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Zihar
Zihar
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Zihar or Dhihar (Arabic: ظھار) (Arabic pronunciation: [ðˤihaːr]; Ẓihār): /ˈzˈhɜːr/; ZEE-hu-Er;is a term used in Islamic jurisprudence, which literally connotes an admonition by Allah to the believers. During pre-Islamic Arabia, Dhihar, was a practice in which a man referred to his wife as his mother or by uttering that, “you are, to me, like my mother”. [1][2][3] This constitutes a form of revocable divorce (although it is invalid). If a husband says these words to his wife, it is highly unlawful for him to have sexual intercourse with her unless he makes recompense by freeing a slave, fasting for two successive months, or feeding sixty poor people.[4]

Background

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Zihar was accepted as a declaration of divorce among pre-Islamic Arabs[5] and it is mentioned in the Quran in reference to Khawla bint Tha'labah, who was divorced by this formula in the chapter 58, verses 1-4:[6]

God has surely heard the words of her who pleaded with you against her husband and made her plaint to God. God has heard what you two said to each other. Surely God hears all and observes all.

Those of you who divorce their wives by declaring them to be their mothers' backs should know that they are not their mothers. Their mothers are only those who bore them. The words they utter are unjust and false: but God pardons and forgives.

Those that divorce their wives by so saying, and afterwards retract their words, shall free a slave before they touch each other again. This you are enjoined to do: God is cognizant of what you do. He that has no slave shall fast two successive months before they touch one another. He that cannot shall feed sixty of the destitute. Thus it is, so that you may believe in God and His apostle. Such are the bounds set by God. Woeful punishment awaits the unbelievers.

Legality

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Zihar is illegal and considered an insult in the Islamic law. It implies that the man, declaring his wife akin to his mother, is guilty of the sin of forbidding the lawful things. It has been proscribed by law and the act does not ensue in divorce. Thus, penalties in the form of setting free a slave, fasting, or feeding the poor have been imposed for it.

References

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from Grokipedia
Zihar (Arabic: ظِهَار), also transliterated as dhihar, is a pronouncement in Islamic jurisprudence whereby a husband declares his wife to be akin to a mahram relative—such as the back of his mother—rendering sexual intercourse with her prohibited until expiation (kaffara) is performed, without effecting an immediate divorce. Originating as a pre-Islamic Arabian custom that effectively divorced a wife without formal recourse, leaving her in marital limbo, zihar was reformed by Quranic revelation in Surah Al-Mujadila (58:1–4), which responded to the case of Khawla bint Tha'labah whose husband Aws ibn as-Samit invoked it against her, prompting divine legislation that deems the act sinful rather than binding as divorce. Under Islamic law, all major schools (Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, Hanbali, and Ja'fari) concur that zihar constitutes an oath-like prohibition requiring atonement—freeing a slave, fasting two consecutive months, or feeding sixty needy persons—after which conjugal rights resume unless further dissolved by talaq or khul'; failure to atone perpetuates the prohibition but does not terminate the marriage. This reformation prioritized reconciliation and expiation over unilateral repudiation, reflecting causal constraints on pre-Islamic patriarchal excesses while imposing moral accountability on the husband, though scholarly analyses note its rarity in modern contexts due to legal codifications in Muslim-majority jurisdictions.

Origins and Pre-Islamic Context

Etymology and Cultural Practice

The term zihar (Arabic: ẓihār) originates from the Arabic root ẓ-h-r, denoting "back," specifically alluding to the pre-Islamic declaration likening a wife to the "back" (ẓahr) of one's mother, which invoked a prohibition on conjugal relations analogous to maternal incest taboos. This linguistic formulation underscored the cultural gravity of the back as a symbol of forbidden intimacy in ancient Arabian kinship norms, where such analogies carried binding social and ritual weight without requiring judicial oversight. In pre-Islamic Arabian society, known as Jāhiliyyah, zihar functioned as an extrajudicial marital suspension rather than an irrevocable divorce, allowing a husband to abstain from cohabitation indefinitely by pronouncing the formula, thereby rendering his wife sexually inaccessible while retaining her as a nominal spouse and potentially pursuing other unions. This practice exploited tribal customs prioritizing male autonomy, often serving as a tool of reproach or coercion amid domestic discord, leaving the wife in legal limbo—neither fully divorced nor entitled to remarriage—exacerbating her economic and social vulnerability in a patrilineal system. Historical accounts indicate it was socially entrenched among Arabs of the Hejaz, reflecting broader Jāhiliyyah norms of arbitrary patriarchal authority over family bonds, devoid of expiation mechanisms or equitable recourse for the affected woman.

