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Albanian Declaration of Independence
Albanian Declaration of Independence
Albanian Declaration of Independence
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Albanian Declaration of Independence
Photomontage of the original document of the Declaration of Independence
Created28 November 1912
Ratified28 November 1912
LocationVlorë, Albania
Author(s)Ismail Qemali, Luigj Gurakuqi
Signatories40
PurposeIndependence from Ottoman Empire

The Albanian Declaration of Independence (Albanian: Deklarata e Pavarësisë) was the declaration of independence of Albania from the Ottoman Empire. Independent Albania was proclaimed in Vlorë on 28 November 1912. Six days later the Assembly of Vlorë formed the first Government of Albania which was led by Ismail Qemali and the Council of Elders (Pleqnia).

The success of the Albanian Revolt of 1912 sent a strong signal to the neighboring countries that the Ottoman Empire was weak.[1] The Kingdom of Serbia opposed the plan for an Albanian Vilayet, preferring a partition of the European territory of the Ottoman Empire among the four Balkan allies.[2] Balkan allies planned the partition of the European territory of the Ottoman Empire among them and in the meantime the territory conquered during First Balkan War was agreed to have status of the Condominium.[3] That was the reason for Qemali to organize an All-Albanian Congress in Vlorë.[4]

Independence

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Declaration

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The Assembly of 40 delegates meeting in southern Albania in the city of Vlorë on 28 November 1912, declared Albania an independent country. On 4 December 1912 they set up a provisional government. The complete text of the declaration, composed in Albanian, partially in Gheg, Tosk and Ottoman Turkish,[5] was:

In Vlorë on 15/28 of the third Autumn 1328/1912. After the words spoken by Mr. Chairman Ismail Kemal Bey, in which he told of the great danger Albania is in today, all the delegates with one voice decided that Albania today is to be on its own, free and independent.

Signatories

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Below is the list of the forty signatories as published by newspaper Perlindja e Shqipëniës. The original act of the Declaration of Independence was written on a single piece of letter. On the front page, there are a total of 34 recognizable signatures and on the back page are found 6 more signatures.[6]

  1. Ismail Qemali
    (Ismaïl Kemal)
  2. Nikoll Kaçorri
    (Kaçorri)
  3. Vehbi Dibra Agolli
    (Ottoman writing)
  4. Jorgji Karbunara
    (J. Karbunara)
  5. Elmas Boçe
    (Elmas Boce)
  6. Veli Harçi
    (Veli Harçi)
  7. Qazim Kokoshi
    (Qazim Kokoshi)
  8. Jani Minga
    (J K Minga)
  9. Rexhep Mitrovica
    (Rexhep)
  10. Dhimitër Tutulani
    (Indistinguishable)
  11. Aristidh Ruçi
    (A. Rruçi)
  12. Abdi Toptani
    (Abdi)
  13. Abaz Dilaver Çelkupa
    (Abas Dilaver)
  14. Mid'hat Frashëri
    (Midhat Frashëri)
  15. Shefqet Dajiu
    (Sefqit Daji)
  16. Zihni Abaz Kanina
    (Zihni Abbas Kanina)
  17. Xhelal Koprëncka
    (Xelal Ko)
  18. Hajredin Cakrani
    (Hajredin Çakran)
  19. Qemal Karaosmani
    (Qemal Elbasani)
  20. Ilias Vrioni
    (Iljas Vrijon)
  21. Salih Gjuka
    (Salih Gjuka)
  22. Dhimitër Beratti
    (D Beratti)
  23. Dhimitër Mborja
    (Dh Emmanuel)
  24. Dhimitër Zografi
    (Dimitri Zografi)
  25. Murad Toptani
    (Murad Toptani)
  26. Pandeli Cale
    (Pandeli Cale)
  27. Luigj Gurakuqi
    (Luz Gurakuqi)
  28. Bedri Pejani
    (Bedri Pejani)
  29. Spiridon Ilo
    (Spiro T. Ÿlo)
  30. Thanas Floqi
    (Thanas V. Floqi)
  31. Qemal Mullaj
    (Indistinguishable)
  32. Lef Nosi
    (Lef Nosi)
  33. Myrteza Ali Struga
    (D. H. Murtezi)
  34. Nuri Sojliu
    (Nuri)
  35. Mustafa Merlika-Kruja
    (Mustafa Asim Kruja)
  36. Ferid Vokopola
    (M. Ferid Vokopola)
  37. Ymer Deliallisi
    (Ymer)
  38. Xhemal Deliallisi
    (Cemmalyyddin bey)
  39. Nebi Sefa
    (Nebi Sefa Lusja)
  40. Zyhdi Ohri
    (Zuhdi Ohria)

Assembly of Vlorë

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Further information: Assembly of Vlorë
The day of the Proclamation of Albanian Independence illustrated on the front page of the Austro-Hungarian newspaper Das Interessante Blatt published on 12 December 1912.

