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Timeline • Origins • Etymology

Hayasa-Azzi or Azzi-Hayasa (Hittite: URUḪaiaša-, Armenian: Հայասա) was a Late Bronze Age confederation in the Armenian Highlands and/or Pontic region of Asia Minor. The Hayasa-Azzi confederation was in conflict with the Hittite Empire in the 14th century BCE, leading up to the collapse of Hatti around 1190 BCE. It has long been thought that Hayasa-Azzi may have played a significant role in the ethnogenesis of Armenians.[1]

Location

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Hittite inscriptions deciphered in the 1920s by the Swiss scholar Emil Forrer testify to the existence of the mountainous country, Hayasa-Azzi, lying to the east of Hatti in the Upper Euphrates region. Its western border seems to have alternated between Samuha (probably just west of modern Sivas) and Kummaha (likely modern Kemah, Erzincan).[2] These areas later geographically overlapped, at least partially, with the Upper Armenia[3] province of the later Kingdom of Armenia and the neighboring region of Lesser Armenia.[1]

Hayasa-Azzi seems to have been bordered by Isuwa (later known as Sophene, now known as Elazig) and Pahhuwa (perhaps near modern Divriği or Bingol Province) to the south or the west.[2][3] The eastern extent of Hayasa-Azzi is unknown, although some have placed it in the area of modern Tercan,[4] or as far east as Lake Van[2][5] or the Ararat Plain.[6]

The name Hayasa might possibly be connected to the Iya(ni)/Iga(ni) of Urartian texts.[7] Both Hayasa and Iya(ni)/Iga(ni) have been connected to the Aia of Greek mythology.[7][8] Alternately, another theory proposes a connection to the Huša(ni), mentioned by the Urartian kings Argishti I and Sarduri II in the 8th century BCE.[4] Iya(ni)/Iga(ni) and Husa(ni) were both probably located in modern Ardahan Province of Turkey.

It is possible that the name Azzi survived into the Classical era as Aza, a city located in the Kelkit River Valley.[4] Alternately, a form of the name Azzi may have continued into the 17th century CE as Azntsik, a district of Ani-Kammahk (Kemah) in Upper Armenia.[3]

Azzi is not to be confused with the similarly named Alzi (Alshe), which was located further south.

Political structure

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The exact nature of Hayasa's and Azzi's relationship is uncertain. They are generally thought to have been a confederation of two different kingdoms in what is now northeastern Turkey: Hayasa, in the north, and Azzi, in the south. While separate entities, the two lands were politically and probably linguistically connected.[2] However, there are alternate theories regarding the nature of their relationship. Some have suggested that Azzi was a region or district of Hayasa or that Hayasa and Azzi were different names for the same location.[9] Vartan Matiossian argues that Hayasa was an ethnonym while Azzi was the polity or land in which the Hayasans lived.[3] According to Massimo Forlanini, Hayasa and Azzi may have denoted the same polity, with the name having switched from Hayasa to Azzi following the establishment of a new ruling dynasty or capital.[10]

The Hittite king Suppiluliuma I's treaty with Hakkani of Hayasa addresses "the people of Hayasa." According to Igor Diakonoff, this likely suggests that the Hayasans had a peoples' assembly or council of elders.[9][5] Similarly, Mursili II later conducted negotiations with "the elders" of Azzi.[9] The nearby land of Pahhuwa may have had a similar governing council.[9]

A possible alternate interpretation of these treaties is that these councils consisted of the chieftains of the various tribes who made up the Hayasa-Azzi confederation.[9]

Although frequently at odds with Hatti, Hittite texts mention that the Hayasans served as charioteers in the Hittite army.[9]

The capital of Hayasa-Azzi is unknown, but its main fortress was Ura, possibly located somewhere near modern Bayburt or along the Kelkit River.[3] Another fortress, Aripsa, may have been located on the shore of Lake Van.[11][12][13]

Early history

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Ceramic vase found near Erzurum, c. 2000 BCE

All information about Hayasa-Azzi comes from the Hittites, there are no primary sources from Hayasa-Azzi. As such, the early history of Hayasa-Azzi is unknown. According to historian Aram Kosyan, it is possible that the origins of Hayasa-Azzi lie in the Trialeti-Vanadzor culture, which expanded from Transcaucasia toward northeastern modern Turkey in the first half of the 2nd millennium BCE.[14] The Trialeti-Vanadzor-connected site of Sos Höyük IV, located in the Erzurum region, may have been associated with Hayasa-Azzi.[15]

Tudhaliya III and Suppiluliuma I (1360s–1320s BCE)

