Recent from talks
Nothing was collected or created yet.
Hudson Lowe
View on Wikipedia
Sir Hudson Lowe GCMG KCB (28 July 1769 – 10 January 1844) was a British Army officer and colonial administrator who served as the governor of Saint Helena from 1816 to 1821. Seeing service during the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars, he is best known for serving as the de facto jailor of Napoleon when he was in exile on Saint Helena.
Key Information
Early life
[edit]The son of John Lowe, an English surgeon in the British Army, he was born in County Galway, Ireland, his mother's native country. His childhood was spent in various military outposts, particularly in the West Indies, but he was educated chiefly at Salisbury Grammar.[1] He obtained a post as ensign in the East Devon Militia when he was eleven. In 1787 he entered his father's regiment, the 50th Foot, which was then serving at Gibraltar under Governor-General Charles O'Hara.[2] In 1791, he was promoted to Lieutenant. The same year he was granted eighteen months' leave, and chose to spend the time travelling through Italy rather than return to Britain. He chose to avoid travelling to France because the French Revolution had recently broken out.[3]
Career
[edit]Corsica
[edit]Lowe arrived back at Gibraltar shortly after the outbreak of war between Britain and France in early 1793. The 50th were sent to take part in the Defence of Toulon which had been seized by an Allied force under Lord Hood after an invitation by French Royalists in the city. The 50th arrived too late to assist the defence, as the Allied forces had already withdrawn from the city. They were then redirected to Corsica, a French-owned island, where British troops had been sent to join with Corsicans under Pasquale Paoli. Lowe's regiment served as part of General Dundas's force during the Siege of Bastia and Siege of Calvi driving the French from the island. The regiment was stationed in Bastia. Lowe volunteered to fetch supplies from Livorno in Italy, but nearly died of malaria during the journey there.[4]
When he recovered, Lowe returned to Corsica, and was stationed in the citadel at Ajaccio as an aide to the Governor, Colonel Wauchope, close to where Napoleon Bonaparte's sisters had recently been living before they fled to mainland France.[5] In October 1796 it was decided to abandon Corsica and the force at Ajaccio was embarked and taken to Elba. The following year Elba was also abandoned and Lowe was evacuated with his regiment first to Gibraltar and then to Lisbon. He spent the next two years as part of a British force which was placed to deter an invasion by French and Spanish forces.
Lowe later saw active service successively in Elba, Portugal, and Menorca, where he was entrusted with the command of a battalion of volunteer Corsican exiles in the British Army, the Royal Corsican Rangers,[6] who were armed with Baker rifles and trained as light infantry. In Corsica he was actually billeted in the Casa Buonaparte. He led the Corsican Rangers in Egypt in 1800–1801.
Napoleonic Wars
[edit]After the peace of Amiens, Lowe, now a Major, became assistant quartermaster-general. On the renewal of war with France in 1803, he was charged, as a lieutenant-colonel, to raise the Corsican battalion again and with it assisted in the defense of Sicily. On the capture of Capri, he proceeded there with his battalion and a Maltese regiment; but in October 1808, Joachim Murat ordered an attack upon the island, which was organized by General Lamarque. Lowe, owing to the unreliability of the Maltese troops and no hope of help by sea, had to agree to evacuate the island. Sir William Napier criticized him, but his garrison consisted of only 1,362 men, while the assailants numbered between 3,000 and 4,000.[7]
In the course of 1809, Lowe and his Corsicans helped in the capture of Ischia and Procida, as well as of Zante, Cephalonia and Cerigo. For some months, he acted as governor of Cephalonia and Ithaca, and later of Santa Maura. He returned to Britain in 1812, and in January 1813, was sent to inspect a Russo-German legion then being formed. He accompanied the armies of the allies through the campaigns of 1813 and 1814, being present at thirteen important battles. He won praise from Blücher and Gneisenau for his gallantry and judgment, and was chosen to bear to London the news of the first abdication of Napoleon in April 1814.[7]
Lowe was knighted and promoted to major-general; he also received decorations from the Russian and Prussian courts. Charged with the duties of quartermaster-general of the army in the Netherlands in 1814–1815, he was about to take part in the Belgian campaign when he was offered the command of the British troops at Genoa; but while still in the south of France, on 1 August 1815 he received news of his appointment to the position of custodian of Napoleon, Emperor of the French, who had surrendered to Captain Frederick Lewis Maitland on board HMS Bellerophon off Rochefort. Lowe was to be Governor of Saint Helena, the place of the former Emperor's exile.[7]
At the time of Lowe's appointment, Secretary of State for War and the Colonies, Lord Bathurst, wrote to Wellington:
I do not believe we could have found a fitter person of his rank in the army willing to accept a situation of so much confinement, responsibility and exclusion from society.[8]
Saint Helena
[edit]
On his arrival at Plantation House, he found that Napoleon had an uneasy relationship with Admiral Sir George Cockburn, who had been responsible for conveying Napoleon to St. Helena, and was in charge of him pending the arrival of a new Governor. Napoleon and Governor Lowe had a stormy relationship, and only met half a dozen times. To a large extent, Lowe's hands were tied by his instructions from The 3rd Earl Bathurst, but Lowe's characteristic lack of tact doubtless exacerbated the friction between them.
The news that rescue-expeditions were being planned by Bonapartists in the United States led to the enforcement of stricter regulations in October 1816. Lowe ordered sentries to be posted round the garden of Napoleon's residence, Longwood House, at sunset instead of at 9 p.m.[7] He assigned a British officer the task of catching sight of Napoleon every day. Lowe created a set of petty rules that included restricting Napoleon to the Longwood Estate and requiring that the British not address Napoleon by his Imperial titles but only as a general. He demanded that Napoleon pay for part of his imprisonment, so Napoleon offered up some Imperial silver for sale. This created such a backlash in Europe that the demand had to be cancelled. Then he reduced the amount of firewood for Longwood. News that Napoleon was burning his furniture to stay warm again caused such a backlash of public sympathy that the supply of firewood was restored.