Under these circumstances, delegates from all over Albania were gathered in the Assembly of Vlorë (Albanian: Kuvendi i Vlorës). Ismail Kemal returned to Albania with Austro-Hungarian support and, at the head of a swiftly convened national assembly, declared Albanian independence in the town of Vlora on 28 November 1912. The declaration was more theoretical than practical because Vlora was the only town in the whole country under the delegates' control―yet it proved to be effective in the vacuum of power. Though Albanian independence was recognised de facto on 17 December 1912 at the London Conference of Ambassadors, it was not until 29 July 1913, after the second Balkan War and the solving of the delicate problem of Shkodra, that the international community agreed to recognise Albania as a neutral, sovereign and hereditary principality. The newspaper Përlindja of Vlora described it as follows:[7]

The National Assembly, composed of delegates from all over Albania and convening here in Vlora, opened today at four in the afternoon at the house of Xhemil bey. Ismail Kemal bey, as the prime initiator of the gathering, took the floor and explained to the delegates the purpose of the assembly, that is, that they all must strive to do what is necessary to save Albania from the great perils it is now facing.

The chairman, Ismail Kemal Bey, then took the floor and, in an ardent, fluid and reasonable speech, stated that although they had always been faithful to the Ottoman Empire, the Albanians had never forgotten their own language and nationality, the best proof of this being the endeavours and uprisings that had taken place from time to time, in particular over the last four years, to preserve their rights and customs. The Ottoman Government had never taken their interests into consideration and had never been willing to recompense the Albanians for the great services they had rendered. It had recently shown some interest in coming to an understanding with our people, but had not given proof of good faith and had not taken all the steps needed to appease and satisfy the Albanians. War had recently broken out with four countries in the Balkans that were seeking change and rights for their peoples, united by their ethnicity and religion.

Later, these countries put aside their initial objective and, as the war was going well for them, they agreed to divide the Empire up among themselves, including Albania. Realizing that the Turkish army had been defeated and that the Empire would not survive, the Albanians, who had played a greater role in the fighting than the soldiers, hastened to take requisite steps in their own interests as owners of the country. For this reason, Ismail Kemal bey departed for Istanbul and, having come to an understanding with the Albanians of Bucharest, too, set off for Vienna, where he reached an agreement with the Great Powers that had vital interests in the Balkans. As there was no more hope of saving Albania by means of arms, the only road to salvation was to separate Albania from Turkey. Ismail Kemal bey promoted this idea and objective, that was well received by all the Great Powers, in particular by Austria and Italy. It was only Russia that remained somewhat hostile to the idea because of the Slavs, but it did not deny the existence of Albania and an Albanian people. To realise this objective, he invited all Albanians to gather in Vlora and was delighted today to see that his call had not been in vain, and that delegates had been sent from all parts of Albania to reflect together on ways to save the Fatherland. According to Ismail Kemal Bey, the most urgent measures that the Albanian nation must take today are these: that Albania be independent under a provisional government; that a council of elders be elected to assist and supervise the government; and that a commission be sent to Europe to defend Albanian interests among the Great Powers.

The delegates unanimously agreed with the words of Ismail Kemal bey and resolved that Albania, as of today, should be on her own, free and independent under a provisional government.

The meeting was adjourned until the following day and the delegates went out and greeted the flag that was raised at five thirty in the afternoon.

The second session of the Assembly of Vlorë was held on 4 December 1912. During that members of the assembly founded the first government of Independent Albania on 4 December 1912, which was led by Ismail Kemal.[8] The government established also a 'Council of Elders' (Pleqësia), which would help the government to its duties. In addition, the Assembly of Vlorë decided that it would agree to any decision of the Great Powers for the system of government in Albania and that the provisional government would cease to exist after the recognition of independence of the country and the nomination of the monarch.

The same day, Kemal waved the national flag of Albania, from the balcony of the Assembly of Vlorë, in the presence of hundreds of Albanians.

Delegates

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This is a complete list of the 79 registered delegates by region:[9][10]

79 Delegates
Berat — Sami Vrioni, Ilias Vrioni, Dhimitër Tutulani, Babë Dud Karbunara
Çamëri — Veli Gërra, Jakup Veseli, Rexhep Demi, Azis Tahir Ajdonati
Delvinë — Avni Delvina
Dibër — Vehbi Dibra, Sherif Langu
Durrës — Abaz Çelkupa, Mustafa Hanxhiu, Jahja Ballhysa, Nikoll Kaçorri
Elbasan — Lef Nosi, Shefqet Dajiu, Qemal Karaosmani, Dervish Biçaku
Gramsh — Ismail Qemali Gramshi
Gjirokastër — Azis Efendi Gjirokastra, Elmas Boçe, Veli Harçi,
Mufid Libohova, Petro Poga, Jani Papadhopulli, Hysen Hoxha
Janinë — Kristo Meksi, Aristidh Ruçi
Korçë — Pandeli Cale, Thanas Floqi, Spiridon Ilo
(the initial appointed delegates were Mihal Grameno, Menduh Zavalani, Stavro Karoli, Estref Vërleni that couldn't reach on time due to the Ottoman blockade of communication)[11][12]
Kosovo, Dukagjin, Plavë-Guci — Rexhep Mitrovica, Bedri Pejani, Salih Gjuka, Mid'hat Frashëri, Isa Boletini, Riza Gjakova, Ajdin Draga, Dervish Ipeku, Zenel Begolli, Qerim Begolli
Krujë — Mustafa Merlika-Kruja
Lushnjë — Qemal Mullaj, Ferid Vokopola, Nebi Sefa
Mallakastër — Hajredin Cakrani
Mat — Ahmet Zogolli, Riza Zogolli, Kurt Agë Kadiu
Ohër, Strugë — Zyhdi Ohri, Myrteza Ali Struga, Nuri Sojliu,
Hamdi Ohri, Mustafa Baruti, Dervish Hima
Peqin — Mahmud Efendi Kaziu
Përmet — Veli Këlcyra, Syreja Vlora
Pogradec — Hajdar Blloshmi
Skrapar — Xhelal Koprëncka
Shijak — Xhemal Deliallisi, Ymer Deliallisi, Ibrahim Efendiu
Shkodër — Luigj Gurakuqi
Tepelenë — Fehim Mezhgorani
Tetovo — Mehmet Pashë Deralla
Tirana — Abdi Toptani, Murad Toptani
Vlorë — Ismail Kemal, Zihni Abaz Kanina, Zyhdi Vlora,
Qazim Kokoshi, Jani Minga, Eqrem Vlora
Colony of Bucharest — Dhimitër Zografi, Dhimitër Mborja, Dhimitër Beratti, Dhimitër Ilo