Effects in Jahiliyyah Society

In pre-Islamic Arabian society, zihar functioned as a unilateral declaration by a likening his to the back of his , thereby prohibiting sexual relations and effectively dissolving the marriage without formal proceedings or obligations toward the . This custom allowed men to abandon spouses impulsively, often in fits of anger, leaving women in a precarious —neither fully divorced with rights to maintenance nor free to remarry immediately—exacerbating their economic dependence and social marginalization. The practice deepened gender asymmetries inherent in tribal structures, where women lacked independent legal agency in marital dissolution, reinforcing their status as subordinate to male kin or husbands. Families suffered disrupted cohesion, as zihar could sever ties abruptly without regard for offspring, potentially orphaning children economically or scattering lineages amid prevailing intertribal rivalries. Socially, zihar contributed to a culture of marital instability, enabling polygynous men to evade responsibilities toward less favored wives while preserving resources for others, thus perpetuating cycles of female destitution and reliance on tribal charity or . Absent any expiatory requirements, the declaration carried no personal penalty, embedding it as a tool for male caprice that undermined trust in conjugal bonds and amplified broader societal inequities in an era of rampant , vendettas, and resource scarcity.

Quranic Reformation

Catalyzing Incident

Khawla bint Tha'labah, wife of the Ansari companion Aws ibn As-Samit, became the central figure in the incident that prompted the Quranic prohibition of zihar as an effective form of separation. During a domestic dispute, Aws pronounced zihar upon Khawla, declaring her "like the back of my mother," invoking the pre-Islamic custom that barred conjugal relations while withholding or , effectively suspending her indefinitely. Distraught, Khawla approached the Muhammad in Medina to seek redress, lamenting the injustice and pleading that the pronouncement should not equate to her mother in prohibition. The initially upheld the traditional understanding, stating that Aws's words rendered relations with her akin to maternal prohibition, which intensified her despair and led her to invoke directly in supplication outside the 's chamber. This appeal catalyzed the revelation of the opening verses of Surah Al-Mujadila ( 58:1-4), where explicitly affirms hearing Khawla's plea and declares zihar a sinful , not binding as or maternal , but requiring expiation (kaffara) for reconciliation—such as freeing a slave, two months consecutively, or feeding sixty poor persons. The incident underscored the 's reform of arbitrary pre-Islamic practices, establishing zihar as revocable only through rather than irrevocable separation.

Key Revelations and Principles

The Quranic revelations concerning zihar are primarily found in Surah Al-Mujadila (58:1–4), which were occasioned by the complaint of Khawlah bint Tha'labah to the Prophet Muhammad after her husband, Aws ibn as-Samit, pronounced zihar against her in a fit of around 5–6 AH. These verses explicitly reject the pre-Islamic equivalence of zihar to or prohibited kinship, stating, "Those of you who say to their wives, 'You are like my mother,' they are not their mothers," thereby nullifying any legal effect that would render the wife irrevocably forbidden as a relative. This principle underscores causal realism in divine law: metaphorical speech does not alter biological or legal realities, such as hood or marital validity, distinguishing Islamic from Jahiliyyah customs where such declarations imposed permanent separation without recourse. A central reformation is the treatment of zihar as a binding (yamin) rather than , requiring expiation (kaffarah) before the resumption of conjugal relations to deter frivolous pronouncements and encourage marital . The prescribed atonement includes freeing a slave, two consecutive months if unable, or feeding sixty indigent persons if neither is feasible, with the verse emphasizing, "Allah does not lay upon any soul a beyond its capacity." This graduated penalty reflects proportionality in , prioritizing for the sin while preserving the unless formal (talaq) is pursued separately. Broader principles emerging from these revelations include the of women's against arbitrary male , as evidenced by the divine response validating Khawlah's and reforming a practice that left wives in legal without . The frames zihar as a grave moral transgression akin to , warning of hypocrisy's consequences in verses 8–9, thus integrating personal reform with communal accountability. Empirical application in early demonstrated this shift, as Aws reconciled with Khawlah post-expiation, illustrating the Quran's emphasis on verifiable restitution over symbolic gestures.