All of this and more offended Napoleon and his followers, who campaigned against Lowe. Barry Edward O'Meara, the Irish surgeon, while initially providing information for Lowe, ultimately sided with Napoleon, and joined in criticisms from Las Cases and Montholon. The French, Russian and Austrian commissioners on St. Helena, while hostile to Napoleon, were also very critical of Lowe's conduct and found it impossible to get on with him.
In addition, modern scholars have debated Lowe's role in Napoleon's death. Lowe's restriction of the former Emperor of the French to what amounted to house arrest rather than simply exile certainly affected Napoleon's ability to exercise and his general health. Some sources have gone so far as to suggest that Lowe may have had him poisoned. Napoleon himself claimed just three weeks before his death that he had been "murdered by the English oligarchy and its hired assassin".[9] However, an autopsy conducted after his death concluded that Napoleon died from natural causes, specifically complications arising from "stomach cancer".[10]
After the death of the Emperor Napoleon in May 1821, Lowe returned to England. On the publication of O'Meara's book, Lowe resolved to prosecute the author, but his application was too late.[7] Ironically, O'Meara's book was softer on Lowe than what the doctor really thought of him and of his role as "executioner" at St. Helena. His true attitudes are revealed in the letters he passed clandestinely to a clerk at the Admiralty.[11]
Apart from the thanks of George IV, at a levee, he received little reward from the British Government, whose orders he had obeyed to the letter. His treatment of Napoleon and the subsequent public relations problems for the British Government remained an underlying issue for the rest of his career. Field Marshal The Duke of Wellington later said that Lowe was "a very bad choice; he was a man wanting in education and judgment. He was a stupid man. He knew nothing at all of the world, and like all men who knew nothing of the world, he was suspicious and jealous."[12]
One of Lowe's lesser-known accomplishments was his contribution to the abolition of slavery on the island of St. Helena.[13]
After Saint Helena
[edit]In June 1822 he was appointed Colonel in Chief of the Sutherland Highlanders in place of Sir Thomas Hislop.[14]
In 1825–30, he commanded the forces in Ceylon but was not appointed to the Governorship when it became vacant in 1830. He was appointed to the colonelcy of the 56th (West Essex) Regiment of Foot in 1831, and in 1842 transferred to the colonelcy of his old regiment, the 50th (Queen's Own) Regiment of Foot. He was also made a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG).[citation needed]
Lowe died at Charlotte Cottage, near Sloane Street, Chelsea, of paralysis, on 10 Jan. 1844, aged 74.[15]
Family
[edit]In London on 30 December 1815[16] Lowe married Susan Johnson, daughter of Stephen De Lancey, sister of William Howe De Lancey, and widow of Colonel William Johnson. She had previously had two daughters, one of whom had died, and the other married Count Balmain. They had five children, two sons, Hudson Lowe, born in 1816, and Edward William Howe de Lancey Lowe, born in 1820, and three daughters, Camilla, Francis, Clara Maria Susanna Lowe, born on 26 August 1818. Lady Lowe died in Hertford Street, Mayfair, London, on 22 August 1832.[15][17]
Portrayals in fiction
[edit]Sir Hudson Lowe was portrayed by Orson Welles in Sacha Guitry's film Napoléon (1955), by Ralph Richardson in Eagle in a Cage (1972), by Vernon Dobtcheff in L'Otage de l'Europe (1989), by David Francis in the Napoleon miniseries (2002), and by Richard E. Grant in Monsieur N. (2003). He appears in the play La Dernière Salve by Jean-Claude Brisville (1995). He is a character in Tom Keneally’s book Napoleon’s Last Island (2015).
References
[edit]- ^ Gregory p.17-18
- ^ Rose 1911, p. 72.
- ^ Gregory p.18-19
- ^ Gregory p.19-22
- ^ Gregory p.22
- ^ Rose 1911, pp. 72–73.
- ^ a b c d e Rose 1911, p. 73.
- ^ Wellesley 1864, p. 56.
- ^ Emsley, John (2006). The Elements of Murder: A History of Poison. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 126. ISBN 9780191916410.
- ^ Markel, Howard (15 August 2022). "How Napoleon's death in exile became a controversial mystery". PBS. Arlington, VA. Retrieved 11 June 2024.
- ^ Barry O'Meara's clandestine letters Albert Benhamou, 2012
- ^ Lord Rosebery, Napoleon: The Last Phase, 1900, pp. 68–69.
- ^ George, Barbara B.; Caesar, Lucinda (2012). St Helena, Slavery and the Abolition on the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade (PDF). Saint Helena: Museum of St Helena. p. 8.
- ^ Scottish Highlands: Highland Clans and Regiments
- ^ a b . Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1885–1900.
- ^ Desmond Gregory (1996). Napoleon's Jailer: Lt. Gen. Sir Hudson Lowe : a Life. Fairleigh Dickinson Univ Press. ISBN 978-0-8386-3657-2.
- ^ "Free Family History and Genealogy Records —". Familysearch.org. Archived from the original on 7 June 2011. Retrieved 3 December 2016.
- Bibliography
- Obit
- Desmond Gregory Napoleon's Jailer: Lt. General Sir Hudson Lowe: A Life. Associated University Presses, 1996.
- Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery, Napoleon: The Last Phase, London 1900.