Recognition of independence

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Diplomatic efforts

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Further information: Albanian Congress of Trieste
Main delegates of the Congress of Trieste (1913)

Just as the overseas communities of Albanians had stimulated the patriotic fervor which gradually led to the independence of their homeland, so at this critical juncture they once again demonstrated their solidarity. On 1 March 1913, they convened an Albanian Congress of Trieste, Austria. There were 119 representatives in all, coming from the United States, Romania, Bulgaria, Turkey, Egypt, Italy, and of course from the new state itself. Bishop Fan Noli of Boston was one of the featured speakers.

The congress recognized the provisional government of Ismail Qemal, pledged its faithful support, discussed the ethnic boundaries of the new state and sent strong resolutions to the European capitals and to the London Conference of Ambassadors then in session, appealing for their recognition of Albanian independence and for the lifting of the Greek blockade.

Treaty of London and recognition of independence

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See also: Treaty of London (1913) and Albania during the Balkan Wars
Signing of the Peace Treaty on 30 May 1913

In December 1912 the Great Powers met in London to deal with territorial adjustments arising out of the conclusion of the First Balkan War.

After months of wrangling and compromise under the constant threat of a general war, the conference announced its formal decisions on 17 May 1913. The question of Albanian independence that had prompted the Conference of Ambassadors at London came up for discussion at their first session. According to article II of the treaty, the six ambassadors decided that Albania would be recognized as an autonomous state under the sovereignty of the Ottoman sultan.[13]

After the breakout of the Balkan Wars, on 29 July, the ambassadors decided to recognize the total independence and sovereignty of Albania. They provided that it be governed by a European prince to be elected by the powers. Albanian neutrality would be jointly guaranteed by the six great powers. They also appointed an International Commission of Control for Albania, to be composed of one representative from each of the six powers and one Albanian. This commission would supervise the Albanian government's organization, finances and administration for a 10-year period. Dutch officers would organize the gendarmerie.

Austria-Hungary was a major supporter of Albanian independence and saw it as a way to cut off the interests of Kingdom of Serbia.[14]

Soon after the Declaration of Independence, Albania was occupied by the Balkan League member states (Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece). The Occupation of Albania (1912–1913) took place during the Balkan Wars.

Commemoration in Albanian banknotes

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See also

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References

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Sources

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Albanian Declaration of Independence

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The Albanian Declaration of Independence was proclaimed on 28 November 1912 in Vlorë by Ismail Qemali, a leading figure in the Albanian National Awakening, and an assembly of delegates representing various Albanian regions, formally severing ties with the Ottoman Empire amid the collapse of its Balkan holdings during the First Balkan War. This act responded to the Albanian Revolt of 1910–1912 and the advancing forces of the Balkan League—Serbia, Montenegro, Greece, and Bulgaria—which threatened to partition Albanian-populated territories following Ottoman defeats. The declaration emphasized the need for self-governance to preserve Albanian ethnic integrity, leading immediately to the formation of a provisional government under Qemali's leadership, which raised the double-headed eagle flag and sought diplomatic recognition from European powers. The event occurred in a context of regional upheaval, as Ottoman authority waned after centuries of rule, prompting Albanian elites to act preemptively against annexation by neighbors; however, the declaration did not encompass all Albanian lands, with significant areas like remaining under Serbian control despite local Albanian aspirations. International recognition followed partially through the 1913 Treaty of London, which acknowledged Albanian independence but confined its initial borders to a fraction of claimed territories, sparking ongoing disputes and internal divisions between northern and southern Albanian factions. The provisional government's efforts to consolidate authority faced challenges from Ottoman remnants, Balkan occupiers, and interventions, yet the declaration laid the foundation for modern Albania's statehood. Commemorated annually as Independence Day, it symbolizes Albanian resilience against imperial dissolution and partitionist pressures.