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The Hittite king Tudhaliya III chose to make the city of Samuha, "an important cult centre located on the upper course of the Marassantiya river"[16]: 160  as a temporary home for the Hittite royal court sometime after his abandonment of Hattusa in the face of attacks against his kingdom by the Kaska, Hayasa-Azzi and other enemies of his state. Samuha was, however, temporarily seized by forces from the country of Azzi.[16]: 160  At this time, the kingdom of Hatti was so besieged by fierce attacks from its enemies that many neighbouring powers expected it to soon collapse. The Egyptian pharaoh, Amenhotep III, even wrote to Tarhundaradu, king of Arzawa: "I have heard that everything is finished and that the country of Hattusa is paralysed" (EA 31, 26–27).[17] However, Tudhaliya managed to rally his forces; indeed, the speed and determination of the Hittite king may have surprised Hatti's enemies including the Kaska and Hayasa-Azzi.[16]: 160–162  Tudhaliya sent his general Suppiluliuma, who would later serve as king himself under the title Suppiluliuma I, to Hatti's northeastern frontiers, to defeat Hayasa-Azzi. The Hayasans initially retreated from a direct battle with the Hittite commander. The Hittitologist Trevor R. Bryce notes, however, that Tudhaliya and Suppiluliuma eventually:

invaded Hayasa-Azzi and forced a showdown with its king Karanni (or Lanni) near the city of Kumaha. The passage (in the 'Deeds of Suppiluliuma') recording the outcome of this battle is missing. But almost certainly, the Hittite campaign resulted in the conquest of Hayasa-Azzi, for subsequently Suppiluliuma established it as a Hittite vassal state, drawing up a treaty with Hakkana, its current ruler.[18][16]: 162–163 

The Hayasans were now obliged to repatriate all captured Hittite subjects and cede "the border [territory] which Suppiluliuma claimed belonged to the Land of Hatti."[16]: 163  Despite the restrictions imposed upon Hakkani, he was not a completely meek and submissive brother-in law of the Hittites in political and military affairs. As a condition for the release of the thousands of Hittite prisoners held in his domain, he demanded first the return of the Hayasan prisoners confined in Hatti.

During their reigns, the cuneiform tablets of Boğazköy begin to mention the names of three successive kings who ruled over a state of Hayasa and/or Azzi. They were Karanni (or Lanni), Mariya, and Hakkani (or Hukkana). Hakkani married a Hittite princess. When Suppiluliuma had become king himself, Hakkani proceeded to marry Suppiluliuma's sister.

In a treaty signed with Hakkani, Suppiluliuma I mentions a series of obligations of civil right:

My sister, whom I gave you in marriage has sisters; through your marriage, they now become your relatives. Well, there is a law in the land of the Hatti. Do not approach sisters, your sisters-in law or your cousins; that is not permitted. In Hatti Land, whosoever commits such an act does not live; he dies. In your country, you do not hesitate to marry your own sister, sister-in law or cousin, because you are not civilized. Such an act cannot be permitted in Hatti.

Mursili II (1320s–1290s BCE)

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Hittite-era statues found near Sivas, ca. 1600–1200 BCE

The kingdom of Hayasa-Azzi remained a loyal Hittite vassal state for a time, perhaps hit by the same plague which claimed Suppiluliuma and his son Arnuwanda II. But, in Mursili's seventh year (three years before Mursili's eclipse – so, 1315 BCE), the "lord of Azzi" Anniya took advantage of Pihhuniya's unification of the Kaskas and raided the Land of Dankuwa, a Hittite border region, where he transported its population back to his kingdom.

Cavaignac wrote of that period that Anniya "had sacked several districts and refused to release the prisoners taken." Anniya's rebellion soon prompted a Hittite response. The Hittite King Mursili II, having defeated Pihhuniya, marched to the borders of Hayasa-Azzi where he demanded Anniya return his captured subjects.[16]: 219  When Anniya refused, Mursili immediately attacked the Hayasa's border fortress of Ura.[19] In the following spring, he crossed the Euphrates and re-organized his army at Ingalova which, about ten centuries later, was to become the treasure-house and burial-place of the Armenian kings of the Arshakuni Dynasty.

Despite Mursili's Year 7 and probable Year 8 campaigns against Hayasa-Azzi, Anniya was still unsubdued and continued to defy the Hittite king's demands to return his people at the beginning of Mursili's Ninth year.[16]: 219  Then, in the latter's Year 9, Anniya launched a major counter-offensive by once again invading the Upper Land region on the Northeast frontier of Hatti, destroying the Land of Istitina and placing the city of Kannuwara under siege.[20] Worse still, Mursili II was forced to face another crisis in the same year with the death of his brother Sarri-Kusuh, the Hittite viceroy of Syria. This prompted a revolt by the Nuhašše lands against Hittite control.[16]: 220  Mursili II took decisive action by dispatching his general Kurunta to quell the Syrian rebellion while he sent another general, the able Nuwanza (or Nuvanza) to expel the Hayasa-Azzi enemy from the Upper Land. After consulting some oracles, the king ordered Nuwanza to seize the Upper Land territory from the Hayasan forces. This Nuwanza did by inflicting a resounding defeat against the Hayasa-Azzi invaders at the Battle of Ganuvara; henceforth, Upper Land would remain "firmly in Hittite hands for the rest of Mursili's reign under the immediate authority of a local governor appointed by the king."[16]: 221  While Mursili II would invade and reconquer Hayasa-Azzi in his tenth year,[21] its formal submission did not occur until the following year of the Hittite king's reign.[16]: 221 

The Annals of Mursili describe the campaigns of Mursili against Hayasa-Azzi below:[22]

The people of Nahasse arose and besieged" (name indecipherable). "Other enemies and the people of Hayasa likewise. They plundered Institina, blockaded Ganuvara with troops and chariots. And because I had left Nuvanzas, the chief cup-bearer, and all the heads of the camp and troops and chariots in the High Country, I wrote to Nuvanzas as follows; 'See the people of Hayasa have devastated Institina, and blockaded the city of Ganuvara.' And Nuvanza led troops and chariots for aid and marched to Ganuvara And then he sent to me a messenger and wrote to me; 'Will you not go to consult for me the augur and the foreteller? Could not a decision be made for me by the birds and the flesh of the expiatory victims?