- Wellesley, Arthur Richard, ed. (1864). Supplementary Despatches, Correspondence and Memoranda of Field Marshal Arthur Duke of Wellington KG. Vol. XI Occupation of France by the Allied Armies: Surrender of Napoleon and the Restoration of the Bourbons. J. Murray.
Attribution:
- This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Rose, John Holland (1911). "Lowe, Sir Hudson". In Chisholm, Hugh (ed.). Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 17 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 72–73.
Further reading
[edit]- Gilbert Martineau, Napoleon's St Helena (1968)
- Kitching, G. C. (July 1948). "Sir Hudson Lowe and the East India Company". The English Historical Review. 63 (248). Oxford University Press: 322–341. doi:10.1093/ehr/lxiii.ccxlviii.322. JSTOR 555342.
External links
[edit]- Succinct chronology of Napoleon's Captivity by Albert Benhamou
Hudson Lowe
View on GrokipediaEarly Life
Childhood and Family Origins
Hudson Lowe was born on 28 July 1769 in Galway, County Galway, Ireland, to John Lowe, a surgeon serving in the British Army, and his wife, a native of the county.[3][4] The family was of modest Anglo-Irish Protestant background, lacking aristocratic ties but connected to military circles through the father's profession, which emphasized practical service and discipline in a colonial context.[1] Lowe's early years were marked by frequent relocations tied to his father's regimental postings across garrison towns in Ireland, reflecting the itinerant life of army families during the period.[5] This environment provided initial exposure to British administrative structures in peripheral regions, instilling a sense of order and imperial duty without formal schooling at this stage.[4] In childhood, the family accompanied John Lowe to the West Indies, where his regiment was stationed, subjecting young Hudson to tropical climates and colonial outposts that shaped his formative resilience up to adolescence.[4] Such experiences, amid a household of limited siblings and focused on paternal military routines, fostered an early pragmatism aligned with the era's Anglo-Irish military ethos.[6]Initial Education and Influences
Hudson Lowe was born on 28 July 1769 in Galway, Ireland, the son of John Lowe, an English army surgeon serving with a British regiment, and his wife, an Irish woman from a local Galway family. [5] His early years were marked by frequent relocations tied to his father's military postings, including time in garrison towns in the West Indies and exposure to regimental life during the American Revolutionary War. [5] Following the regiment's return to England amid the early phases of the American conflict, Lowe pursued his formal education primarily at Salisbury Grammar School in Wiltshire.[5] This schooling provided a foundational grounding in classical subjects typical of British grammar education of the era, amid the disciplined environment of an army family that emphasized duty and imperial service.[5] Lowe's immersion in a peripatetic military household from infancy fostered an early aptitude for adaptability and administrative precision, traits reinforced by his father's professional example rather than formal tutors or mentors. While no records detail specific readings or intellectual pursuits at this stage, his subsequent proficiency in languages such as French and Italian—acquired partly through youthful travels and postings—stemmed from this formative exposure to diverse settings, equipping him for continental operations.Military Career Prior to Saint Helena
Service in Corsica
Hudson Lowe commenced his active military service in Corsica in 1794 as a lieutenant in the 50th Regiment of Foot, participating in the British expeditionary force under Sir David Dundas dispatched to the island amid the French Revolutionary Wars. This intervention followed appeals from Corsican leader Pasquale Paoli for British aid to resist French Republican consolidation of control, culminating in the capture of Bastia on 22 May 1794 after a prolonged siege involving British naval and land forces alongside Corsican allies.[7] Lowe's regiment contributed to securing key positions, marking his initial exposure to combined operations in rugged terrain against French conventional and partisan tactics. During the ensuing British protectorate over Corsica, which lasted until October 1796, Lowe served through skirmishes and defensive actions against French attempts to reclaim the island, including repelling incursions from the mainland and managing local loyalties amid Paoli's fragile coalition.[8] His role involved liaison duties with Corsican irregular forces, who employed guerrilla ambushes and hit-and-run raids on French supply lines and outposts, providing Lowe with foundational experience in coordinating hybrid warfare where British regulars supplemented indigenous resistance. This period honed his proficiency in intelligence gathering, such as scouting enemy movements and assessing terrain for defensive fortifications, amid the challenges of an island populace divided between pro-independence factions and French sympathizers. Lowe's Corsican tenure ended with the British withdrawal in 1796, prompted by strategic shifts and the inability to sustain the protectorate against escalating French pressure under leaders like Napoleon Bonaparte, who had briefly engaged in the island's conflicts earlier.[9] These experiences foreshadowed his later aptitude for administrative and irregular commands, including the recruitment of Corsican exiles into British service units post-occupation.[4]Engagements in the Napoleonic Wars
In 1801, Lowe commanded the Royal Corsican Rangers during the British expedition to Egypt, participating in the landing operations near Alexandria and the subsequent advance toward Cairo against French forces remaining from Napoleon's earlier campaign. His unit engaged French troops in skirmishes supporting the main British army under Sir Ralph Abercromby, contributing to the eventual expulsion of French garrisons.[1] For these actions, Lowe received the Turkish gold medal in recognition of his leadership in combat operations. Following the resumption of hostilities in 1803, Lowe, promoted to major and assistant quartermaster-general, reorganized the Royal Corsican Rangers and led them in Mediterranean operations against French-held positions.[1] In 1805–1806, his forces advanced from Castellamare toward the Abruzzi region in support of British efforts in southern Italy, with detachments providing effective service at the Battle of Maida on 4 July 1806, where British troops under Sir John Stuart defeated French forces led by Jean Reynier. Lowe personally directed the defense of Capri from June 1806 to October 1808, repelling multiple French assaults during a prolonged siege by superior numbers under General Lamarque, before surrendering after ammunition shortages; this action demonstrated his tactical acumen in island fortifications and supply management under combat conditions.