Islamic Jurisprudential Framework

Zihar, derived from the term ẓahr meaning "back," refers to a husband's explicit declaration likening his —or a part of her body—to the back of his or another woman within the prohibited degrees of , such as "You are to me like the back of my ." This pronouncement, rooted in pre-Islamic Arabian custom, invokes a metaphorical on conjugal relations. In Islamic jurisprudence, it constitutes a revocable rather than a , as reformed by Quranic injunctions in Surah Al-Mujadila (58:1–4), which reject the pre-Islamic interpretation of it as an irrevocable separation while imposing structured consequences. Upon utterance, the immediate legal effect is the suspension of between spouses, rendering it impermissible () for the to approach his intimately until expiation (kaffarah) is fulfilled. The marital remains fully intact, preserving the 's to , , and obligations in case of future dissolution, but conjugal are withheld. Violation of this prohibition by the constitutes a , potentially requiring additional in certain interpretations, such as doubled expiation in the Ja'fari school. All major schools of —Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, Hanbali, and Ja'fari—concur on this prohibition's enforceability, emphasizing that resumption of relations without atonement nullifies the reformative intent of the Quranic ruling. The wife retains the option to petition a (Islamic judge) for redress if the husband unreasonably delays expiation, potentially leading to compelled performance or, in extreme cases, dissolution of the , though the latter is not automatic. This framework underscores causal realism in : the pronouncement binds the husband oath-like, prioritizing empirical restraint over unilateral repudiation, without dissolving familial ties absent further action.

Expiation Requirements (Kaffarah)

The expiation (kaffarah) for zihar, as prescribed in the , requires the to perform one of three acts in sequence before resuming marital relations with his wife, rendering the zihar revocable rather than a permanent . The primary option is the of a believing slave; if the lacks the means to free a slave, he must fast for two consecutive months. Should he be unable to fast due to incapacity, he is obligated to feed sixty needy persons, providing each with a standard meal equivalent to two average meals or approximately 1.5-2 kilograms of such as , , or dates, depending on local norms. This hierarchical structure prioritizes acts of greater atonement—freeing a slave addresses broader social redemption—while ensuring accessibility for those with limited resources, though the emphasizes completion prior to intimacy to underscore the gravity of the pronouncement. (tawbah) accompanies the kaffarah, as zihar itself constitutes a sinful invocation of pre-Islamic taboos, but the expiation specifically lifts the self-imposed without nullifying the bond. In cases of repeated zihar, some jurists hold that additional expiation applies per instance, though the Quranic text addresses the initial revocation without explicit stipulation for multiples. Modern adaptations substitute slave emancipation with charitable equivalents, such as feeding or financial aid to the equivalent value, reflecting the abolition of in Islamic contexts since the , while preserving the fasting and feeding options intact. The performance of kaffarah does not require mutual consent from the but serves as a legal prerequisite for reconciliation, deterring casual use of zihar as a tool for marital coercion.