And I sent to Nuvanza this letter: 'See, I consulted for you birds and flesh, and they commanded, Go! because these people of Hayasa, the God U, has already delivered to you; strike them!

And as I was returning from Astatan to Carchemish, the royal prince Nana-Lu came to meet me on the road and said, 'The Hayasan enemy having besieged Ganuvara, Nuvanza marched against him and met him under the walls of Ganuvara. Ten thousand men and seven hundred chariots were drawn up in battle against him, and Nuvanza defeated them. There are many dead and many prisoners.

(Here the tablets are defaced, and 15 lines lost.)

And when I arrived in Tiggaramma, the chief cup-bearer Nuvanza and all the noblemen came to meet me at Tiggaramma. I should have marched to Hayasa still, but the chiefs said to me, 'The season is now far advanced, Sire, Lord! Do not go to Hayasa.' And I did not go to Hayasa.

Decline of Hayasa

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Mursili, himself, could now take satisfaction in the reduction of the hostile and aggressive kingdom of Hayasa-Azzi once more to a Hittite vassal state.[16]: 223 

The Hittite Empire at its greatest extent under Suppiluliuma I (c. 1350–1322 BCE), the region north of Ishuwa and Alshe is believed to have been the location of Hayasa-Azzi

After Anniya's defeat, Hayasa-Azzi never appears again in the Hittite (or Assyrian) records as a unified nation. Hayasa as a fighting power was practically eliminated by the expedition of Mursili II.

Azzi, however, continued to be mentioned for some time after references to Hayasa ceased. It is possible that Hayasa was destroyed by Mursili and/or that it became part of Azzi.[2] Mutti, a man from the city Halimana, was mentioned as having greeted Mursili in Azzi. Nothing else is known about him, but he may have been a latter-day king of Azzi.[23] [check quotation syntax] Many of the former districts and towns of Hayasa-Azzi become their own independent city-states following the breakup of the Hayasa-Azzi confederation at the end of the 13th century BCE.[9] Other regions of Azzi probably correspond to areas of the Nairian state of Urartu, mentioned in Assyrian records from around this same time.[24]: 310 [25]

The territory of Hayasa-Azzi may have corresponded, at least partially, to Diauehi of Urartian-era texts.[26][27][28]

Hayasa and Armenians

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Armenia(Hayasa) in XIII century B.C.

The similarity of the name Hayasa to the endonym of the Armenians, hay, and the Armenian name for Armenia, Hayk’ or Hayastan, has prompted the suggestion that the Hayasa-Azzi confederation was involved in the Armenian ethnogenesis, or perhaps had been an Armenian-speaking state. -assa/-asa are, respectively, Hittite and Hieroglyphic Luwian genitive suffixes. Therefore, Hayasa could have been a Hittite or Luwian name meaning "land of the Hay."[3] This is essentially the same meaning as modern Hayastan. Hayasa-Azzi could have been a Hittite translation of the Armenian Hayots’ azn or "Armenian nation".[3]

Hay may derive from the Proto-Indo-European word *h₂éyos (or possibly *áyos), meaning 'metal'. According to this theory, Hayasa meant "land of metal," referring to the early metallurgy techniques developed in the region.[29]

While the language or languages spoken in Hayasa-Azzi are unknown, there does seem to have been a prevalent non-Anatolian Indo-European linguistic element. This language seems to have had some similarities to Ancient Greek and could have been an early Armenian dialect.[14] The name of the king, Karanni, may be connected to Greek-Macedonian Karanos.[30][14]

Some scholars argue that the Hayasan king name Mariya is connected to Sanskrit marya, meaning 'young man, warrior', and thus indicates a possible Indo-Iranian presence (perhaps related to the Mitanni) in Hayasa-Azzi.[31] Vartan Matiossian argues instead that this name is a form of Classical Armenian mari, also meaning 'young man'.[32] Both the Sanskrit and Armenian words ultimately derive from the same Proto-Indo-European root, *méryos.[33][34]

A few of the gods of Hayasa-Azzi recorded in treaties with the Hittites could be connected to Armenian or Greek traditions. Unag-Astuas is likely connected, at least etymologically, to Classical Armenian Astuats (Modern Armenian: Astvats), which means 'God' and continues to be used in Armenian today.[35] Baltaik could be a goddess connected to West Semitic Ba‘alat (Astarte), with a probable Armenian diminutive suffix -ik (such as is present in the name of the Armenian goddess, Astłik).[30] Alternately, it could etymologically derive from Proto Indo-European *bʰel- (meaning 'bright'), via the *bʰel-to form.[36] Terittituniš might be connected to the Triton of Greek mythology.[14]

