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Interview
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An interview is a structured conversation where one participant asks questions, and the other provides answers.[1] In common parlance, the word "interview" refers to a one-on-one between an interviewer and an interviewee. The interviewer asks questions to which the interviewee responds, usually providing information. That information may be used or provided to other audiences immediately or later. This feature is common to many types of interviews – a job interview or interview with a witness to an event may have no other audience present at the time, but the answers will be later provided to others in the employment or investigative process. An interview may also transfer information in both directions.
Interviews usually take place face-to-face, in person, but the parties may instead be separated geographically, as in videoconferencing or telephone interviews. Interviews almost always involve a spoken conversation between two or more parties, but can also happen between two persons who type their questions and answers.
Interviews can be unstructured, freewheeling, and open-ended conversations without a predetermined plan or prearranged questions.[2] One form of unstructured interview is a focused interview in which the interviewer consciously and consistently guides the conversation so that the interviewee's responses do not stray from the main research topic or idea.[3] Interviews can also be highly structured conversations in which specific questions occur in a specified order.[4] They can follow diverse formats; for example, in a ladder interview, a respondent's answers typically guide subsequent interviews, with the object being to explore a respondent's subconscious motives.[5][6] Typically the interviewer has some way of recording the information that is gleaned from the interviewee, often by keeping notes with a pencil and paper, or with a video or audio recorder.
The traditionally two-person interview format, sometimes called a one-on-one interview, permits direct questions and follow-ups, which enables an interviewer to better gauge the accuracy and relevance of responses. It is a flexible arrangement in the sense that subsequent questions can be tailored to clarify earlier answers. Further, it eliminates possible distortion due to other parties being present. Interviews have taken on an even more significant role, offering opportunities to showcase not just expertise, but adaptability and strategic thinking.
Contexts
[edit]
Interviews can happen in a wide variety of contexts:
- Employment. A job interview is a formal consultation for evaluating the qualifications of the interviewee for a specific position.[7][8] One type of job interview is a case interview in which the applicant is presented with a question or task or challenge, and asked to resolve the situation.[9] Candidates may be treated to a mock interview as a training exercise to prepare the respondent to handle questions in the subsequent 'real' interview. A series of interviews may be arranged, with the first interview sometimes being a short screening interview, followed by more in-depth interviews, usually by company personnel who can ultimately hire the applicant. Technology has enabled new possibilities for interviewing; for example, video telephony has enabled interviewing applicants from afar, which is becoming increasingly popular.
- Psychology. Psychologists use a variety of interviewing methods and techniques to try to understand and help their patients. In a psychiatric interview, a psychiatrist or psychologist or nurse asks a battery of questions to complete what is called a psychiatric assessment. Sometimes two people are interviewed by an interviewer, with one format being called couple interviews.[10] Criminologists and detectives sometimes use cognitive interviews on eyewitnesses and victims to try to ascertain what can be recalled specifically from a crime scene, hopefully before the specific memories begin to fade in the mind.[11][12]
- Marketing and Academic. In marketing research and academic research, interviews are used in a wide variety of ways as a method to do extensive personality tests. Interviews are the most used form of data collection in qualitative research.[3] Interviews are used in marketing research as a tool that a firm may utilize to gain an understanding of how consumers think, or as a tool in the form of cognitive interviewing (or cognitive pretesting) for improving questionnaire design.[13][14] Consumer research firms sometimes use computer-assisted telephone interviewing to randomly dial phone numbers to conduct highly structured telephone interviews, with scripted questions and responses entered directly into the computer.[15]
- Journalism and other media. Typically, reporters covering a story in journalism conduct interviews over the phone and in person to gain information for subsequent publication. Reporters also interview government officials and political candidates for broadcast.[16] In a talk show, a radio or television host interviews one or more people, with the topic usually chosen by the host, sometimes for entertainment, sometimes for informational purposes. Such interviews are often recorded.
- Other situations. Sometimes college representatives or alumni conduct college interviews with prospective students as a way of assessing a student's suitability while offering the student a chance to learn more about a college.[17] Some services specialize in coaching people for interviews.[17] Embassy officials may conduct interviews with applicants for student visas before approving their visa applications. Interviewing in legal contexts is often called interrogation. Debriefing is another kind of interview.
