alignment with Axis forces was a pragmatic necessity driven by the pursuit of Albanian territorial unification and protection against Yugoslav reconquest, rather than ideological affinity with . In the context of Italian occupation from 1939 and subsequent German control after , Albanian leaders like Deva sought to leverage Axis support for "," incorporating and other regions, amid threats from Serb nationalists and emerging communist partisans. This perspective frames collaboration as a calculated risk to secure , with Deva negotiating concessions such as economic benefits for Mitrovica's Albanian population from the . Regarding allegations of in atrocities, including Jewish deportations and Serb expulsions, proponents contend there is no verifiable directly implicating Deva in systematic . Family testimonies and Jusuf Buxhovi assert that Deva intervened to prevent or mitigate Jewish deportations from , protecting individuals through personal humanism and prioritizing national interests over Axis demands. The 21st Division, under Deva's oversight as , is defended as primarily an anti-communist formed in to counter Enver Hoxha's partisans, who posed an existential threat to Albanian independence; the unit's rapid disbandment in late due to desertions and ineffectiveness limited its operational scope, with actions focused on internal security rather than extermination campaigns. Deva's post-war anti-communist activities, including leadership of exile groups like the Third League of Prizren, are cited as vindication of his wartime choices, presciently opposing the Stalinist regime that executed thousands and isolated until 1991. CIA assessments describe him as a "convinced patriot" whose trumped ideological purity, employing a "the goal justifies the means" approach to preserve ethnic Albanian statehood against Slavic dominance. These defenses, often from Kosovar right-wing circles, acknowledge tactical collaboration but reject Nazi sympathizer labels, emphasizing empirical outcomes like delayed communist takeover in until 1945. Such views, while rooted in primary accounts, reflect nationalist biases that may downplay Axis-era violence against non-Albanians.

Debates on Anti-Communist Motivations

Deva's involvement with Axis-aligned forces during has sparked debates over whether his primary motivations were rooted in rather than ideological alignment with or opportunism for personal gain. Proponents of the anti-communist interpretation argue that Deva's recruitment of Albanian gendarmerie and militia units, including elements later incorporated into the 21st Waffen Mountain Division of the SS "," targeted communist partisans who posed an existential threat to Albanian amid Yugoslav and Soviet influence in the . These forces, under Deva's oversight as Minister of the Interior from 1943 to 1944, focused on countering the National Liberation Army led by , which controlled significant rural areas by mid-1943 and committed reprisals against non-communist nationalists. Historians note that Deva's affiliation with the , a nationalist group explicitly opposing both communist and monarchist factions, positioned his actions as defensive measures against a regime that later executed thousands of anti-communists after seizing power in November 1944. Critics counter that Deva's anti-communist stance served as a for collaboration, evidenced by the SS Skanderbeg's documented role in deporting over 300 to Bergen-Belsen in and suppressing non-communist Serb and Roma populations, actions that extended beyond partisan warfare. Albanian communist , dominant until the , portrayed Deva as a war criminal whose Nazi ties prioritized Axis occupation over genuine ideological opposition to , a reinforced by Allied intelligence reports from labeling him a . However, post-Cold War reevaluations, including declassified CIA documents from the 1950s, highlight Deva's sustained anti-communist efforts in exile, such as leading the Third from 1946 onward to organize resistance against Hoxha's regime, suggesting continuity rather than post-hoc rationalization. U.S. intelligence valued such figures for their utility against Soviet-aligned states, enlisting former Axis collaborators like Deva in anti-communist networks despite wartime records. In , where Deva is often commemorated as a patriot, debates emphasize his pre-war opposition to Yugoslav kingmakers and post-1945 broadcasts from radio urging Albanian unification against , framing his WWII decisions as pragmatic nationalism amid limited alternatives. Scholars like Franziska Zaugg argue that while Deva pursued under German auspices, his conviction-driven —evident in rejecting Italian fascist overtures in —distinguishes him from pure opportunists, though German manipulation via promises of territorial gains complicates pure ideological attributions. These interpretations remain contested, with Western academic sources increasingly acknowledging contextual pressures like the communist partisans' alliances with Tito's forces, which threatened Albanian irredentism, over monolithic narratives shaped by post-war victors' biases.