Historical Context

Ottoman Administration and Albanian Identity Formation

The Ottoman Empire incorporated Albanian-inhabited territories progressively from the late 14th century, beginning with the in 1385, after which many local chieftains submitted as vassals and Ottoman garrisons were established in strategic locations such as Kruja and . By the early 15th century, following campaigns under Sultans and , most Albanian lands fell under direct control, divided into sanjaks within the , with administrative centers in Shkodra, , and ; these units were later reorganized into larger vilayets like Janina and by the to centralize tax collection and military levies. The foundational system of governance relied on the feudal estates, granted to sipahis () for service, which rewarded loyalty but often empowered local Albanian lords who collected revenues and maintained order in exchange for troops. Albanian society under Ottoman rule retained significant tribal autonomy, particularly in the rugged northern highlands, where customary law known as the Kanun governed inter-clan relations, feuds, and self-defense, limiting central penetration due to geographic isolation and armed resistance. Islamization proceeded unevenly, with estimates indicating that by the 17th century, a majority—perhaps two-thirds—of Albanians had converted, driven by exemptions from the jizya poll tax, access to administrative posts, and avoidance of devshirme child levies imposed more stringently on Christians; non-Muslims, however, preserved communal autonomy under the millet system, paying cizye taxes while retaining Orthodox or Catholic clergy for local affairs. This dual religious landscape, unlike the more segregated Christian populations in Serbia or Bulgaria, encouraged cross-faith alliances among Albanians, as Muslim beys and Christian highlanders shared linguistic and kinship ties against external threats, subtly reinforcing ethnic cohesion over religious division. Integration into the imperial structure elevated many Albanians to elite roles, with figures like the 16th-century Köprülü viziers of Albanian origin dominating the Janissary corps and grand vizierate, fostering a pragmatic loyalty that delayed widespread separatist sentiment compared to neighboring Slavs. Yet, this favoritism coexisted with periodic revolts, such as those by semi-autonomous pashas like Mahmud Bushati in Shkodra (late 18th century) or Ali Pasha of Janina (1788–1822), who carved de facto principalities by balancing tribute payments with local militias, preserving Albanian customs amid Ottoman decentralization. The Albanian language, spoken in Gegë and Tosk dialects, endured without widespread Turkic replacement, sustained by oral epics, clan genealogies, and limited literacy in Arabic or Greek scripts, which distinguished Albanians from assimilating Greeks or Slavs and laid groundwork for later ethnic self-identification as Shqiptarë (speakers of the eagle's tongue). Tribal endogamy and resistance to Ottoman cadastral surveys further entrenched a proto-ethnic identity rooted in shared Illyrian descent myths and defiance of central edicts, evident in the 1831–1835 uprisings against Tanzimat reforms that threatened local privileges.

National Awakening and Resistance Movements

The Albanian National Awakening, known as Rilindja Kombëtare, emerged in the early 19th century amid Ottoman administrative reforms and growing ethnic consciousness among Albanian intellectuals, fostering a distinct national identity through linguistic and cultural revival efforts. Naum Veqilharxhi, a scholar from Vithkuq, developed the Vithkuqi alphabet between 1825 and 1844, publishing an Albanian spelling book in 1844 that utilized 33 unique characters to promote literacy and standardize the language, countering reliance on foreign scripts like Greek or Arabic. This initiative marked an early push for cultural autonomy, as Veqilharxhi advocated purging foreign loanwords to preserve Albanian purity, reflecting resistance to Ottoman linguistic assimilation. Intellectuals like the Frashëri brothers—Sami, Naim, and Abdyl—advanced the movement by emphasizing Albanian history, , and education. Sami Frashëri's 1879 work Baba Tarhan and Naim's poetry collections romanticized Albanian heritage, while Abdyl focused on political organization; together, they formed the Society for the Publication of Albanian Writings on October 12, 1879, in , which printed texts in Albanian to evade Ottoman censorship and build national cohesion. These efforts responded to the reforms' centralizing pressures, which threatened local Albanian autonomy by imposing Turkish-language administration and taxation. Resistance crystallized politically with the League of , established on June 10, 1878, by approximately 80 delegates from Albanian-inhabited vilayets in response to the Treaty of San Stefano's cession of territories to Slavic states and the impending . Led by figures like and Ymer Prizreni, the League demanded administrative unification of the vilayets of Shkodra, , Monastir, and under Ottoman suzerainty while rejecting partition, organizing armed defenses such as the 1879-1881 resistance in against Montenegrin incursions. Ottoman suppression dissolved the League by 1881, but it galvanized ethnic solidarity, inspiring subsequent uprisings like the 1910 Malësor revolt under , where thousands of fighters demanded Albanian-language schools and resisted central reforms. By the early 20th century, escalating revolts— including the 1911 northern uprising involving over 10,000 insurgents and the 1912 widespread rebellion—exploited Ottoman military weaknesses post-Young Turk Revolution, pressuring the empire and setting the stage for independence amid the . These movements combined guerrilla tactics with diplomatic petitions to European powers, prioritizing over full separation initially, though causal pressures from Balkan alliances shifted demands toward .

First Balkan War and Imminent Partition Threats

The commenced on October 8, 1912, with Montenegro's declaration of war against the , followed shortly by , , and , which had formed the to expel Ottoman rule from Europe. The League's armies achieved rapid victories, capturing key Ottoman positions such as by late October and advancing into Albanian-inhabited vilayets of , , and Yanya. Ottoman forces, weakened by internal reforms and prior Albanian revolts, offered limited resistance in these regions, allowing the invaders to occupy significant Albanian territories within weeks. Montenegro targeted the Sanjak of Shkodër, besieging the city by early November and controlling northern Albanian highlands, while Serbia occupied Kosovo Vilayet—including Pristina and Prizren—and extended into central areas like Dibra and Elbasan, claiming these as integral to Serbian national aspirations. Greek troops, advancing from Epirus, captured Ioannina on March 6, 1913, but had already penetrated southern Albanian districts such as Korçë and Gjirokastër by late 1912, asserting historical and ethnic ties to Northern Epirus. These incursions disregarded ethnic Albanian majorities in the occupied zones, with estimates indicating over 1.5 million Albanians at risk of incorporation into neighboring states without autonomy. The advances fueled Albanian fears of imminent partition, as the Balkan League's irredentist goals envisioned dividing Ottoman European remnants, including Albanian lands, to expand their own borders—Serbia seeking Adriatic access, Montenegro northern claims, and Greece southern extensions. Prior Ottoman concessions, such as the August 1912 promise of an autonomous uniting , , and Monastir, collapsed amid the war, leaving no protective framework against Balkan annexation. Albanian elites, including figures from the 1912 nationalist assemblies in Monastir and , viewed the occupations as existential threats to ethnic cohesion, prompting urgent calls for to preempt total dismemberment and assimilation. Local resistance, including guerrilla actions against invaders, underscored the peril, as partition would fragment Albanian populations across hostile states with histories of suppressing Albanian identity.