The region covered by Hayasa-Azzi would later constitute Lesser Armenia, as well as the western and south-western regions of Ancient Armenia. The main temples of many pre-Christian Armenian gods such as Aramadz, Anahit, Mher, Nane, and Barsamin were located where Hayasa had likely been.[37] The treasury and royal burials of the Arsacid (Arshakuni) dynasty would be located in this region as well during the 1st millennium BCE.[38] Ani-Kammahk, probably the Kummaha of Hittite sources, was the main cultic center of the goddess Anahit and the location of the Armenian royal tombs during the Classical era. According to the prominent linguist Hrachia Acharian, the name of the city Kummaha could derive from kmakhk’, the Armenian word for 'skeleton'.[30]

Some scholars believe that Armenians were native to the Hayasa region, or perhaps moved into the Hayasa region from nearby northern or eastern regions (such as modern southern Georgia or northern Armenia).[39][1] A minority of historians theorize that after the possible Phrygian invasion of the Hittites, the hypothetically named Armeno-Phrygians would have settled in Hayasa-Azzi, and merged with the local people, who were possibly already spread within the western regions of Urartu.[40] However, there is almost no evidence of a close Armenian-Phrygian connection.

The term Hayastan bears resemblance to the ancient Mesopotamian god Haya (ha-ià) and another western deity called Ebla Hayya, related to the god Ea (Enki or Enkil in Sumerian, Ea in Akkadian and Babylonian).[41] Thus, the Great Soviet Encyclopedia of 1962 posited that the Armenians derive from a migration of Hayasa into Shupria in the 12th century BCE.[42] This is open to objection due to the possibility of a mere coincidental similarity between the two names.[43]

Criticism of Armenian connection theory

[edit]

The mentioning of the name Armenia can only be securely dated to the 6th century BCE with the Orontid kings and very little is known specifically about the people of Hayasa-Azzi per se.[16]: 158–163 

Igor Diakonoff argues the pronunciation of Hayasa was probably closer to Khayasa, with an aspirated h. According to him, this nullifies the connection to Armenian Hay (հայ). Additionally, he argues that -asa cannot be an Anatolian language suffix as names with this suffix are absent in the Armenian Highlands.[9]

Diakonoff's criticisms have been refuted by Matiossian and others, who argue that, as Hayasa is a Hittite (or Hittite-ized) exonym applied to a foreign land, the -asa suffix can still mean "land of."[3] Additionally, Khayasa can be reconciled with Hay as the Hittite h and kh phonemes are interchangeable, a feature present in certain Armenian dialects as well.[3]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Hayasa-Azzi

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Hayasa-Azzi was a Late kingdom or tribal confederation located in the northeastern region of , encompassing parts of the between the Marassantiya River and the upper , active from approximately 1500 to 1200 BCE. Known primarily through records, it featured a structured political entity with urban centers, a , and a military capable of fielding 700 war chariots and 10,000 infantrymen, alongside a pantheon led by the storm D U.GUR. The kingdom's territory included numerous settlements such as Aripsha, Arniya, and Kummaha, extending possibly westward from areas near . Hayasa-Azzi's history is marked by frequent and diplomatic interactions with the expanding Hittite Empire, beginning in the mid-14th century BCE during a period of regional instability. Under King Tudhaliya III (c. 1400–1390 BCE), Hayasa-Azzi forces invaded the Hittite Upper Lands, sacking settlements as far as Samuha amid broader assaults on the Hittite homeland. Suppiluliuma I (c. 1344–1322 BCE) responded with campaigns from Samuha, defeating Hayasa-Azzi near Kummaha and imposing a on its ruler Hukkana, which established it as a Hittite and required the return of captives and border adjustments. Rebellions persisted into the reign of Mursili II (c. 1321–1295 BCE), when King Anniya of Hayasa-Azzi attacked Dankuwa in Year 9, deported its population, and later invaded the Upper Lands, destroying Istitina and besieging Kannuwara in Years 9–10. Mursili II reconquered the region by Year 10, forcing submission and restoring Hittite control by Year 11, though Hayasa-Azzi warriors occasionally served as allies in Hittite forces thereafter. By the time of Tudhaliya IV (c. 1237–1209 BCE), Hayasa-Azzi remained a hostile frontier entity alongside Kaska and , contributing to ongoing Hittite military efforts until the empire's collapse around 1200 BCE. Other attested rulers included Karanniš and later figures like Unagaštaš and Tarumuš, highlighting the kingdom's enduring viability despite subjugation.