Variations Among Fiqh Schools

The four major Sunni schools of —Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, and Hanbali—concur that zihar renders marital intercourse prohibited until kaffarah is fulfilled, without dissolving the , and treat it as a revocable -like prohibition rooted in Qur'an 58:3–4. All require the husband to be , sane, and acting voluntarily for validity, with no need for witnesses or a waiting period like ila'. Kaffarah mirrors expiation: freeing a slave, feeding or clothing ten poor persons adequately, or three consecutive days if unable; failure to perform basic kaffarah obligates the heavier alternative of freeing a slave, two consecutive months, or feeding sixty poor persons. Intercourse post-zihar but pre-kaffarah constitutes a grave sin but not , as the nikah persists. Differences emerge in interpretive details, such as the precision of the pronouncement and kaffarah specifics. The demands explicit likening to the 's back (or equivalent prohibited relative via nasab or ) with clear intent to prohibit relations; vague, partial (e.g., likening only a limb), or conditional zihar (e.g., "if you leave, you are like my ") lacks effect unless the condition materializes and intent is prohibitive. Any slave suffices for kaffarah . In contrast, the Shafi'i and Maliki schools validate broader pronouncements, including partial or metaphorical comparisons (e.g., to a mahram's hand) if intended to bar intercourse, emphasizing the husband's resolve over exact phrasing. Both mandate a believing (Muslim) slave for in kaffarah, rejecting non-Muslim slaves to align with freeing from disbelief's bondage. The aligns closely with Shafi'i on wording flexibility but shares the majority preference for a Muslim slave, though it stresses stricter adherence to Qur'anic satisfaction of the poor in feeding equivalents.
AspectHanafiMaliki/Shafi'i/Hanbali (Majority View)
Pronouncement ScopeStrict: full back or equivalent; partial invalidFlexible: partial or parts valid if intent prohibitive
Slave for KaffarahAny slave acceptableMust be believing (Muslim) slave
Conditional ZiharBinding only if condition occursGenerally invalid unless absolute
These variances stem from differing emphases on (analogy) and hadith authentication: Hanafi prioritizes rational intent and custom, while others lean on Medinan practice or textual literalism. No school deems zihar irrevocable without talaq, preserving Qur'anic reform against pre-Islamic permanence.

Historical Applications

Early Islamic Period

In the early Islamic period, the practice of zihar was first formally addressed through the case of Aws ibn as-Sāmit, an Ansari companion of the Prophet Muhammad who participated in major battles such as Badr and Uhud. Aws uttered zihar against his wife, Khawla bint Tha'laba, during a domestic dispute, declaring her unlawful to him akin to his mother's back, which under pre-Islamic norms would have constituted an irrevocable . Initially, before the Quranic revelation, the Prophet advised Khawla to exercise patience toward her elderly husband, interpreting the utterance as binding separation, but the subsequent revelation in Surah (revealed circa 5-6 AH in ) reformed this by prohibiting marital relations until expiation (kaffara) was performed, thereby preventing arbitrary abandonment without atonement. Following the revelation, Aws, being impoverished and advanced in age, could not independently fulfill the kaffara options of freeing a slave, two consecutive months, or feeding sixty needy persons; Khawla facilitated the expiation by providing the required food provisions for sixty poor individuals on his behalf, after which was permitted upon her . This resolution established zihar as a revocable rather than absolute , requiring judicial oversight and to restore conjugal rights, and underscored the reform's emphasis on mutual in . The case, narrated through chains including , is regarded as the inaugural application of zihar rulings in , setting a for subsequent handling among the Sahaba. Limited records indicate few additional zihar incidents during the Prophet's lifetime or the immediate Rashidun era (632-661 CE), likely due to the practice's stigmatization post-revelation and the emphasis on direct divorce (talaq) for separation; however, the framework ensured that any utterance demanded kaffara before resumption of relations, with witnesses often required for validity among later jurists drawing from this period. This approach protected spousal rights by transforming a unilateral pre-Islamic custom into one demanding compensatory action, reflecting early Islamic prioritization of family stability over unchecked declarations.

Medieval and Classical Developments

During the classical era of Islamic jurisprudence (approximately 8th–13th centuries CE), zihar was systematically integrated into the frameworks of the major Sunni madhhabs, where it was unanimously classified as a sinful (yamin) rather than an irrevocable , rendering marital relations prohibited until kaffara was fulfilled as prescribed in 58:3–4. Founders like (d. 179 AH/795 CE) in the emphasized that any intercourse post-zihar without expiation constituted a grave sin, mandating atonement equivalent to that for oath-breaking, while (d. 204 AH/820 CE) conditioned validity on explicit intent behind the utterance, distinguishing metaphorical or jesting statements. Hanafi and Hanbali jurists similarly upheld its binding nature but debated nuances, such as whether implicit comparisons (e.g., to other relatives) triggered the ruling, reflecting a broader consolidation of usul al-fiqh principles prioritizing Quranic texts over precedents. A notable development emerged in the Zahiri madhhab, propounded by Dawud ibn Ali al-Zahiri (d. 270 AH/884 CE) and refined by (d. 456 AH/1064 CE), who rejected analogical reasoning () and insisted on the zahir (apparent) meaning of the : zihar imposed no permanent separation but merely an expiatory barrier for "returning" to the wife, critiquing other schools for overcomplicating it with or custom-derived extensions. argued in al-Muhalla that pre-Islamic usage as was irrelevant, as the Quranic address targeted believing Muslims, thus limiting application to explicit maternal-back comparisons without probabilistic interpretations. This literalism influenced Andalusian and North African legal discourse but remained marginal against the dominant and traditions. In practice, under Abbasid (750–1258 CE) and regional dynasties, zihar cases were adjudicated by qadis in family tribunals, but documented applications were scarce, attributable to its status and the economic deterrence of kaffara—freeing a slave (often valued at 100–200 dinars) or feeding 60 poor persons during famines. Jurists like (d. 279 AH/892 CE) noted debates on atonement multiplicity (single vs. double for violations), reinforcing enforcement through public oaths or witness testimonies, yet the practice's rarity underscored Islam's , shifting it from arbitrary abandonment to a regulated, reversible sanction.