Interviewer bias
[edit]The relationship between the interviewer and interviewee in research settings can have both positive and negative consequences.[18] Their relationship can bring deeper understanding of the information being collected, however this creates a risk that the interviewer will be unable to be unbiased in their collection and interpretation of information.[18] 1 in 3 candidates experiences bias in an interview.[19] Bias or discrimination can be created from the interviewer's perception of the interviewee, or the interviewee's perception of the interviewer.[18] Additionally, a researcher can bring biases to the table based on the researcher's mental state, their preparedness for conducting the research, and the researcher conducting inappropriate interviews.[20] Interviewers can use various practices known in qualitative research to mitigate interviewer bias. These practices include subjectivity, objectivity, and reflexivity. Each of these practices allows the interviewer, or researcher, the opportunity to use their bias to enhance their work by gaining a deeper understanding of the problem they are studying.[21]
Blind interview
[edit]In a blind interview, the identity of the interviewee is concealed to reduce interviewer bias. Blind interviews are sometimes used in the software industry and are standard in blind auditions. Blind interviews have been shown in some cases to increase the hiring of minorities and women.[22]
See also
[edit]- Repertory grid interview
- In research
- In journalism and media
- Interview (journalism)
- Talk show
- Vox populi or vox pop
- In other contexts
- College interview
- Reference interview, between a librarian
References
[edit]- ^ Merriam Webster Dictionary, Interview, Dictionary definition, Retrieved February 16, 2016
- ^ Rogers, Carl R. (1945). Frontier Thinking in Guidance. University of California: Science research associates. pp. 105–112. Retrieved March 18, 2015.
- ^ a b Jamshed, Shazia (September 2014). "Qualitative research method-interviewing and observation". Journal of Basic and Clinical Pharmacy. 5 (4): 87–88. doi:10.4103/0976-0105.141942. ISSN 0976-0105. PMC 4194943. PMID 25316987.
- ^ Kvale & Brinkman. 2008. InterViews, 2nd Edition. Thousand Oaks: SAGE. ISBN 978-0-7619-2542-2
- ^ 2009, Uxmatters, Laddering: A research interview technique for uncovering core values
- ^ "15 Tips on How to Nail a Face-to-Face Interview". blog.pluralsight.com. Archived from the original on 2015-10-11. Retrieved 2015-11-05.
- ^ Dipboye, R. L., Macan, T., & Shahani-Denning, C. (2012). The selection interview from the interviewer and applicant perspectives: Can't have one without the other. In N. Schmitt (Ed.), The Oxford handbook of personnel assessment and selection (pp. 323–352). New York City: Oxford University.
- ^ "The Value or Importance of a Job Interview". Houston Chronicle. Retrieved 2014-01-17.
- ^ Maggie Lu, The Harvard Business School Guide to Careers in Management Consulting, 2002, page 21, ISBN 978-1-57851-581-3
- ^ Polak, L; Green, J (2015). "Using Joint Interviews to Add Analytic Value". Qualitative Health Research. 26 (12): 1638–48. doi:10.1177/1049732315580103. PMID 25850721. S2CID 4442342.
- ^ Memon, A., Cronin, O., Eaves, R., Bull, R. (1995). An empirical test of mnemonic components of the cognitive interview. In G. Davies, S. Lloyd-Bostock, M. McMurran, C. Wilson (Eds.), Psychology, Law, and Criminal Justice (pp. 135–145). Berlin: Walter de Gruyer.
- ^ Rand Corporation. (1975) The criminal investigation process (Vol. 1–3). Rand Corporation Technical Report R-1776-DOJ, R-1777-DOJ, Santa Monica, CA
- ^ Willis, Gordon (2005). Cognitive interviewing: A tool for improving questionnaire design. Sage. p. 146. ISBN 9780761928041.
- ^ Park, Hyunjoo; Sha, M. Mandy (2014-11-02). "Investigating validity and effectiveness of cognitive interviewing as a pretesting method for non-English questionnaires: Findings from Korean cognitive interviews". International Journal of Social Research Methodology. 17 (6): 643–658. doi:10.1080/13645579.2013.823002. ISSN 1364-5579. S2CID 144039294.