Sources

Primary Sources

The primary sources for Hayasa-Azzi consist predominantly of texts, including royal annals, deeds, and treaties, which provide the sole direct evidence of the kingdom's existence and interactions with the Hittite Empire. These documents, written in the using script on clay tablets, were discovered in the archaeological excavations at the Hittite capital of (modern Boğazköy, ) and other sites. No indigenous texts or inscriptions from Hayasa-Azzi itself have been identified, rendering Hittite records the foundational basis for understanding the confederation. Among the most significant are the Annals of Mursili II (CTH 61), which detail military campaigns against Hayasa-Azzi territories in the 14th-13th centuries BCE. In the Ten Year Annals (CTH 61.I), year 7 describes Mursili II dispatching a messenger to Anniya, king of Azzi, to demand the return of Hittite subjects who had fled there during Suppiluliuma I's earlier campaigns in . The Extensive Annals (CTH 61.II) further elaborate on year 7 events, recounting an attack on the land of Dankuwas near the Azzi border and Mursili's correspondence with the lord of Azzi urging action against Hayasa incursions; the text notes the strategic fortress of Uras in Azzi as a key defensive site. Additionally, in year 10, the annals record a major expedition into Hayasa proper, followed by another campaign the subsequent year into Hayasa-Azzi, aimed at subduing rebellious elements and securing tribute. Earlier references appear in the Deeds of Suppiluliuma I (CTH 40), compiled by his son Mursili II, which narrate the joint campaign of Tudhaliya III and Suppiluliuma I against around the 1350s BCE, including the earlier between Tudhaliya III and of Hayasa. This text identifies Karanni (or Lanni) as the king of Azzi-Hayasa, whom the defeated in battle near Kummaha, leading to the temporary subjugation of the region. The Deeds also mention as a subsequent who had become a Hittite under Tudhaliya III, with obligations to return escaped subjects and provide military support. Treaty texts formalize these relationships, notably the of Suppiluliuma I with Hukkana (or Hakkani), of Hayasa (CTH 42), which outlines mutual non-aggression, of fugitives, and Hayasa's commitment to aid the against common enemies like the Kaskians. The treaty emphasizes Hayasa's obligations as a subordinate state, including the return of all Hittite deportees and prohibitions on alliances with hostile powers. Archaeological evidence supporting these textual references remains sparse, with no dedicated Hayasa-Azzi inscriptions or monumental remains confirmed. The fortress of Ura, frequently mentioned in Hittite texts as a stronghold in Azzi (e.g., in Mursili II's ), has been tentatively linked to a site near modern in northeastern , based on its described topography and strategic position along potential invasion routes; however, excavations there have yielded only general materials without specific Hayasa-Azzi attributions.

Secondary Sources

Modern scholarship on Hayasa-Azzi has evolved from early 20th-century interpretations of Hittite texts to more nuanced analyses incorporating , , and comparative studies, emphasizing the confederation's role in regional dynamics during the Late . Pivotal works have shifted focus toward interdisciplinary approaches, debating its ethnic composition, political organization, and cultural influences while addressing gaps in primary evidence. Armen Petrosyan's 2007 study critically examines Hayasa-Azzi's potential contributions to Armenian , arguing for linguistic connections between Hayasan and Proto-Armenian elements, such as shared Indo-European roots in place names and personal that suggest cultural continuity in the . Petrosyan posits that Hayasa-Azzi represented an indigenous tribal entity whose linguistic heritage influenced early Armenian identity formation, challenging earlier migratory models by integrating mythological and toponymic evidence. This work has influenced subsequent debates on the proto-historic ethnolinguistic landscape of eastern . Adam Kosyan's 2015 analysis draws on Hittite archival texts to reconstruct Hayasa-Azzi's political structure as a loose of city-states and tribes, characterized by decentralized leadership under figures like Hukkana, who negotiated treaties and mounted resistances against Hittite expansion. Kosyan highlights the 's strategic alliances and internal hierarchies inferred from , portraying it as a resilient entity adapting to imperial pressures through federated governance rather than a monolithic kingdom. His examination underscores the limitations of Hittite sources in capturing local , contributing to a more dynamic view of peripheral polities in the Hittite sphere. Trevor Bryce's 1999 monograph provides a foundational overview of Hayasa-Azzi within the broader Hittite imperial context, detailing the military campaigns of kings like Tudhaliya III and Suppiluliuma I that led to its subjugation and status, including obligations and placements as mechanisms of control. Bryce emphasizes the confederation's repeated revolts and the ' punitive expeditions, illustrating how Hayasa-Azzi's mountainous facilitated guerrilla tactics and prolonged resistance, ultimately straining Hittite resources during the empire's height. This synthesis integrates with geopolitical , establishing Hayasa-Azzi as a key in Hittite . Gernot Wilhelm's research on Hurrian explores potential influences on Hayasa-Azzi through religious and onomastic parallels, noting Hurrian and naming conventions in the eastern Anatolian highlands that may have permeated the confederation's diverse tribal makeup. Wilhelm's broader studies on Hurrian migrations and integrations suggest that elements like storm god cults and practices from Hurrian-speaking groups contributed to Hayasa-Azzi's syncretic identity, bridging Mesopotamian and Anatolian traditions without direct assimilation. His work highlights the region's role as a conduit for Hurrian impacts on Indo-European and populations.

Geography

Location

Hayasa-Azzi was centered in the north-western and central parts of the during the Late Bronze Age, encompassing a rugged that included portions of the Pontic region. Its core territory lay along the upper reaches of the Western and Chorokh () river valleys, which provided natural corridors for settlement and defense amid mountainous landscapes. This positioning placed Hayasa-Azzi east of the Hittite heartland near , bordering vassal regions such as Šamuha in a single contested frontier zone. The kingdom's primary area corresponded to modern-day and provinces in eastern , where archaeological and textual evidence indicates dense occupation by Hayasa-Azzi communities. A key site within this core was the fortress of Ura (URU U-ra-aš), identified as a major defensive stronghold and possible administrative center, located near along strategic routes. Hittite describe Ura as a repeatedly targeted during campaigns, underscoring its role in Hayasa-Azzi's fortifications. Hayasa-Azzi's domain possibly extended southward, reaching northwest of and peripherally incorporating parts of the , with settlements like Aripsa situated on the lake's shores. This southern reach connected the upper basin to the Lake Van lowlands, forming a cohesive geographical unit within the western Armenian Highlands.