Events of the Declaration

Convening of the Assembly of Vlorë

As Ottoman forces retreated during the , which commenced in October 1912, Albanian leaders anticipated the partition of their territories among advancing Balkan states including , , and . , a prominent Albanian figure and former Ottoman deputy, arrived in on November 17, 1912, after departing amid unrest, and announced the convening of a on November 19 to address these existential threats and assert Albanian . Delegates from northern, central, and southern Albanian regions, including areas like Shkodra, Korça, and Dibra, were summoned despite wartime disruptions and Ottoman oversight, with proxies appointed for regions unable to send representatives directly. The assembly comprised approximately 83 Muslim and Christian leaders, reflecting Albania's demographic composition of roughly 70 percent Muslim and 30 percent Christian (Orthodox and Catholic) populations at the time, drawn from diverse local elites and nationalists. Upon gathering in , credentials were verified to ensure regional representation, with each district allocated one collective vote to facilitate . The session opened on November 28, 1912, in the residence of Xhemil , selected for its relative security under local Albanian influence as Ottoman authority waned in the area. Presided over by as chairman, with serving as first secretary, the hastily organized body prioritized unity across religious lines to counter external encroachments, building on prior Albanian uprisings such as the May 1912 revolt that had captured by August. This convening represented a pragmatic response to causal pressures: the Ottoman Empire's collapse exposed Albanian-inhabited vilayets to , compelling elites to formalize resistance through collective assembly rather than fragmented local defenses.

Key Figures and Signatories


The Assembly of Vlorë, held on November 28, 1912, was presided over by Ismail Qemali (1844–1919), a Vlorë-born Ottoman official turned nationalist leader who had advocated Albanian rights since the 1870s but, facing Ottoman collapse and Balkan invasions, initiated the independence proclamation. Qemali, returning from exile in Italy with support from European contacts, convened the assembly, raised the double-headed eagle flag, and read the declaration asserting Albania's separation from Ottoman rule to prevent partition by Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece.
The assembly included 83 delegates from Albanian-inhabited regions across the Ottoman vilayets of Shkodra, Kosovo, Monastir, and Janina, plus diaspora representatives, though travel disruptions from war limited northern attendance. Of these, 40 delegates affixed their signatures to the Act of Independence, symbolizing collective endorsement amid existential threats from the First Balkan War.
Prominent signatories encompassed regional leaders and intellectuals, such as Luigj Gurakuqi (1879–1925) from Shkodra, a poet and priest who championed Albanian language standardization; Mid'hat Frashëri (1880–1949) from Berat, son of Renaissance figure Abdyl Frashëri and future cultural advocate; Thanas Floqi (1875–1918) from Korçë, a educator promoting national education; Abdi Toptani and Murad Toptani from Tirana, landowners with military ties; and Zyhni Abaz Kan Haxhi Shevketi from Vlorë, alongside local figures like Aristidh Ruci, Gjergj Adham Bey Kokoshi, and Jan Minga. These individuals, drawn from beys, merchants, clergy, and professionals, reflected efforts to forge unity across tribal, religious, and geographic divides, though the assembly's hasty formation raised later questions about full representativeness.

Content and Proclamation of the Declaration

On 28 November 1912, the Assembly of Vlorë, comprising 83 delegates from Albanian regions including Berat, Dibra, Durrës, Elbasan, Korçë, Kosovo, Mirdita, and Shkodra, convened at the residence of Xhemil Bey Vlora and proclaimed Albania's independence from the Ottoman Empire under the leadership of Ismail Qemali. The proclamation followed Qemali's address emphasizing the need for unity amid the Ottoman collapse and Balkan invasions, after which the double-headed eagle flag was raised on the balcony, marking the formal declaration. The declaration's content was concise and focused on sovereignty: the assembly unanimously resolved that "Albania, as of today, should be on her own, free and independent under a ." This was tasked with defending Albanian rights against existential threats, particularly from Serbian forces advancing during the , and liberating occupied territories from foreign invaders. In notifying the Great Powers, conveyed the assembly's decision in a message to the British government, stating: "The , consisting of delegates from all parts of , without distinction of , who have today met in the town of Valona, have proclaimed the political of and constituted a entrusted with the task of defending the rights of the Albanian people, menaced with extermination by the Serbian Armies, and of freeing the national soil invaded by the foreign forces." This phrasing deliberately omitted religious affiliations to underscore national unity and appeal to European powers for protection against partition, positioning as an equilibrating factor among Balkan states. The sought international recognition to safeguard Albania's , expressing intent to live in peace with neighbors while requesting safeguards against dismemberment. Qemali was elected head of the , with Dom Nikollë Kaçorri as vice-president, formalizing the structure to administer pending external validation.