- ^ "BLS Information". Glossary. U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics Division of Information Services. February 28, 2008. Retrieved 2009-05-05.
- ^ Beaman, Jim (2011-04-14). Interviewing for Radio. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-136-85007-3.
- ^ a b Sanjay Salomon (January 30, 2015). "Can a Failure Resume Help You Succeed?". Boston Globe. Retrieved January 31, 2016.
- ^ a b c Watson, Lucas (2018). Qualitative research design : an interactive approach. New Orleans. ISBN 978-1-68469-560-7. OCLC 1124999541.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ Malik, Fatima (May 12, 2025). "Job Interview Statistics - Career Pro". Career Pro. Retrieved May 15, 2025.
- ^ Chenail, Ronald (2011-01-01). "Interviewing the Investigator: Strategies for Addressing Instrumentation and Researcher Bias Concerns in Qualitative Research". The Qualitative Report. 16 (1): 255–262. ISSN 1052-0147.
- ^ Roulston, Kathryn; Shelton, Stephanie Anne (2015-02-17). "Reconceptualizing Bias in Teaching Qualitative Research Methods". Qualitative Inquiry. 21 (4): 332–342. doi:10.1177/1077800414563803. ISSN 1077-8004. S2CID 143839439.
- ^ Miller, Claire Cain (25 February 2016). "Is Blind Hiring the Best Hiring?". The New York Times.
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Interview
View on Grokipediafrom Grokipedia
An interview is a purposeful conversation in which one participant systematically asks questions to elicit detailed responses from another, enabling the collection of qualitative data on experiences, opinions, behaviors, or qualifications.[1][2]
Interviews are employed across domains including psychological and social research, employment selection, and journalism, with formats varying from highly structured—featuring predetermined questions and scoring rubrics—to unstructured, allowing flexible dialogue to explore emergent themes.[3][4]
Despite their ubiquity, empirical analyses reveal interviews often exhibit modest validity and reliability, particularly in predicting job performance, due to pervasive biases such as confirmation bias, anchoring effects, and subjective interpretations influenced by interviewer preconceptions.[5][6][7]
Pioneered in modern form by figures like Thomas Edison in the early 20th century for candidate evaluation beyond formal credentials, the technique has evolved but retains challenges in mitigating subjectivity, prompting recommendations for structured protocols to enhance objectivity.[8][9]
Fundamentals
Definition and Etymology
An interview constitutes a deliberate, structured exchange wherein an interviewer poses targeted questions to an interviewee to extract specific information, opinions, or evaluations, thereby minimizing informational disparities through directed verbal interaction rather than unstructured discourse.[10] This process hinges on the interviewer's control over the inquiry's sequence and focus to yield data amenable to verification or analysis, as opposed to spontaneous chit-chat lacking predefined objectives.[11] Such methodical elicitation underpins interviews' utility in ascertaining facts or capabilities via empirical respondent input, fostering causal insights into the subject's knowledge or behavior.[12] The term "interview" derives from the Old French entrevue, denoting a mutual sighting or brief encounter, itself stemming from the verb s'entrevoir ("to see each other"), combining the prefix entre- (indicating reciprocity) with voir ("to see").[12] This etymon entered English around 1514, initially signifying a formal meeting, often in diplomatic or inquisitorial settings where parties confronted one another for questioning or negotiation.[10] By the 16th century, its application had broadened in English to encompass systematic interrogations, reflecting a shift from mere visual or physical proximity to purposeful verbal probing, as evidenced in early diplomatic correspondences.[13] This linguistic evolution underscores the concept's foundational emphasis on intentional engagement over incidental interaction.[11]Purposes Across Contexts
Interviews fulfill instrumental purposes across domains by enabling targeted assessment of capabilities, extraction of verifiable information, and diagnosis of underlying conditions or states. In employment selection, they assess job fit through evaluation of skills, past behaviors, and situational responses, aiming to predict subsequent performance rather than merely solicit self-appraisals.[14] A meta-analysis of 85 validity studies reported a mean observed correlation of 0.38 between interview ratings and job performance criteria, with structured interviews—those using standardized questions tied to job demands—exhibiting higher predictive power (up to 0.51 corrected for artifacts) compared to unstructured variants (around 0.27).[15][16] In journalistic and media contexts, interviews extract factual details, eyewitness accounts, and expert insights to construct accurate reports on events, policies, or individuals, prioritizing comprehensive sourcing over casual conversation.