Borders and Neighbors

Hayasa-Azzi's western border followed the course of the River, directly adjacent to Hittite territories such as Samuha, situated near modern Sivas, and Kummaha, located near Kemah in the . These states served as buffer zones between the Hittite core lands and Hayasa-Azzi, with Hittite texts documenting military outposts and campaigns in the region to maintain control over this frontier. To the north, the confederation's extent reached toward the southeastern coast, approximately south of Trabzon, where it encountered the territories of the Kaskan tribes in the Eastern and the upper Gayl (Lykus) River valley. This northern limit is evidenced by Hittite annals describing raids and border skirmishes involving cities like Istitina and Kannuwara. In the south, Hayasa-Azzi maintained a close with the neighboring Azzi kingdom, together forming a confederation whose combined domain possibly extended toward the basin of . Hittite treaties, such as that of Suppiluliuma I with Hukkana, ruler of both Hayasa and Azzi, highlight this and shared southern frontiers, including settlements like Aripsa near Van's shores. The eastern boundaries of Hayasa-Azzi remained fluid and ill-defined, extending toward regions that would later form core territories of the Urartian kingdom, potentially encompassing parts of the Araxes River valley without a fixed demarcation line. Hittite military pressures, particularly from western vassals like Isuwa to the southeast, influenced the shifting nature of these eastern limits.

Political Structure

Governance

Hayasa-Azzi operated as a loose confederation comprising the northern tribal groups of Hayasa and the more structured southern kingdom of Azzi, which united primarily to counter external threats from powers like the Hittite Empire. This decentralized political organization lacked a centralized monarchy, as indicated by references to multiple regional rulers and separate administrative centers in Hittite cuneiform texts, such as KUB XXVI 39, which describe it as a "land of lords." The confederation's governance relied on coordination among independent kings, with possible advisory councils of chieftains or elders providing input on decisions, as suggested by treaty language invoking the "people of Hayasa" alongside royal authority. Leadership was exercised by autonomous kings ruling their respective domains, exemplified by Karanni, who governed Hayasa and led military actions against the around 1370 BCE, and Anniya, the lord of Azzi, who maintained independence until submitting to Hittite forces in 1321 BCE. Other rulers, such as Hukkana of Hayasa, negotiated directly with Hittite kings, highlighting the confederation's fragmented yet diplomatically active structure. The absence of a unified royal line is further evidenced by distinct revolts in the Hayasa and Azzi regions, which occurred independently during periods of Hittite pressure, underscoring the confederation's reliance on local loyalties rather than overarching central control. Following military conquests by the under Tudhaliya III and Suppiluliuma I in the mid-14th century BCE, Hayasa-Azzi transitioned to status, bound by that imposed payments, military obligations, and the of fugitives. Key agreements included the between Tudhaliya III and of Hayasa-Azzi, which formalized submission through and alliances, and the later pact between Suppiluliuma I and Hukkana, preserved on a from (KBo 19.29), requiring mutual defense, prisoner returns, and loyalty oaths to prevent revolts. Under these arrangements, local kings retained nominal autonomy but were subject to Hittite oversight, including the provision of troops—such as 10,000 infantrymen and 700 chariots—while the confederation's internal divisions facilitated Hittite divide-and-rule tactics.

Society

The population of Hayasa-Azzi likely consisted of indigenous tribes whose language is unknown, though personal names recorded in Hittite texts reveal evidence of Indo-European () linguistic and cultural elements. Onomastic analysis reveals names such as (associated with the ruling elite), (linked to a fire deity akin to the Indo-Aryan ), Š(a)ummatar (possibly connected to Indo-Aryan soma-dhara, a term), and takšanna (suggesting a priestly role), indicating an overlay of Indo-European influences on a predominantly indigenous substrate. These tribes formed a loose governed by chieftains, reflecting a decentralized adapted to the rugged terrain. Daily life revolved around a tribal pastoralist lifestyle, with communities centered in fortified hill settlements and over 20 towns such as Aripsa and Duggama, providing defense in the mountainous . Inhabitants engaged in herding cattle and breeding horses, the latter supporting a chariot-based of up to 700 vehicles, while in river valleys focused on grains, , and vineyards to sustain settled populations. Religious practices, as inferred from Hittite treaty texts, centered on a pantheon of local deities with parallels to Hurrian traditions, including the supreme god U.GUR (identified with the Mesopotamian god ), IŠTAR (a ), and a storm god reminiscent of . Worship occurred at approximately 14 centers with temples, where rituals likely involved offerings tied to and , as suggested by theophoric names like Akni and the frequent invocation of U.GUR in diplomatic oaths. The economy relied on and limited , supplemented by networks linking Hayasa-Azzi to northern , Asia Minor, , , and possibly Black Sea regions via overland routes, exchanging livestock, , and goods like polished black for metals and luxury items.