Immediate Consequences

Establishment of the Provisional Government

Following the Albanian Declaration of Independence on November 28, 1912, the Assembly of convened again on December 4, 1912, to establish the of as the country's first executive authority. This body was formed amid the , with Ottoman forces withdrawing and neighboring states advancing into Albanian-inhabited territories, necessitating rapid administrative organization to assert sovereignty. Ismail Qemali was elected president of the , with Dom Nikollë Kaçorri serving as vice-president; Qemali also assumed the role of Minister of Foreign Affairs, which he held until June 1913. The government comprised ten members drawn from the assembly's delegates, representing diverse regions and reflecting a multireligious composition to symbolize national unity among , Orthodox Christians, and Catholics. A council of elders was appointed to advise and oversee operations, while a delegation was dispatched to to advocate for Albanian interests internationally. The operated from , focusing on basic administration, defense coordination, and diplomatic outreach in the absence of defined borders or full international backing. It faced immediate pressures from internal factionalism and external occupations, yet endured until January 22, 1914, when Qemali resigned, transferring authority amid escalating instability. This interim structure laid foundational claims to , prioritizing against partition threats from Balkan neighbors.

Internal Albanian Responses and Challenges

The Provisional Government established in Vlorë following the November 28, 1912, declaration struggled to consolidate authority amid deep-seated tribal and regional divisions. Northern Gheg clans, particularly in the Malësor highlands, exhibited reluctance to embrace full independence, viewing it as a precarious venture that exposed Albanian lands to partition by neighboring Balkan states; many preferred enhanced autonomy under Ottoman suzerainty, which had historically preserved local customs and privileges against centralizing reforms. This northern skepticism stemmed from the assembly's perceived southern (Tosk) dominance, with limited representation from highland delegates, fostering perceptions of the Vlorë initiative as insufficiently inclusive of Albania's ethnic and geographic diversity. Tribal loyalties exacerbated these fractures, as fis (clans) prioritized allegiance to hereditary leaders (bajraktars) over nascent national institutions, leading to sporadic defiance against government directives. Local beys and chieftains in central and northern regions often withheld taxes, mobilized private militias, and maintained autonomy, undermining efforts to form a cohesive defense against invading Serbian, Montenegrin, and Greek forces. The government's military, comprising ad hoc volunteer bands plagued by poor coordination and internal distrust, proved ineffective in imposing order, allowing and feuds to persist. A prominent challenge emerged from Essad Toptani, an Ottoman-trained officer who controlled and surrounding areas; by late 1912, he positioned himself as a rival power center, leveraging his forces to contest Vlorë's primacy and establishing the independent on October 16, 1913, which isolated pro-Qemali supporters from key ports and trade routes. This rivalry reflected broader elite competitions, where personal ambitions and regional power bases clashed with the declaration's unifying intent, delaying administrative reforms until external diplomatic pressures intervened.

International Recognition Process

Diplomatic Initiatives by Albanian Leaders

Following the declaration of independence on November 28, 1912, Albanian leaders under promptly dispatched telegrams to the sovereigns and governments of the Great Powers—Britain, , , , , and —announcing the event and appealing for recognition to avert territorial partition by states amid the . These communications emphasized Albania's ethnic integrity and the need for international guarantees against by neighboring powers, reflecting Qemali's prior in European circles where he had promoted Albanian autonomy to counter Ottoman decline. On December 4, 1912, the formalized its foreign policy apparatus by establishing the , with Turhan Pasha Përmeti as and Myfid Bey Libohova appointed as foreign minister, tasked with coordinating outreach to secure diplomatic backing. A government delegation, including ministry officials, was dispatched to major European capitals to present the declaration, furnish documentation, and lobby for recognition while the London Conference convened in December 1912. Initial diplomatic representations focused on and , powers with strategic interests in limiting Slavic and Greek expansion in the ; Syrja Bey Vlora was appointed envoy to , while Myfid Bey Libohova served in to cultivate bilateral ties and press for Albanian territorial claims. These missions aimed to leverage 's and 's opposition to Serbian-Montenegrin gains, securing informal assurances that influenced the Powers' eventual stance against full partition, though formal recognition awaited the July 1913 Treaty. In spring 1913, personally traveled to European cities, including meetings with Bulgarian diplomats, to reinforce these efforts and advocate for independence amid ongoing negotiations.

London Conference of Ambassadors and Treaty Negotiations

The London Conference of Ambassadors, convened by the six Great Powers—, , , , , and —began sessions on Albania's status in 1912 amid the First Balkan War's aftermath. The conference aimed to mediate territorial disputes, including the future of Albanian-inhabited regions previously under Ottoman control. On December 17, 1912, the ambassadors granted recognition to Albanian independence, marking an initial acknowledgment of the declaration's implications. Initially, the powers proposed Albanian autonomy under nominal Ottoman suzerainty to balance competing Balkan claims, with and advocating for a viable Albanian entity to counter Serbian expansion, while supported Slavic interests in the north. The Treaty of London, signed on May 30, 1913, between the and the , ended hostilities and ceded Ottoman territories in west of the Enos-Midia line, but explicitly deferred Albania's borders and governance to the Great Powers' arbitration. Negotiations intensified post-treaty, focusing on delimiting Albania's frontiers amid territorial demands from Serbia, Montenegro, and Greece. The ambassadors rejected full ethnographic borders, excluding northern Albanian areas like Kosovo—assigned to Serbia—and southern regions like Chameria—to Greece, prioritizing strategic stability over ethnic unity. On July 29, 1913, after protracted debates, the conference formally recognized the Principality of Albania as a sovereign, independent state, hereditary under Great Powers' guarantee, though with reduced territory comprising primarily central Albania. An international commission was subsequently tasked with precise border demarcation, convening in September 1913, but the conference's decisions entrenched partitions that leaders protested as unjust, limiting the new state's viability. These outcomes reflected the powers' geopolitical calculus, with and securing influence in to offset rivals, rather than endorsing maximalist Albanian claims.