[17] This method bridges informational gaps by directly querying sources on verifiable occurrences, yielding material for public dissemination that withstands scrutiny when corroborated.[18] Research interviews, particularly in social sciences and organizational studies, serve to gather nuanced data on experiences and phenomena, facilitating causal explanations through iterative probing of participants' recollections and rationales.[19] Empirical evaluations affirm their utility for generating interpretable qualitative insights, though efficacy depends on methodological rigor to minimize recall biases.[20] Clinically, interviews diagnose psychological or medical conditions by systematically eliciting symptom histories, behavioral patterns, and contextual factors, often outperforming self-report inventories in capturing dynamic interpersonal cues.[21] Standardized clinical interviews demonstrate high inter-rater reliability for major diagnoses, with tools like the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM achieving kappa coefficients above 0.70 for disorders such as schizophrenia.[22] Across these uses, interviews' causal mechanism lies in their capacity to elicit observable proxies for latent traits or events, enhancing predictive or informational yield when questions align with empirically validated outcomes rather than abstract preferences.[4]Historical Development
Ancient and Pre-Modern Origins
The practice of interviewing originated in ancient methods of structured inquiry designed to extract and test information through targeted questioning. In classical Greece, around the 5th to 4th centuries BCE, Socrates utilized elenchus—a dialectical technique of probing questions to reveal inconsistencies in interlocutors' responses and approximate truth— as recorded in Plato's early dialogues, such as Euthyphro and Apology, composed circa 399–390 BCE.[23][24] This approach functioned as an early form of interpersonal interrogation, prioritizing empirical scrutiny of replies over authoritative assertion to assess conceptual validity.[25] Roman legal traditions further developed inquisitorial procedures, deriving from the Latin inquirere ("to inquire"), where magistrates initiated investigations by summoning and systematically questioning witnesses, suspects, and experts to compile evidence, as evidenced in codes like the Digest of Justinian compiled in 533 CE.[26] This contrasted with adversarial systems by empowering the inquisitor to direct the flow of information, focusing on observable consistencies in testimony to establish facts rather than relying solely on accusations.[27] In medieval Europe, ecclesiastical confession evolved into a formalized inquiry process following the Fourth Lateran Council's decree in 1215, which mandated annual auricular confession and instructed priests to guide penitents through sequential questions on sins, motives, and circumstances to evaluate moral culpability.[28][29] Manuals like those of Thomas Aquinas in the 13th century outlined structured scripts for interrogating responses, emphasizing detection of evasion or contradiction to inform absolution, thereby institutionalizing interviewing as a tool for causal analysis of behavior.[30] By the early modern period (17th–18th centuries), such techniques informed espionage and diplomatic intelligence-gathering, where European states employed agents to interrogate captives or informants under controlled conditions to verify reports, as documented in Venetian and French archival records of resident spies from the 1600s.[31] Diplomats similarly cross-examined envoys and locals to map alliances and threats, assessing reliability through behavioral cues like hesitation or alignment with prior intelligence.[33] These practices prefigured modern empiricism by valuing predictive consistency in answers over narrative coherence, with early periodicals occasionally simulating interrogative dialogues to probe public opinions, as in Daniel Defoe's essayistic contributions to outlets like Applebee's Original Weekly Journal in the 1720s.[34]20th-Century Formalization and Key Milestones
In 1921, inventor Thomas Edison implemented a rigorous 146-question examination for prospective employees at his West Orange laboratory, targeting college graduates for executive roles and emphasizing practical knowledge, scientific reasoning, and real-world problem-solving over mere credentials or references.[35][36] This approach represented an early departure from informal, impression-based hiring, prioritizing verifiable competence through standardized probing, though it drew criticism for its demanding nature and limited scope to general knowledge rather than job-specific skills.[35] During World War II, U.S. military personnel selection integrated psychological research with interview protocols, as the Army evaluated over 1.3 million inductees using assessments that included structured questioning to classify roles based on aptitude and temperament, informed by industrial-organizational psychology advancements from World War I.