History

Early Period

The Hayasa-Azzi first emerged around 1500 BCE as tribal groups inhabiting the eastern Anatolian highlands near the upper , positioned east of the core Hittite territories in the region. These groups are attested as an indigenous confederation that developed in the fertile plateau areas, gradually coalescing into a more organized political entity amid the broader dynamics of Anatolian tribal interactions. The earliest Hittite references to the Hayasa-Azzi appear in texts from the mid-14th century BCE, associated with the reign of Tudhaliya III. In these records, the Hayasa-Azzi are depicted as aggressive raiders who conducted incursions into Hatti lands, sacking settlements in the Upper Lands and advancing toward key Hittite centers such as Samuha. Such portrayals highlight their role as a disruptive force on the northeastern frontiers, exploiting periods of Hittite instability to launch pillaging expeditions. To counter expanding Hittite influence, the separate entities of Hayasa and Azzi united into the Hayasa-Azzi , forming a more cohesive kingdom in northeastern . This alliance enhanced their military capabilities and maintained a degree of pre-conflict independence, allowing autonomous operations despite Hittite pressures. Early incursions by the confederation were effectively checked by Hittite kings such as Tudhaliya III, who rebuffed their advances and stabilized the border regions.

Subjugation by Tudhaliya III and Suppiluliuma I

In the mid-14th century BCE, Hayasa-Azzi under King Karanni launched incursions into Hittite territory, sacking settlements in the Upper Lands and advancing as far as the city of Samuha, prompting a response from Tudhaliya III (r. c. 1360–1344 BCE). Tudhaliya III mobilized forces and marched eastward against Hayasa-Azzi, confronting resistance and beginning efforts to reclaim lost territories. Suppiluliuma I (r. c. 1344–1322 BCE), who succeeded Tudhaliya III, intensified efforts to fully subjugate Hayasa-Azzi in the 1340s BCE, confronting residual resistance. He invaded Hayasa-Azzi and engaged Karanni's army in a decisive battle near the town of Kummaha, where the achieved victory, deporting Karanni to ensure compliance. Suppiluliuma I installed as a vassal king over Hayasa-Azzi, extracting substantial tribute including livestock, grain, and precious metals to affirm Hittite overlordship. However, was later executed amid instability. A formal was then established between Suppiluliuma I and Hukkana (also known as Hakkani), who succeeded , mandating unwavering loyalty to the Hittite throne, mutual military assistance against common enemies such as , and joint responsibility for securing the northeastern borders against incursions. The with Hukkana included a marriage alliance, with a Hittite princess wed to Hukkana to bind the kingdoms closer, and reiterated obligations for extraditing fugitives, providing troops, and upholding border fortifications, further integrating Hayasa-Azzi into the Hittite . This arrangement brought a period of relative stability, positioning Hayasa-Azzi as a Hittite .

Revolt and Campaigns of Mursili II

In the seventh year of his reign (c. 1315 BCE), Anniya, the king of Azzi-Hayasa, refused Mursili II's demand to return Hittite subjects who had fled to Hayasa-Azzi during Suppiluliuma I's earlier campaigns against , prompting Anniya to launch raids against the Hittite region of Dankuwa. This involved alliances between Hayasa-Azzi forces and Kaskan tribes from the north, escalating threats to Hittite control over the Upper and neighboring territories. The of Mursili II, preserved in tablets such as those edited by Albrecht Götze, serve as the primary record of these events, detailing the diplomatic exchanges and military responses that followed. Responding swiftly in his eighth regnal year (c. BCE), Mursili II launched his first major campaign against Hayasa-Azzi, targeting the fortified border city of Ura, a key stronghold under Anniya's influence. Hittite forces besieged Ura, compelling Anniya's envoys to negotiate and promise the return of the fugitives, though compliance faltered due to disputes over compensation; the campaign disrupted Hayasa-Azzi's momentum and reasserted Hittite presence along the eastern frontiers. Anniya's defeat at Ura marked a turning point, weakening his leadership and allowing Hittite commanders like Nuwanza to counter subsequent incursions. By the ninth year (c. 1313 BCE), Hayasa-Azzi forces, still under Anniya's direction, intensified their aggression by destroying the fortress of Istitina and besieging Kannuwara with an army of approximately 10,000 infantry and 700 . Nuwanza, leading Hittite reinforcements, relieved the siege at Kannuwara (also known as Ganuwara), routing the attackers in open battle and capturing or killing a significant portion of their troops, which further eroded Hayasa-Azzi's offensive capabilities. These victories, as described in the Extensive , highlighted the strategic use of Hittite chariot divisions to break enemy lines and secure borders. Mursili II's tenth-year campaign (c. 1312 BCE) aimed at full pacification, with Hittite armies advancing deep into Hayasa-Azzi territory to besiege and capture the cities of Aripsa (near ) and Duskamma (or Duggama). At Aripsa, the siege succeeded after prolonged assaults, while at Duskamma, a Hayasa-Azzi night counterattack failed disastrously, leading to the city's fall and the of around 3,000 inhabitants as forced laborers and soldiers to bolster Hittite garrisons. These operations, chronicled in the , involved systematic sieges employing battering rams and assaults, resulting in the subjugation of key strongholds and the disruption of local resistance networks. In the eleventh year (c. 1311 BCE), Mursili II consolidated control through negotiations with Hayasa-Azzi elders, who submitted and agreed to return the remaining Hittite fugitives in accordance with prior treaties like that of Hukkana. Loyal local rulers were reinstalled under Hittite oversight, and Hayasa-Azzi forces were compelled to provide auxiliary troops for future campaigns, ensuring temporary stability and obligations. The emphasize these deportations and administrative measures as critical to preventing further revolts, marking the end of major hostilities until later periods, though Hayasa-Azzi warriors occasionally served as allies in Hittite forces thereafter.