Formal Recognition and Border Determinations

The formal recognition of Albania's independence occurred through the in , where the Great Powers—Britain, , , , , and —reached a decision on July 29, 1913, to establish the as a , independent state, neutral under their , and free from Ottoman . This followed initial acknowledgment in December 1912 amid the , but the July protocol definitively affirmed Albania's statehood, opting against earlier proposals for autonomy under the Sultan. The recognition prioritized geopolitical balance, with and advocating for Albanian viability to counter Slavic expansion, while supported Serbian claims. Border determinations were integral to the July 1913 protocol, delineating Albania's territory to exclude significant Albanian-inhabited regions, resulting in a reduced state comprising roughly the central Albanian highlands and coastal areas. The northern border with was set along the crest of the North Albanian Alps, ceding the region; the eastern frontier with omitted and parts of northeastern Albania; while the southern boundary with left () outside, though including and , with the district assigned to Albania pending plebiscite. These lines disregarded ethnographic majorities in favor of strategic imperatives, such as securing Montenegro's viability and limiting Greek expansion, leading to the partition of Albanian-populated vilayets. Implementation involved international commissions: a northern boundary commission finalized the Montenegrin line by August , while a southern Greco-Albanian commission, convened in September under Italian presidency, mapped the amid disputes, ultimately adhering to the protocol's directives rather than ethnic distributions. The resulting borders, formalized without full Albanian input, spanned approximately 28,000 square kilometers, establishing a neutral buffer but fueling long-term irredentist tensions as roughly half of ethnic remained outside. The Great Powers' arbitration reflected causal priorities of alliance stabilization over principles nascent at the time.

Controversies and Alternative Perspectives

Questions of Legitimacy and Representativeness

The of Vlorë, convened on November 28, 1912, comprised around 83 delegates primarily from , including intellectuals, landowners, and religious figures summoned by amid the advancing armies and Ottoman retreat. This gathering lacked formal elections or broad consultation, reflecting the elite-driven character of early , which originated among urban and educated layers rather than widespread popular mobilization. Northern Albania, dominated by Geg tribal confederations, exhibited limited engagement with the Vlorë assembly, as many highland leaders prioritized securing Ottoman reforms and over , a stance rooted in longstanding administrative privileges and resistance to centralized rule. The uprising had begun in the north with demands for , but after partial Ottoman concessions in September, northern factions largely withheld support for full , resulting in underrepresentation from regions like Shkodra and vilayets. This regional disparity—southern favoring separation versus northern preferences for reformed Ottoman suzerainty—undermined claims of pan-Albanian consensus, with the declaration encompassing only about half the ethnic Albanian population. Critics, including later historians, have questioned the declaration's legitimacy on grounds that it represented a narrow initiative rather than a unified national mandate, exacerbated by the absence of mechanisms for verifying delegate or incorporating tribal voices. Internal divisions persisted post-proclamation, as northern unrest and rival autonomy bids highlighted the fragility of the Vlorë decisions, though pragmatic international recognition in prioritized geopolitical stability over strict representational purity.

Ethnic Composition Debates and Neighboring Claims

The ethnic composition of the territories claimed by Albanian independence leaders in was a central point of contention, as Ottoman administrative divisions fragmented Albanian-inhabited regions across vilayets of , Shkodra, Monastir, and Janina, mixing them with Slavic, Greek, and other populations. Albanian nationalists, convening in , asserted sovereignty over contiguous areas where Albanian speakers predominated, estimating their population at around 800,000 to 1 million, but lacking precise ethnic censuses, which the conducted primarily by religion rather than language or self-identification, leading to undercounts of classified as alongside Turks and others. Neighboring states exploited this ambiguity to justify annexations, with emphasizing historical Serbian Orthodox sites and medieval legacies in despite contemporary Albanian majorities in rural districts, as evidenced by pre-war consular reports noting Albanian demographic expansion through high birth rates and migrations displacing Serbs southward. Serbian territorial ambitions extended to and , where officials portrayed Albanian populations as recent infiltrators into a historically Slavic core, citing events like the 1389 to underpin cultural claims, even as military advances in late occupied Albanian-majority towns like and . Greek forces, advancing into southern Albania during the , targeted the , particularly and , arguing that Orthodox Greek-speaking communities—estimated at tens of thousands—formed ethnic enclaves warranting incorporation into , while downplaying Albanian Muslim majorities in surrounding highlands. Montenegro similarly claimed northern Albanian districts around Shkodra, invoking shared border populations and strategic access, though ethnographic data indicated Albanian dominance in the plains and valleys. These assertions often prioritized religious affiliation over linguistic ethnicity, aligning with [Balkan League](/page/Balkan League) pre-war agreements to partition Ottoman irrespective of local demographics. The absence of reliable, neutral demographic surveys fueled on all sides; for instance, Serbian ethnographers like mapped mixed zones to support expansions, while Albanian leaders referenced Austrian and Italian linguistic studies affirming Albanian continuity from Illyrian roots, though such works carried national biases. In Macedonia's Monastir , post-Ottoman emigration of left heterogeneous remnants, with Albanian claims clashing against Bulgarian and Serbian assertions of Slavic Orthodox majorities, as partial 1880s Ottoman tallies showed (including ) exceeding 50% but without ethnic breakdown. Ultimately, these debates underscored causal realities of Ottoman decline—uneven modernization favoring highlands where thrived demographically—yet were subordinated to arbitration, revealing how ethnic arguments served irredentist goals more than empirical majorities.