Contemporary Relevance and Reforms

Application in Modern Muslim Societies

In countries applying Sharia-based personal status laws, such as , Zihar is recognized as a form of revocable marital suspension that prohibits until the performs kaffarah, with the entitled to seek judicial for potential dissolution if unresolved. Under 's Muslim Family Laws Ordinance of 1961, which integrates classical with statutory oversight, Zihar aligns with pre-Islamic origins but requires arbitration council involvement for formal recognition, particularly under the where the holds explicit to courts. In , Zihar triggers specific entitlements for the wife, including full (dowry) upon marriage termination, reflecting Hanbali jurisprudence's emphasis on oath consequences without automatic . This application underscores Zihar's role as an inchoate separation, where courts enforce expiation—freeing a slave (now interpreted as charitable equivalent), two months, or feeding sixty poor persons—before restoring conjugal rights, as codified in ongoing tribunals. Reformist trends in , notably , challenge Zihar's practical relevance; scholar KH Ahmad Azhar Basyir interprets it as a contextual pre-Islamic custom reformulated by the but rendered obsolete in modern societies due to evolved social (objectives) like preservation over punitive oaths. Such views prioritize goals of equity and adaptability, leading to minimal invocation in Indonesian family courts, which favor talaq or khul' under the 1974 integrating with national codes. Across these contexts, Zihar cases remain rare in documented , often overshadowed by streamlined mechanisms, though traditional schools (Hanafi, Maliki) uphold its validity where uncodified prevails, with courts verifying and for enforceability. Some maqasid-oriented analyses argue Zihar was effectively neutralized post-Quranic (Surah Al-Mujadila, 58:1-4), shifting focus from to as a deterrent against impulsive declarations. In reformist interpretations, the Quranic verses on zihar ( Al-Mujadila 58:1-4) are viewed as a deliberate mitigation of a pre-Islamic Arabian custom that allowed husbands to unilaterally and irrevocably sever marital relations by likening wives to maternal figures, often without consequence. Reformers emphasize that the transformed zihar from an absolute into a revocable state requiring expiation (kaffarah)—such as freeing a slave, two months, or feeding sixty needy persons—before conjugal resumption, thereby introducing accountability and mercy while declaring the practice sinful if used to evade proper (talaq). Indonesian KH. Ahmad Azhar Basyir, a former leader of the Indonesian Ulema Council, extended this by arguing that zihar's legal framework is culturally bound to pre-Islamic Arab society and irrelevant in non-Arab contexts like , where the custom never prevailed; thus, the verse's prescriptive elements do not apply universally in modern jurisprudence, prioritizing maqasid al-shari'ah (objectives of Islamic law) such as family preservation over archaic rituals. Contemporary legal adaptations vary by jurisdiction, retaining zihar as a form of inchoate or constructive in personal status laws derived from Hanafi , but with procedural safeguards. In , under the (Shariat) Application Act of 1937, zihar prohibits intercourse until expiation and renders the husband liable for , allowing wives to courts for or dissolution if unexpiated, though it does not automatically dissolve the marriage. In contrast, more secularized systems like Tunisia's Personal Status Code of 1956, which reformed toward mutual consent and judicial oversight while abolishing repudiation's unilateral aspects, implicitly marginalize zihar by emphasizing formalized talaq or khul' proceedings, reflecting broader modernist shifts to align with state equality principles without explicit codification of expiation rituals. Egyptian law, blending Hanafi and Maliki elements, treats zihar similarly to revocable but subjects it to (judge) validation post-2000 reforms, enabling women to seek or compensation if abused. These adaptations often prioritize empirical protection of marital stability and over literalist enforcement, though conservative scholars critique them for diluting scriptural intent.