[1] In 1809, Lowe oversaw the Rangers' capture of the Ionian Islands—Cephalonia, Ithaca, and Santa Maura—from French control, coordinating amphibious assaults and troop movements that secured British naval dominance in the region.[1] These operations involved direct engagements with French garrisons, leveraging logistical planning for rapid deployment and resupply to outmaneuver defenders. From 1813 to 1814, Lowe served as a liaison officer attached to Prussian Field Marshal Gebhard Leberecht von Blücher's army, participating in thirteen major engagements against Napoleonic forces, including the Battles of Bautzen and Wurschen (May–June 1813), Möckern (part of the Siege of Magdeburg), and Leipzig (16–19 October 1813), as well as the pursuit across the Rhine and subsequent battles from January to April 1814, such as Laon and Paris. [1] His role involved coordinating Anglo-Prussian maneuvers and advising on battlefield intelligence, earning commendations from Blücher and August Neidhardt von Gneisenau for gallantry and judgment. These merits led to his knighting as KCB on 26 April 1814 and promotion to major-general on 4 June 1814, alongside Russian and Prussian decorations.[1] In 1815, during the Hundred Days, Lowe commanded British forces in Genoa, preparing an Anglo-Sicilian expedition for potential landings on the French Mediterranean coast, though major combat was averted by Napoleon's defeat at Waterloo.[1]Intelligence and Administrative Roles
Lowe's proficiency in Italian, acquired through his extended service in Corsica during the British occupation from 1794, enabled him to engage effectively in intelligence activities, including coordination with local loyalists against French forces.[1] In 1803, he was appointed assistant in the quartermaster-general's department, based initially at Plymouth, from which he undertook missions to Portugal and Malta, inspecting troops and defenses along Portugal's northern and northeastern frontiers to assess the viability of combined British-Portuguese resistance to French advances. These reports highlighted logistical vulnerabilities and recommended fortifications, reflecting his methodical evaluation of Napoleonic invasion threats. From 1805 to 1808, Lowe commanded the Royal Corsican Rangers—expatriate Corsicans recruited for service against France—in operations across Naples, Sicily, and Capri, where his linguistic skills facilitated recruitment and intelligence from anti-Bonapartist networks in the Mediterranean.[1] Subsequently, between 1809 and 1812, he served as civil administrator of the occupied Ionian Islands, including Cephalonia, Ithaca, and Santa Maura, independently framing and implementing a provisional government structure without compensation, thereby developing administrative expertise in managing captured territories amid ongoing French pressures. In staff roles, Lowe's dispatches evidenced rigorous threat assessment; in 1813, he inspected the Russian-German Legion and approximately 20,000 British-funded levies in northern Germany and Europe, gauging their combat readiness against potential Napoleonic resurgence. By 1814, as quartermaster-general under the Prince of Orange in the Low Countries, he urged advances toward Paris during the Châtillon conferences, underscoring perceived weaknesses in French defenses. In March 1815, following Napoleon's escape from Elba, Lowe was dispatched as a staff officer to synchronize Prussian preparations, coordinating intelligence on French troop movements to preempt invasion risks.Governorship of Saint Helena
Appointment and Initial Challenges
In early 1816, amid concerns over the laxity of provisional oversight following Napoleon's successful escape from Elba in 1815, the British government appointed Major-General Sir Hudson Lowe as Governor of Saint Helena, supplanting Admiral Sir George Cockburn's temporary custodianship.[1] Lowe, chosen for his prior experience in military administration and counter-intelligence operations during the Napoleonic Wars, received explicit directives from Secretary of State for War and the Colonies Henry Bathurst, 3rd Earl Bathurst, to enforce rigorous confinement measures aimed at forestalling any replication of the Elba breakout.[1] These instructions prioritized absolute vigilance, including oversight of Napoleon's movements and communications, while balancing the island's dual role as a colonial outpost and secure exile site under British sovereignty per the 1815 Treaty of Paris.[10] Lowe reached Saint Helena in mid-April 1816, inheriting a remote South Atlantic outpost approximately 1,200 miles from the African mainland, with infrastructure strained by its primary pre-exile function as an East India Company provisioning station.[10] Logistical hurdles were evident from the outset, as the island's dependence on irregular shipping convoys for food, materiel, and reinforcements exposed vulnerabilities to weather delays and supply disruptions in an area prone to fierce trade winds and isolation.[1] The French exiles' retinue, numbering around 40 retainers upon arrival, manifested open resentment toward the incoming governor, perceiving his mandate as inherently punitive and complicating efforts to integrate civil governance with military imperatives.[1] Initial surveys revealed deficiencies in defensive capabilities, including antiquated batteries and signal stations insufficient to monitor approaches from potential rescuers, compounded by manpower constraints that required apportioning troops across dispersed highland posts and coastal batteries.[1] Geopolitical tensions arose from the presence of allied commissioners—Russian, Austrian, and French observers dispatched under the Paris accords to verify compliance—imposing demands for transparency and restraint to avert diplomatic friction among the victorious powers.[10] These factors collectively tested Lowe's capacity to fortify the 47-square-mile terrain without immediate escalation, setting the stage for adaptive command in a theater where empirical risks of evasion loomed larger than abstract colonial routines.[1]Security Protocols and Island Administration