Long-Term Geopolitical Criticisms

The premature nature of the 1912 declaration, acknowledged even by figures like Ismail Qemal who viewed it as hasty given Albania's underdeveloped administrative and unifying institutions, laid the groundwork for chronic state fragility and susceptibility to foreign domination. This weakness enabled rapid territorial encroachments during , with Albania fragmented among , , , and by 1915, and persisted into interwar dependency on Italian economic and military influence. The resultant power vacuum and internal divisions hindered effective governance, contributing to authoritarian consolidation under Zog I by 1928 amid ongoing clan rivalries and economic backwardness. Border determinations from the 1913 Protocol of Florence and London Conference excluded over half of ethnic —particularly in under Serbian control and regions ceded to —perpetuating irredentist pressures that destabilized inter-ethnic relations across the . These exclusions fueled pan-Albanian movements, manifesting in support for unification during the 1941-1944 Italian occupation and later exacerbating Yugoslav dissolution, where 's Albanian majority clashed with Serbian forces, culminating in the 1999 bombing and 2008 unilateral independence declaration. Observers have argued this scattered ethnic distribution, unaddressed by 1912 independence, sustains revisionist threats to regional stability, as fragmented Albanian communities prioritize cross-border solidarity over local integration. By prioritizing ethnic amid Ottoman collapse, the declaration intensified Balkan fragmentation, supplanting multi-ethnic imperial structures with competing national claims that eroded cooperative frameworks and amplified great-power rivalries. This pattern, evident in the Second Balkan War's immediate backlash and echoed in 20th-century conflicts, positioned as a perennial , economically stunted by irredentist distractions and isolation, with GDP lagging behind neighbors into the post-communist era due to inherited territorial and institutional deficits. Critics contend such outcomes reflect a causal oversight in , where without viable defenses or inclusive borders prioritized symbolic over pragmatic stability, prolonging the peninsula's volatility.

Enduring Impact

Foundations of Albanian Statehood

The Albanian Declaration of Independence, proclaimed on November 28, 1912, in Vlorë by an assembly of 83 delegates representing Muslim and Christian leaders from various Albanian regions, marked the inaugural assertion of Albanian sovereignty amid the Ottoman Empire's weakening control during the First Balkan War. Led by Ismail Qemali, the assembly explicitly rejected Ottoman rule and neighboring Balkan states' territorial encroachments, establishing Albania as an independent entity with undefined but ethnically Albanian-populated borders. This act created the first modern Albanian state, transitioning from Ottoman vilayets to a provisional parliamentary framework, though initial territories covered only portions of ethnic Albanian lands still under Turkish administration. On December 4, 1912, the assembly formalized the Provisional Government of Albania, electing as president and instituting a cabinet that included the to pursue . This government laid institutional foundations by organizing administrative structures, mobilizing defenses against invading forces, and dispatching envoys to European capitals, thereby operationalizing the declaration's sovereignty claims despite lacking immediate endorsement. The provisional setup emphasized unity across religious lines, with delegates from northern and southern regions cooperating to counter fragmentation risks. Symbolically, the declaration adopted the red flag bearing a black , derived from historical Byzantine and medieval Albanian , as the , hoisted by Qemali to signify enduring state identity. This , alongside the government's formation, provided causal continuity for Albanian statehood, influencing subsequent constitutional developments and resisting assimilation pressures from Ottoman reforms or Balkan . Despite territorial losses formalized in 1913, these foundations enabled Albania's re-emergence as a sovereign entity post-World War I, anchoring modern national legitimacy in the 1912 precedents rather than later regimes.

Commemorations and National Symbolism

November 28 is observed annually in Albania as Independence Day, or Dita e Pavarësisë, commemorating the 1912 declaration by Ismail Qemali in Vlorë that ended Ottoman rule after over four centuries. Celebrations typically feature flag-raising ceremonies, military parades, cultural performances, and public gatherings that highlight Albanian heritage and national unity. The day also coincides with Flag Day (Festa e Flamurit), emphasizing the raising of the national banner during the independence assembly. The Albanian , featuring a black on a field, emerged as the central symbol of the declaration, first hoisted on November 28, 1912, to represent the nascent state's . The , drawn from historical emblems associated with figures like and Byzantine traditions, signifies vigilance toward both East and West, while the background evokes the blood sacrificed for freedom and bravery in defense of the nation. This , formalized during the period from 1912 to 1914, endures as 's , embodying resilience and ethnic Albanian identity forged in the struggle. The , a shield bearing the same , reinforces the declaration's legacy in official state symbolism, appearing on government documents and institutions to denote continuity from the 1912 founding moment. Monuments and memorials, such as those in commemorating the assembly site, serve as focal points for annual tributes, underscoring the event's role in establishing Albanian self-determination amid regional turmoil. These symbols and observances collectively frame the declaration not merely as a historical act but as a perennial assertion of national endurance against external domination.

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