Historical Legacy

Impact on Albanian Nationalism

Xhafer Deva's tenure as Minister of the Interior in the German-backed Albanian government from 1943 to 1944 advanced Albanian nationalist objectives by facilitating the temporary incorporation of Kosovo and other Albanian-inhabited regions into a "Greater Albania," a concept rooted in irredentist aspirations dating to the 19th-century National Awakening. This unification, enabled by Axis occupation policies, realized long-sought territorial expansion against Yugoslav and Serbian claims, strengthening ethnic Albanian administrative control and identity in Kosovo. Deva oversaw the reorganization of security forces, including recruitment into units like the SS Skanderbeg Division, to suppress communist partisans and secure these borders, thereby embedding nationalist resistance to external domination. In 1944, Deva founded the Second League of Prizren, invoking the 1878 assembly's legacy of Albanian , to coordinate defense against encroaching Yugoslav forces and promote the consolidation of Albanian-majority areas under a single ethnic state. This initiative, though short-lived amid wartime collapse, reinforced organizational models for nationalist mobilization in , fostering a sense of unified purpose that persisted beyond the war. British intelligence assessments later credited such wartime administrations with instilling patriotism among Kosovo Albanians, countering post-war assimilation efforts by communist . Following his flight to in 1944, Deva sustained through activities, leading the Third League of Prizren as an anti-communist front possibly supported by Western intelligence. He facilitated the publication of nationalist outlets like the Bashkimi i Kombit newspaper in in 1947, represented in the Free Albania National Committee, and aided resettlement to Western countries from 1954 onward, preserving irredentist networks amid Enver Hoxha's isolationist regime in . These efforts maintained momentum for 's Albanian identity against both communist suppression and Serb-majority rule. Deva's legacy within remains polarized: right-wing advocates portray him as a decisive architect of ethnic unification who prioritized national survival over ideological purity, while critics, drawing on archival of collaboration-linked , argue his methods tainted the movement's moral standing. Nonetheless, his pursuit of influenced subsequent generations, echoing in independence discourses post-1999, though mainstream historiography often subordinates his contributions to broader condemnations of Axis alignment.

Modern Commemorations and Disputes

In , efforts to restore Xhafer Deva's former residence in Mitrovica, constructed in the 1930s and designated as , sparked significant in 2022. The project, funded initially by the and , aimed to preserve the architectural structure but drew criticism for potentially honoring Deva's role in the Nazi-aligned Albanian puppet government during . In response, the EU and UNDP suspended funding, citing Deva's historical collaboration with and the need to condemn and . Kosovo's Minister of , Hajrulla Çeku, defended the initiative as purely architectural restoration of a publicly owned , previously used for health and administrative purposes, and accused Serbian media of originating the backlash to politicize the effort. The German to , Jörn Rohde, expressed ongoing concerns in June 2022, urging that any restoration acknowledge Deva's controversial legacy explicitly. By August 2022, the project remained suspended for over seven months amid these disputes, highlighting tensions between heritage preservation and historical reckoning. Streets named after Deva exist in Pristina and other cities, reflecting nationalist sentiments that portray him as a defender of Albanian interests against Yugoslav and communist forces, though these have faced from regional observers as nurturing a of collaborationist figures. In September 2024, Serbian analyst Igor Vukadinović described ongoing facade work on the Mitrovica house as executed in a "neo-Nazi style," underscoring persistent interethnic and international disputes over Deva's commemoration. Broader assessments divide along national lines: and Albanian nationalists often glorify Deva for advancing and resisting , while international and Serbian sources vilify him for enabling atrocities against Serbs, , and Roma under occupation. Historians like Paskal Milo in emphasize contextual defenses, arguing Deva represented Albanian statehood amid Axis influence, but caution against unchecked "primitive " obscuring factual evaluation. No major monuments or statues to Deva have been documented, with disputes centering on heritage sites rather than new dedications.

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