[37][38] These efforts, exemplified by the Office of Strategic Services' assessment centers, combined interviews with tests to predict performance under stress, yielding data on reliability that highlighted the pitfalls of unstructured formats reliant on interviewer intuition.[38] Concurrently, in 1947, John E. Reid developed the foundational elements of the Reid Technique for investigative interviews, incorporating behavioral observation, baseline questioning, and nine-step interrogation to elicit truthful responses, which evolved into a widely adopted framework for law enforcement despite later debates over coercion risks.[39][40] Postwar empirical scrutiny, including reviews from the late 1940s onward, exposed the low predictive validity of unstructured interviews—often correlating at r ≈ 0.14 with job performance due to biases like affinity for similar candidates and halo effects—contrasting sharply with higher validities (up to r ≈ 0.51) for structured variants tied to job criteria.[41][42] These findings, synthesized in meta-analyses drawing on mid-century studies, underscored how intuitive methods prioritized subjective rapport over causal predictors of success, spurring reforms like job-analysis-derived questions and rater training by the 1960s and 1970s to enhance objectivity and reduce error variance.[41] This data-driven pivot marked a causal shift from anecdotal selection to protocols validated against performance outcomes, though implementation lagged amid entrenched preferences for personal judgment.[5]Types of Interviews
Employment and Selection Interviews
Employment and selection interviews constitute a primary method for organizations to assess candidates' suitability for roles, focusing on competencies such as technical skills, problem-solving, and interpersonal abilities to forecast job performance. These interviews form part of a multi-stage selection process that initiates with resume screening to filter applicants meeting minimum qualifications, advances to preliminary assessments like phone screens for basic verification, and culminates in comprehensive evaluations tailored to job demands.[43][44] Common formats include panel interviews, where a group of stakeholders questions the candidate to gain diverse perspectives; sequential interviews, involving successive meetings with different interviewers to build cumulative insights; behavioral interviews, which elicit past experiences via questions like "Describe a time when you resolved a team conflict"; and situational or case-based interviews, often featuring hypothetical scenarios or practical tasks, such as coding exercises in software engineering positions at technology companies. Behavioral and situational approaches rely on the principle that historical behavior predicts future actions, with candidates encouraged to structure responses using frameworks like STAR (Situation, Task, Action, Result).[45][46][47] Meta-analytic evidence underscores the superior predictive power of structured interviews, which employ predetermined, job-relevant questions and scoring rubrics, yielding an average validity coefficient of 0.51 against job performance criteria, versus 0.38 for unstructured formats lacking such standardization. This differential arises from reduced subjectivity in structured methods, enabling more reliable differentiation among candidates; combining structured interviews with general mental ability tests further elevates validity to approximately 0.63. Recent reanalyses confirm these estimates hold after adjustments for methodological artifacts like range restriction, affirming interviews as among the top predictors when properly designed.[48][49][50] By 2025, amid persistent talent shortages reported by 72% of employers, hiring practices have increasingly prioritized skills-based assessments over degree requirements, with 85% of organizations adopting such approaches to widen candidate pools and address skill gaps in areas like AI and digital technologies. This trend manifests in interviews emphasizing verifiable demonstrations of proficiency, such as portfolio reviews or live simulations, over credential checklists, thereby enhancing access to underrepresented talent while aligning selections with empirical performance indicators.[51][52][53]Journalistic and Media Interviews
Journalistic interviews are conducted by reporters, anchors, or producers to gather firsthand information, statements, or perspectives from sources for dissemination through news outlets, including television, radio, print, and digital platforms.[54] These interactions prioritize extracting details relevant to current events, policy matters, or public figures, with outputs intended for audience evaluation rather than private assessment.[55] Unlike employment screenings, the goal centers on informational yield for broader discourse, often under time constraints that favor concise exchanges over exhaustive exploration.[56] Formats vary from collaborative one-on-one sessions, akin to podcast dialogues where rapport builds extended responses, to confrontational setups like live studio cross-examinations or doorstep ambushes, which test resilience under pressure.