Criticisms and Scholarly Debates

Traditional Defenses and Rationales

Traditional Islamic jurists and exegetes rationalize the Quranic legislation on zihar ( 58:1-4) as a targeted of a pre-Islamic Arabian custom that functioned as an irrevocable form of , wherein a could declare his unlawful like his mother, denying her maintenance, inheritance, or iddah observance rights during separation. By invalidating zihar as an automatic while imposing expiation (kaffara), the ruling deters impulsive or abusive declarations, compelling the to atone—through freeing a slave, two consecutive months, or feeding sixty poor persons—before resuming conjugal relations, thereby prioritizing marital preservation over unilateral abandonment. This framework underscores the sanctity of the marital bond and the wife's dignity, as the husband's utterance is treated not as legally transformative but as a grave sin akin to an violation, requiring both and compensatory acts to restore harmony. Jurists across schools, including Hanafi, Maliki, Shafi'i, Hanbali, and Imamiyyah, unanimously hold that intercourse remains prohibited until kaffara is fulfilled, viewing this suspension as a punitive measure that fosters reflection and accountability, potentially averting family dissolution in favor of reconciliation. The expiation options reflect broader Sharia principles of mercy and accessibility, scaling atonement to the husband's means while linking it to charity or self-discipline, which traditional scholars interpret as divine wisdom (hikmah) to elevate societal norms gradually from Jahiliyyah practices toward taqwa and justice, without abrupt cultural rupture that might provoke resistance.

Modern Critiques and Counterarguments

Critiques of zihar from contemporary feminist and secular perspectives within often frame it as an archaic mechanism that entrenches male dominance by permitting to suspend conjugal rights indefinitely until expiation, without equivalent recourse for wives, thereby exacerbating power imbalances in . Such analyses, drawing on Surah Al-Mujadila (58:2-4), argue that even the Quranic regulation—transforming pre-Islamic irrevocable separation into a conditional —fails to eradicate underlying patriarchal , as the onus of atonement falls solely on the while leaving the wife in relational limbo. Reformist scholars in Muslim-majority contexts, such as , further contend that zihar's cultural specificity to pre-Islamic Arabian norms renders it incompatible with modern legal and social frameworks emphasizing mutual consent and equality. KH. Ahmad Azhar Basyir, a prominent Indonesian cleric, explicitly deemed zihar irrelevant to Indonesian customs and societal conditions, advocating its exclusion from national legislation to align Islamic with contemporary realities. This position reflects broader calls for maqasid-oriented reinterpretation (objectives of ), prioritizing preservation of family and equity over literal retention of context-bound rulings. Counterarguments from traditional and some modernist Islamic jurists maintain that the Quranic framework decisively reformed zihar's pre-Islamic form—which functioned as an absolute, unilateral abandoning wives without —into a penalized requiring kaffarah to restore relations, thus deterring misuse and incentivizing over dissolution. The expiation options—historically freeing a slave, or alternatively two consecutive months or feeding 60 destitute persons—impose tangible consequences on the husband, reinforcing accountability and channeling the act toward charitable ends in eras without . Proponents argue this structure upholds causal deterrence against verbal harm in , distinct from talaq (repudiation), as zihar does not sever the bond but prohibits intimacy until atonement, preserving the wife's legal status and potential for marital repair. These defenses also highlight empirical rarity in modern practice and zihar's explicit designation as sinful (rather than prescriptive), positioning it as a residual safeguard against impulsive marital rather than an endorsement of , with Quranic emphasis on justice mitigating rather than perpetuating inequity. Critics' calls for abolition, traditionalists counter, overlook this regulatory , which empirically elevated women's protections in seventh-century Arabia by mandating reflection and restitution over arbitrary abandonment.

References

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