Hudson Lowe, upon assuming the governorship of Saint Helena in April 1816, established rigorous security protocols aimed at preventing Napoleon's escape, informed by the emperor's successful evasion from Elba in February 1815. These measures encompassed strict limitations on movements outside designated zones around Longwood House, mandatory twice-daily inspections by British officers to confirm Napoleon's presence, and systematic scrutiny of all outgoing correspondence and visitors to block clandestine communications or plotting.[1][11][12] Enforcement relied on a multi-layered system integrating island-based and maritime defenses. Lowe coordinated with Royal Navy vessels maintaining continuous patrols around the 47-square-mile island, creating an effective quarantine barrier that intercepted potential rescue attempts or supply runs, as acknowledged in his reports noting limited onshore defenses against evaded ships. Complementing this were approximately 3,000 British troops, augmented by local militia formations preferred by the East India Company for auxiliary roles, alongside sentries posted at key coastal and internal points to deter landings or internal collusion.[13][14][15] Administratively, Lowe managed resources for an expanded population exceeding 4,000, comprising roughly 821 white settlers, 820 garrison members, 618 Chinese laborers, 500 free blacks, 1,540 slaves, and the French exiles, amid heightened demands from military reinforcements. Governance focused on regulated trade with provisioning ships—essential for food, water, and goods—while imposing controls on local economic activities to sustain self-sufficiency and fund operations, including proposals to curtail slavery in line with emerging British policies. These efforts strained but stabilized the island's logistics, prioritizing containment over expansive development.[16]Direct Interactions with Napoleon Bonaparte
Hudson Lowe assumed the governorship of Saint Helena on 16 April 1816 and adhered strictly to directives from Secretary of State Lord Bathurst, which prohibited addressing Napoleon Bonaparte by imperial titles and required treating him as a prisoner rather than a sovereign.[1] This stance prompted Napoleon to limit direct contact, resulting in only six documented face-to-face meetings between April and August 1816, after which communication occurred exclusively via intermediaries such as General Henri Bertrand.[17][18] The first meeting took place on 17 April 1816 at Longwood House, where Lowe, accompanied by an interpreter despite his own proficiency in Italian, outlined security protocols and inquired about Napoleon's needs; Napoleon responded curtly, protesting the title "General Bonaparte" and the constraints on his movements.[1] Subsequent encounters, including one on 18 August 1816 near Deadwood Plain, focused on practical matters such as the annual allowance of £8,000—equivalent to that of a senior British general—for household and staff expenses, which Napoleon argued inadequately covered the rising costs at Longwood House amid inflation and supply shortages.[17][19] Health monitoring emerged as a recurrent topic, with Lowe pressing for detailed reports from British surgeons like William Verling and James Stokoe to verify Napoleon's condition and counter claims of deliberate neglect; Napoleon, in turn, restricted access to his personal physician Francesco Antommarchi and delayed cooperation, often dictating responses through French staff that exaggerated symptoms like abdominal pain and fatigue.[20] Conditions at Longwood House were also discussed, including structural repairs to combat dampness and infestations, as well as allocations for firewood and provisions, though Napoleon frequently withheld direct replies, routing objections via letters that intermediaries like Bertrand presented with embellished urgency.[1] These exchanges underscored Lowe's emphasis on verifiable compliance with exile terms, while Napoleon's tactics involved protracted silences or staged intermediaries to amplify grievances without personal concession.[17]Handling of French Exiles and Staff
Upon his arrival at Saint Helena on 15 October 1815, Napoleon Bonaparte was accompanied by an initial entourage of approximately 24 retainers, including officers such as Henri Gatien Bertrand, Charles Tristan de Montholon, Emmanuel de Las Cases, and Gaspard Gourgaud, along with their families and personal servants.[21] [10] As governor from April 1816, Hudson Lowe exercised oversight over this group and subsequent French prisoners housed primarily at Longwood House, enforcing British government directives to prevent escapes through close monitoring and restrictions on their activities.[1] Lowe's administration treated the retainers as potential collaborators in evasion attempts, requiring them to adhere to security protocols while providing allowances for those demonstrating loyalty, such as continued rations and quarters, though supplies were rationed to curb extravagance estimated at over £20,000 annually for the household.[22] Lowe authorized the repatriation of several retainers suspected of plotting or smuggling correspondence, including Las Cases on 25 November 1816 after discovery of undeclared letters destined for Europe.[23] Similar actions followed against others like Pierre Santini and Louis Marchand's associates in 1817–1818 amid intelligence of covert communications, reducing the suite to core loyalists such as Montholon and Bertrand by 1820.[17] Internal French disputes, including Gourgaud's acrimonious departure from Longwood in December 1818 following quarrels over rations and status, occurred under Lowe's detached supervision, as he prioritized containment over mediating personal conflicts.[24] All outgoing and incoming mail from the French exiles was subject to Lowe's censorship to intercept escape plans or propaganda, with violations leading to isolation or expulsion; visitors required prior approval from London, limited to official commissioners or approved neutrals to minimize external influences.[25] Medical care for the staff, affected by the island's damp climate and isolation, was provided via British surgeons, though shortages and tropical ailments like dysentery prompted occasional repatriations for health reasons, such as for Montholon's wife in 1819.[18] These measures, while fostering resentment—evidenced by a 1816 remonstrance from the suite protesting perceived harshness—aligned with Lowe's mandate to secure the exiles without direct personal intervention in their daily affairs.[26]Controversies Surrounding Saint Helena Service
Accusations of Harsh Treatment