[57] Adversarial styles, common in political debates, mimic legal questioning to expose inconsistencies, while background or off-the-record variants allow deeper sourcing without immediate attribution.[55] Radio and outdoor broadcasts add immediacy, demanding sound-bite clarity amid environmental distractions.[58] Empirical research highlights vulnerabilities to distortion, particularly through leading questions that steer responses toward preconceived narratives, reducing accuracy in elicited testimony by embedding assumptions that align with interviewer expectations.[59] In political interviews, quantitative analyses of coverage patterns show media outlets amplifying selective negativity or framing, often tied to issue ownership, which skews public perception beyond raw event data.[60] Systematic reviews of bias detection confirm recurring ideological tilts, including gatekeeping that favors certain viewpoints, complicating neutral fact extraction.[61] Truth-oriented practices emphasize causal probing—questioning mechanisms and evidence chains underlying claims—over "gotcha" maneuvers that prioritize viral entrapment at the expense of substantive insight.[62] Critics from conservative perspectives contend that mainstream outlets, exhibiting documented left-leaning tendencies, frequently deploy lenient "softball" questioning on aligned figures, sidestepping rigorous dissection of policy outcomes like economic interventions or border enforcement lapses.[63] Such disparities, as in uneven scrutiny of Democratic leaders versus Republicans, underscore credibility issues in institutions prone to narrative conformity over empirical accountability.[61] Effective interviews thus demand interviewer restraint to minimize confirmation effects, fostering outputs verifiable against primary data rather than amplified spin.[64]Research and Psychological Interviews
Research interviews in academic settings serve to collect primary data for hypothesis testing, exploring social phenomena, or validating theoretical models through systematic participant questioning. These differ from journalistic formats by emphasizing replicable protocols that prioritize empirical rigor over narrative appeal, with structured variants yielding higher inter-rater reliability for quantitative analysis.[65][66] Semi-structured interviews, common in qualitative research such as ethnography, employ a flexible guide of open-ended questions to probe contextual depth while allowing follow-up based on responses, facilitating immersion in cultural or experiential settings.[67][68] This approach supports hypothesis generation by capturing nuanced, participant-driven insights, though it risks interviewer bias if not paired with triangulation methods like observation. In contrast, standardized interviews in psychological research enforce fixed questions and scoring to assess traits or diagnose conditions, as in the Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-5 (SCID-5), which operationalizes criteria for disorders like PTSD with demonstrated psychometric reliability.[69][70] The Cognitive Interview technique, developed by Ronald Fisher and R. Edward Geiselman in the 1980s, exemplifies evidence-based enhancement of recall accuracy in psychological contexts, such as eyewitness testimony or memory studies. By reinstating contextual cues, encouraging varied retrieval orders, and minimizing leading questions, it increases the volume of correct details reported—field tests with crime victims showed up to 63% more information elicited compared to standard methods, without elevating error rates.[71][72] Unstructured interviews, lacking such constraints, are susceptible to recall distortions, including confabulation influenced by suggestion or social pressures, with empirical reviews indicating reduced predictive validity for trait assessment relative to protocol-driven alternatives.[73][74] Protocols like the Cognitive Interview thus align with causal principles by targeting memory encoding and retrieval mechanisms, yielding data more amenable to falsification and generalization in hypothesis-driven research.[75]Clinical and Therapeutic Interviews
Clinical interviews in mental health settings serve as semi-structured diagnostic tools to evaluate symptoms against established criteria, such as those in the DSM-5, facilitating accurate identification of disorders like major depression or personality disorders.[76] The Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-5 (SCID-5), a widely used instrument, systematically probes for Axis I and II conditions through targeted questioning, yielding reliable diagnoses when administered by trained clinicians, with inter-rater reliability often exceeding 0.70 in validation studies.[77] These interviews occur during initial intakes to establish baselines for psychopathology severity and guide treatment planning, distinguishing them from purely observational or questionnaire-based assessments by incorporating real-time clinician judgment to resolve ambiguities in patient responses.