Decline

By the late 13th century BCE, Hayasa-Azzi experienced significant fragmentation and loss of political unity, paralleling the weakening of the Hittite Empire and the widespread disruptions associated with the incursions of the across and the . These external pressures, including drought, famine, and migrations, exacerbated internal instability within the confederation, leading to its dissolution as a cohesive entity by the early BCE. Under Tudhaliya IV (c. 1237–1209 BCE), Hayasa-Azzi remained a hostile frontier entity alongside Kaska and . The northern territories of Hayasa were absorbed into the tribal confederation of Diauehi, a polity documented in Urartian and Assyrian records from the and alluded to in classical accounts such as those of . Meanwhile, the southern regions of Azzi integrated into the emerging state of , which coalesced from the earlier lands amid the power vacuum left by the Hittite collapse. Hayasa-Azzi receives its final mentions in Hittite texts around 1200 BCE, particularly during the reign of Tudhaliya IV (ca. 1237–1209 BCE), after which it vanishes from historical records during the transition to the . Its populations likely dispersed or assimilated into neighboring cultures, including the Neo-Hittite kingdoms in western and the Urartian realm in the east.

Legacy and Connections

Relation to Armenians

The name "Hayasa" exhibits a notable linguistic similarity to the Armenian endonym hay, which denotes both the Armenian people and their ancestral figure Hayk, as well as the country's name Hayastan. This phonetic and semantic resemblance has prompted scholars to propose an etymological connection, interpreting Hayasa as an early attestation of the Armenian self-designation in ancient records. Hittite texts from the Late Bronze Age document numerous place names and onomastic elements in the Hayasa-Azzi region that suggest the presence of Proto-Armenian speakers, characterized by Indo-European linguistic features compatible with early . Hayasa-Azzi is theorized to have contributed significantly to Armenian during the transitional period from circa 1200 to 600 BCE, following the decline of the Hittite Empire and associated population movements in the highlands. This involvement may have occurred through either migratory expansions of Hayasa-Azzi groups into adjacent territories or sustained cultural continuity, blending with other local populations to form the basis of proto-Armenian identity. The confederation's location in the western Armenian Highlands—spanning from the Upper basin to the approaches of —provides substantial geographical overlap with the core historic Armenian plateau, reinforcing its status as a precursor entity in the region's ethnic development.

Scholarly Criticisms

One prominent critique of linking Hayasa-Azzi to Proto-Armenians emphasizes the absence of direct linguistic or archaeological evidence for such a presence in the . Igor Diakonoff contended that no substantial linguistic data ties Hayasa to early Armenian speakers, as the names of Hayasan rulers and deities display affinities with Hurrian or pre-Indo-European rather than Proto-Armenian forms, rendering proposed etymologies for "" from "Hayasa" as mere phonetic coincidence without corroboration. Archaeologically, Diakonoff noted the complete lack of artifacts, inscriptions, or settlement patterns in Hayasa-Azzi territories that indicate Armenian cultural continuity, such as characteristic Indo-European material markers from the period. Critics further argue that associating Hayasa-Azzi with modern Armenian identity involves anachronistic projections onto a distant Bronze Age polity, overlooking the complex ethnic amalgamations of the era. Vahan Kurkjian, while acknowledging superficial name parallels, described the origins of the "Hay" element in Hayasa as an unresolved mystery, cautioning against retrofitting contemporary national narratives onto pre-Armenian tribal confederations without accounting for intervening migrations and cultural shifts. Alternative interpretations position Hayasa-Azzi as a Hurrian-influenced or indigenous Anatolian entity without Indo-European connections to , based on onomastic and historical evidence. The Hurrian linguistic substrate in Hayasan personal names, such as those of kings like Anniyash, aligns with broader non-Indo-European patterns in eastern , suggesting Hayasa-Azzi formed part of the Hurro-Urartian cultural sphere rather than a precursor to Armenian ethnogenesis. Scholars such as Armen Petrosyan have refuted key hypotheses linking Hayasa-Azzi directly to Proto-Armenians, highlighting gaps in linguistic, archaeological, and historical evidence while emphasizing the need for interdisciplinary research.

References

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  14. https://www.historyfiles.co.uk/KingListsMiddEast/AnatoliaHayasaAzzi.htm
  15. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26548935
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  18. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC3743901/
  19. https://aratta.wordpress.com/2013/05/29/the-armenian-elements-in-the-language-and-onomastics-of-urartu/
  20. https://isawlibrary.org/dscc/files/original/71b4bdfd6c466b59311a921d2372e856.pdf
  21. https://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Gazetteer/Places/Asia/Armenia/_Texts/KURARM/6*.html
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