Bonapartist accounts, primarily from the memoirs of Napoleon's companions such as Count Charles Tristan de Montholon, alleged that Lowe enforced reductions in essential supplies to Longwood House, including inadequate allocations of wine beyond the stipulated annual budget and insufficient firewood for heating amid the island's damp climate.[21] These claims portrayed the restrictions as punitive rather than precautionary, contributing to physical discomfort for Napoleon and his suite during colder periods from 1817 onward.[27] Napoleon's correspondence and verbal protests to Lowe and British commissioners further amplified accusations of vindictiveness, depicting expanded confinement zones—such as barriers and guard posts that severed access to nearby roads and ravines—as deliberate isolation tactics limiting outdoor exercise to under two leagues daily by 1817. Montholon and others cited these measures in post-exile publications as evidence of Lowe's intent to degrade Napoleon's quality of life, with European sympathizers echoing the narrative in pamphlets and letters portraying the governor as obsessively severe.[28] Flashpoints included intrusive searches of Longwood House premises, such as those ordered in late 1817 following suspicions of covert communications, which French exiles described as humiliating violations of privacy lacking probable cause.[29] By 1820, disputes over wood-cutting permissions escalated, with Lowe's enforcements on foraging beyond designated areas framed in Bonapartist reports as further encroachments that hampered self-sufficiency and fueled narratives of systematic privation.[30] These sources, often authored by loyalists seeking to rehabilitate Napoleon's image, emphasized Lowe's personal animus over administrative necessity.Napoleon's Strategies and Public Relations
Napoleon Bonaparte adopted a strategy of deliberate non-cooperation with Governor Hudson Lowe following their initial meetings, ceasing direct communication after August 1816 and conducting all interactions through intermediaries such as Henri-Gratien Bertrand.[1] This refusal extended to practical matters, including withholding signatures on official documents required for administrative purposes, thereby forcing Lowe to navigate bureaucratic hurdles indirectly.[17] To provoke responses and amplify grievances, Napoleon systematically exaggerated minor issues, such as shortages of firewood, food quality, and infestations of rats at Longwood House, relaying these complaints to visitors and commissioners to cultivate an image of undue hardship.[1] He orchestrated public spectacles, like the sale of personal silverware in Jamestown on October 12, 1817, attributing the necessity to Lowe's alleged parsimony, which was intended to stir sympathy among island residents and travelers.[1] Napoleon leveraged members of his entourage for information dissemination, including General Gaspard Gourgaud, who admitted to facilitating the smuggling of letters from Longwood to Europe as early as 1817, conveying criticisms of Lowe's administration.[31] These efforts extended to influencing figures like surgeon Barry O'Meara, whom Napoleon encouraged to document and publicize alleged mistreatments before O'Meara's expulsion in July 1818.[17] In parallel, Napoleon engaged in psychological maneuvers through dictations and conversations recorded by followers, framing Lowe as a petty and tyrannical overseer to reinforce his own narrative of dignified exile; these accounts, later published in works like Emmanuel de Las Cases' Mémorial de Sainte-Hélène (1823), portrayed Lowe's security measures as vindictive while elevating Napoleon's stoic endurance.[1] Such tactics aimed to sway public opinion in Britain and continental Europe, sustaining Napoleon's heroic persona amid captivity.[17]British Government Directives and Lowe's Compliance
The British government, through Secretary for War and the Colonies Lord Bathurst, issued directives to Sir Hudson Lowe upon his appointment as Governor of Saint Helena in April 1816, mandating rigorous security measures to ensure Napoleon's permanent detention following the Allied victory at Waterloo in June 1815. These instructions, aligned with the collective decision of the Allied powers to neutralize Napoleon as a military and political threat via indefinite exile, emphasized unyielding custody without recognition of his imperial pretensions or sovereignty. Lord Castlereagh, as Foreign Secretary, endorsed these protocols, which were formalized under British authority per the terms of Napoleon's surrender and subsequent parliamentary acts affirming the government's custodial responsibilities.[1][24] Specific orders required constant surveillance, including the posting of sentries around Longwood House, restrictions on Napoleon's movements to a 12-mile radius without escort, and mandatory review of all correspondence to detect escape plots or external communications. These measures were explicitly designed to avert a repetition of Napoleon's evasion from Elba in 1815, with no provisions for discretionary leniency toward the prisoner or his entourage. Bathurst reinforced such directives in subsequent communications, including new instructions conveyed to Lowe in March 1819, underscoring the imperative of absolute control amid ongoing European instability.[1][24] Lowe demonstrated fidelity to the chain of command by implementing these protocols without deviation, regularly reporting to Bathurst on perceived risks such as Napoleon's residual influence over French exiles and potential rescuers from Bonapartist sympathizers or foreign agents. His dispatches highlighted intelligence of rumored intervention attempts, including a 1820 alert relayed via Castlereagh regarding submarine-based rescue schemes, justifying intensified restrictions as proportionate to the assessed threats. This adherence, documented in extensive correspondence archived in the British Library, reflected Lowe's role as an executor of policy rather than a policymaker, prioritizing empirical security imperatives over personal initiative.[1][17][32]Empirical Evidence of Escape Prevention
During Napoleon's exile on Saint Helena from October 15, 1815, to his death on May 5, 1821, no credible escape attempts materialized, in stark contrast to his successful breakout from Elba on February 26, 1815, after less than eleven months of relatively lenient confinement where he retained nominal sovereignty and proximity to France facilitated covert support.[33][34] Saint Helena's remoteness—over 1,200 miles from the nearest landmass—and Lowe's enforcement of British government directives ensured containment, with the island's single viable harbor at Jamestown under constant surveillance to block unauthorized vessels.[10][18] Lowe oversaw approximately 3,000 troops, supplemented by existing fortifications such as High Knoll Fort and coastal batteries, which formed a fortified perimeter deterring infiltration or exfiltration; these measures, combined with routine patrols, intercepted potential threats without recorded breaches over the 5.5-year period.[35][36] Communications from Longwood House, Napoleon's residence, were systematically monitored via code books and censors, thwarting clandestine messaging attempts documented in British custody records from July 1815 onward, while Royal Navy vessels maintained a blockade to repel suspected rescue operations, including unverified submarine schemes reported but never executed.[37][38][39] This regime's efficacy is evidenced by the absence of any documented incursions or departures, despite persistent rumors of Bonapartist plots fueled by European sympathizers; Lowe's protocols, prioritizing empirical containment over Napoleon's personal freedoms, directly correlated with the stability of island administration and the prevention of disruptions that could have reignited continental conflict, as Elba's laxity had done.[1][40] The sustained containment until Napoleon's natural death preserved the post-Waterloo settlement, averting the need for renewed Allied interventions.[13]Post-Saint Helena Career