[70] Therapeutic interviews extend beyond diagnosis into active intervention, employing techniques to foster behavioral change and alliance-building within psychotherapy sessions. Motivational interviewing (MI), formalized by William R. Miller in 1983 as a directive yet client-centered approach for addressing ambivalence in problem drinkers, has since demonstrated efficacy in addiction treatment by eliciting self-motivational statements and resolving discrepancies between current behaviors and goals.[78] Meta-analyses of randomized trials indicate MI reduces substance use more effectively than no-treatment controls, with effect sizes ranging from small to moderate (d ≈ 0.2–0.5) across alcohol, drug, and tobacco interventions, particularly when brief sessions precede longer therapies.[79] In ongoing therapy, such protocols prioritize evidence-based strategies like reflective listening and open-ended questions to enhance patient engagement, correlating with 10–20% higher retention rates in outpatient programs compared to confrontational methods.[80] Despite their utility, clinical and therapeutic interviews warrant caution against undue dependence on self-reported data, as empirical comparisons reveal inconsistencies with objective biomarkers; for instance, functional neuroimaging studies in mood disorders show symptom severity misalignments in up to 20% of cases where verbal accounts under- or over-estimate neural activation patterns linked to emotional processing.[81] This discrepancy underscores the need for multi-method validation, integrating interviews with physiological measures to mitigate recall biases or social desirability effects that inflate or distort causal attributions of distress. Evidence-based protocols thus emphasize triangulation—combining interview data with collateral informant reports or standardized scales—to approximate causal realities of underlying psychopathology, avoiding overpathologization from unverified narratives alone.[82] In practice, this approach aligns therapeutic goals with verifiable progress markers, such as reduced relapse rates in MI-augmented treatments for substance use disorders, where sustained outcomes track beyond session endpoints.[83]Techniques and Methodologies
Structured Versus Unstructured Approaches
Structured interviews utilize a standardized protocol wherein interviewers pose a fixed set of predetermined questions, often 10-15 per targeted competency, with responses evaluated against objective scoring rubrics or behavioral anchors to ensure consistency across candidates. This format minimizes discretionary judgment by anchoring assessments to job-relevant criteria derived from task analyses. Meta-analytic syntheses of personnel selection studies report corrected predictive validity coefficients for structured interviews ranging from 0.51 to 0.62 against criteria such as job performance and training success.[41][84] Unstructured interviews, in opposition, rely on open-ended, interviewer-driven dialogue without scripted questions or uniform evaluation standards, allowing adaptive probing but permitting substantial variability in content and interpretation. Such flexibility correlates with diminished predictive power, yielding uncorrected validity estimates as low as 0.14 and corrected figures around 0.31 to 0.38, attributable to unchecked influences like generalized impressions overriding specific evidence.[85][84] Fundamentally, structured approaches enforce direct causal mapping between elicited responses and requisite performance determinants by curtailing extraneous interpretive variance, thereby elevating the evidentiary fidelity of conclusions over subjective intuition. In high-stakes applications, including selection processes, empirical consensus favors structured methods, as reflected in human resource management standards emphasizing their superiority for defensible, outcome-oriented decisions.[86][87]Questioning Strategies and Behavioral Methods
Behavioral interviewing strategies emphasize probes into candidates' past actions, such as "Tell me about a time when you faced a challenge with a team member," under the premise that historical behavior predicts future performance more reliably than hypothetical responses or self-reported traits.[88] Meta-analytic evidence indicates that ratings from past behavioral questions correlate at approximately 0.55 with subsequent job performance in structured formats, outperforming unstructured methods due to reduced subjectivity and anchoring in verifiable examples.[89] This approach draws from causal reasoning that observable actions reveal competencies like problem-solving or adaptability, with empirical support from controlled studies showing incremental validity over cognitive tests alone.[66] Situational questioning, conversely, presents hypothetical scenarios—"What would you do if tasked with a tight deadline and limited resources?"—to assess foresight and decision-making under simulated conditions. While less predictive than behavioral methods in higher-level roles (correlations around 0.30-0.40), situational probes complement behavioral ones by evaluating cognitive flexibility, particularly when job demands involve novel situations.