Return to Military Duties
Following Napoleon's death on 5 May 1821, Lowe handed over the governorship of Saint Helena to Brigadier-General John Pine Coffin and departed the island on 25 July 1821 aboard the Dunira, amid persistent administrative conflicts with the East India Company over issues including appointments, legal cases, and slavery reforms.[41] These tensions, combined with the deterioration of his health from the island's harsh climate and prolonged stresses of managing the exiles, prompted his resignation and return to England later that year. Upon repatriation, Lowe received a cordial reception from King George IV, who expressed appreciation for his service in containing Napoleon. He reverted to half-pay status as a lieutenant-general, with no immediate active field commands assigned, instead focusing on administrative scrutiny of his Saint Helena dispatches and conduct by the Colonial and War Offices. This period marked a transitional reintegration into British military structures, punctuated by his appointment as colonel of the 93rd (Sutherland Highlanders) Regiment on 4 June 1822, a largely ceremonial role that did not entail operational duties. Lowe's primary efforts centered on defending his governance against emerging criticisms, particularly following the 1822 publication of Barry O'Meara's A Voice from St. Helena, which leveled calumnious accusations derived from his time as Napoleon's surgeon. Advised by Lord Bathurst, Lowe compiled affidavits refuting the claims and prepared a formal vindication for publication, while initiating legal proceedings against O'Meara in 1823—though the case was dismissed on technical grounds due to the statute of limitations. These actions, alongside endorsements from government officials like Bathurst, underscored official support for his adherence to directives, even as public sentiment, influenced by pro-Napoleonic narratives, challenged his reputation.Later Assignments and Recognitions
Following the conclusion of his tenure on Saint Helena after Napoleon's death in 1821, Lowe was appointed Governor of Antigua in 1823, but he resigned the position soon afterward on domestic grounds.[4] In 1825, he assumed command of the British forces in Ceylon, serving in that capacity until 1830 without securing the governorship when it became vacant.[17][2] Upon returning to England in 1831, Lowe petitioned the government for further appointments in recognition of his prior services, though he received no major civil office.[4] He was advanced in military rank and in 1842 appointed colonel of the 50th Regiment of Foot.[42] Lowe held honors including Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB), conferred for his earlier military achievements, and Knight Grand Cross of the Order of St Michael and St George (GCMG), acknowledging his colonial administration.[43] Lowe died on 10 January 1844 at Chelsea, London, at the age of 74.[2]Personal Life and Character
Family and Relationships
Lowe married Susan Johnson, widow of Colonel William Johnson who had died in 1811, on 16 December 1816 in London; she was a woman of about thirty-five, daughter of Stephen de Lancey and sister to Sir William Howe de Lancey, the British quartermaster-general at Waterloo. This union connected Lowe to a prominent Anglo-American military family, as Susan's brother had been mortally wounded at Waterloo shortly after the battle. Susan brought two daughters from her prior marriage, Susanna and Charlotte, who were teenagers at the time of the wedding.[1] The couple had three children together, all born on Saint Helena during Lowe's governorship from 1816 to 1821: sons Hudson Lowe on 2 December 1816 and Edward William Howe de Lancey Lowe on 8 February 1820, and daughter Clara Maria Susanna Lowe on 26 August (year unspecified in records but within the period). [5] The younger son later pursued a military career, attaining the rank of major general. Susan's family accompanied Lowe to the remote island of Saint Helena, where the demands of his posting as governor—enforcing strict security amid Napoleon's exile—necessitated frequent relocations within the limited terrain and imposed hardships on domestic life, including isolation from European society.[1] Susan, initially reluctant about the assignment given her social background, provided personal support to Lowe amid the ensuing diplomatic tensions, though the couple's correspondence with mainland contacts was monitored under wartime protocols.[1] Susan died in 1832, outliving Lowe who passed in 1844.[44]Personality Traits and Personal Habits
Hudson Lowe exhibited a meticulous and pedantic approach to his responsibilities, with contemporaries observing his insistence on regulatory details even in minor matters.[4] This trait contributed to his reputation as a diligent administrator, prioritizing precision and order in personal and official conduct.[45] He maintained extensive records through detailed journals and correspondence, habits that reflected his systematic mindset and provided primary documentation for later historical analysis.[46] British military accounts portrayed Lowe as unimaginative in style, with a straightforward demeanor that eschewed flair or adaptability, often perceiving him as competent yet rigid in social interactions.[47]Historical Assessments and Legacy
Contemporary Defenses and Criticisms
In the immediate aftermath of Napoleon's death on 5 May 1821, British loyalists and official responses portrayed Sir Hudson Lowe's governance of St. Helena as a necessary adherence to duty, prioritizing the prevention of any potential escape that could reignite continental warfare. Lowe's strict enforcement of security protocols, including daily verifications of Napoleon's presence and restrictions on movement, was defended as essential given the island's role as a remote prison and the ongoing threat posed by Bonapartist sympathizers in Europe.[1] Upon arriving in England in August 1821, Lowe was formally thanked by King George IV for his vigilant service, reflecting governmental endorsement of his measures as aligned with national security imperatives over personal accommodations for the exile.[17] Conversely, Bonapartist narratives in French literature swiftly amplified criticisms of Lowe as petty and vindictive, drawing heavily from the memoirs of Napoleon's companions. The Mémorial de Sainte-Hélène by Emmanuel de Las Cases, published in 1823 but based on notes from his 1816–1818 tenure on the island, depicted Lowe as imposing trivial harassments—such as curtailing supplies, enforcing narrow patrol boundaries, and interfering in household affairs—thereby framing the governor as driven by malice rather than protocol.[48] These accounts, authored by exiles loyal to Napoleon, gained traction in France and shaped a persistent image of Lowe's administration as excessively rigorous, though they often elided the broader context of escape prevention mandated by British policy. Barry O'Meara's A Voice from St. Helena (1822), written by Napoleon's former surgeon, echoed these charges, accusing Lowe of undermining medical care and personal dignity, further fueling the partisan critique.[49] More detached perspectives from allied commissioners offered balanced appraisals, acknowledging the inherent constraints of St. Helena's isolation while critiquing interpersonal frictions without endorsing extremes. Russian commissioner Count Balmain, in dispatches spanning 1816–1820 and reflective of post-exile evaluations, noted Lowe's adherence to "necessary precautions" against flight amid the island's limited defenses, attributing tensions to Napoleon's resistance rather than singular gubernatorial fault.[50] Similarly, Austrian observer Baron von Sturmer highlighted the logistical demands of securing a high-profile prisoner in such a confined setting, portraying Lowe's actions as procedurally sound despite Napoleon's complaints, thus tempering Bonapartist hyperbole with recognition of operational realities.[1] These neutral reports underscored that while Lowe's style lacked finesse, the island's geography and political stakes compelled rigorous oversight.Modern Historiographical Views
In the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, historiographical assessments of Sir Hudson Lowe have shifted toward evidence-based analyses of primary documents, portraying his governance of Saint Helena as a pragmatic response to the high-stakes mandate of containing Napoleon Bonaparte, whose prior escape from Elba in 1814 underscored the need for rigorous security. Desmond Gregory's 1996 biography, Napoleon's Jailer: Lt. Gen. Sir Hudson Lowe: A Life, the first full-length study of Lowe's career, argues that the governor's restrictions—such as limiting Bonaparte's household staff to 40 individuals by April 1817 and confining excursions to supervised radii—aligned with explicit directives from Colonial Secretary Lord Bathurst to prevent evasion or intrigue, rather than reflecting personal vindictiveness.[51] Gregory underscores Lowe's logistical acumen from prior campaigns, including his role in the 1794 Corsican expedition and the 1801 Egyptian operations, which equipped him for the island's isolation challenges, countering the one-dimensional "jailer" caricature perpetuated in pro-Bonapartist literature. Archival dispatches, including Lowe's monthly reports to London detailing Bonaparte's compliance issues and alleged plotting (e.g., contacts with foreign agents documented in 1817), have debunked amplified claims of mistreatment as products of Napoleon's deliberate campaign to cultivate public sympathy for repatriation, a tactic evident in the biased memoirs of his suite like those of Henri Gourgaud and Gaspard Gourgaud.[1] These sources, often disseminated via French exile networks post-1821, prioritized narrative over fidelity, whereas British official records—totaling over 1,000 despatches preserved in the UK National Archives—demonstrate Lowe's methodical enforcement of ration limits (e.g., 12,000 francs annually for Bonaparte's establishment) and patrol reinforcements, justified by intelligence of potential rescue flotillas in 1817-1818.[17] Recent scholarship further highlights Lowe's competence in averting crises amid Saint Helena's resource strains, such as provisioning 3,000 troops and civilians on a 47-square-mile terrain with erratic supply lines, reframing tensions not as Lowe's failings but as inevitable clashes between a security imperative and Bonaparte's imperious expectations.[1] This perspective privileges causal factors like post-Waterloo geopolitical fragility—where any laxity risked renewed continental war—over romanticized victimhood, with analysts noting that Napoleon's health decline from 1818 onward stemmed more from arsenic traces in wallpaper and personal habits than imposed privations.[17]Achievements in Military and Colonial Service
Lowe raised the Corsican Rangers in 1794 from refugees loyal to Britain, commanding the unit in operations across Corsica, Elba, Portugal, and Minorca, contributing to British efforts against French expansion in the Mediterranean.[1] In 1800–1801, under his leadership, the Rangers participated in the Egyptian campaign, aiding the capture of Alexandria and Cairo as part of the British expeditionary force. By 1803, Lowe reformed the Rangers into a light infantry corps, which in 1806 captured Capri from French forces, securing a strategic outpost.[1] In 1809, Lowe's Corsican forces assisted in the seizure of Ischia, Procida, Zante, Cephalonia, and Cerigo from French control, bolstering British dominance in the Ionian Islands and denying Napoleon key naval bases. During the 1813–1814 campaigns, Lowe conducted secret intelligence missions across Sweden, Germany, and France, liaising with Allied commanders such as Blücher and Bernadotte, providing critical assessments of French dispositions that supported coalition advances toward Paris. His efforts earned him promotion to major general in June 1814, a knighthood, and decorations from Prussian and Russian courts for meritorious service.[47] As Governor of Saint Helena from August 1816, Lowe implemented stringent security protocols that prevented any escape attempts by Napoleon Bonaparte during his captivity until the former emperor's death on 5 May 1821, ensuring the island's role as an effective exile outpost amid post-Waterloo instability.[1] In colonial service, Lowe commanded British forces in Ceylon from 1825 to 1830, maintaining order and fortifications during a period of administrative transition under East India Company oversight.[17]References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Dictionary_of_National_Biography%2C_1885-1900/Lowe%2C_Hudson
.jpg)