[90] Their utility stems from revealing reasoning processes, though validity hinges on clear scenario design tied to job analysis to minimize variance from imagined rather than enacted behaviors.[88] The STAR framework (Situation, Task, Action, Result) integrates both strategies, guiding respondents to outline context, responsibilities, specific steps taken, and outcomes, thereby standardizing responses for consistent evaluation. Widely adopted in corporate training by 2025, STAR enhances interrater reliability by focusing on quantifiable results, with studies confirming its role in eliciting detailed, behaviorally anchored narratives that boost predictive accuracy to levels comparable with full structured interviews.[91] Open-ended formulations within these methods—favoring "how" and "what" over yes/no queries—yield responses with twice the informational density, as linguistic analyses demonstrate greater elaboration and contextual nuance compared to closed questions, which constrain depth and invite superficial affirmation.[92] Empirical trials underscore avoiding closed questions to maximize data richness, as they limit probes into underlying motivations and experiences essential for validity.[93]Biases and Predictive Validity
Common Biases and Their Mechanisms
Confirmation bias among interviewers arises from the tendency to selectively seek, interpret, and emphasize information that aligns with initial preconceptions about a candidate, while discounting contradictory evidence to maintain cognitive consistency and reduce mental dissonance. This mechanism is driven by the brain's efficiency in processing familiar patterns, prioritizing confirmatory data over comprehensive evaluation, which can lead to premature judgments in unstructured interviews where probing is ad hoc. Empirical analyses of hiring processes demonstrate that confirmation bias distorts assessment by reinforcing stereotypes formed from resumes or early interactions, thereby undermining objective competency measurement.[94][9] Similarity bias, or affinity bias, operates through an automatic preference for candidates sharing demographic, experiential, or ideological traits with the interviewer, stemming from evolved mechanisms of in-group favoritism that foster trust via perceived shared values and reduce perceived risk in social judgments. This bias causally skews evaluations by eliciting undue rapport and leniency toward similars, often manifesting as higher ratings for likable traits irrelevant to job performance, particularly in free-form discussions lacking standardized criteria. Recruitment studies confirm its role in perpetuating homogeneity in selections, as interviewers project familiarity as a proxy for reliability without verifying causal links to actual aptitude.[95][96] From the interviewee's perspective, social desirability bias compels responses that exaggerate positive attributes and minimize flaws to align with anticipated norms of competence or morality, rooted in impression management strategies that prioritize external approval over factual accuracy. Paulhus's framework distinguishes this as comprising self-deceptive positivity and deliberate faking, with the latter exploiting interviewers' expectations to inflate self-reported skills or experiences in behavioral questions. This distortion empirically compromises the validity of introspective data, as respondents calibrate answers to inferred ideals rather than genuine capabilities, especially under evaluative pressure. The fundamental attribution error further erodes accuracy by prompting interviewers to overattribute candidate behaviors—such as hesitancy or eloquence—to stable personality traits while underweighting transient situational influences like question ambiguity, fatigue, or environmental stressors. This heuristic shortcut, grounded in the perceptual primacy of agency over context, misfires in interviews by conflating performance artifacts with enduring dispositions, particularly in unstructured formats where behavioral baselines are uncontrolled. Causal analysis reveals that human action emerges from interactions of traits and circumstances, yet this bias systematically privileges the former, yielding predictions that fail to account for variability across roles or conditions.[97][98]Empirical Studies on Reliability
Meta-analyses of employment interviews have established that structured formats exhibit substantially higher inter-rater reliability than unstructured ones, with coefficients typically ranging from 0.50 to 0.70 for structured interviews compared to approximately 0.20 for unstructured approaches.[99][100] This disparity arises from standardized question sets and scoring rubrics in structured interviews, which reduce subjective variance among raters, as evidenced in reviews spanning data from 1998 to 2016. Internal consistency reliability, measured via coefficient alpha, similarly favors structured methods, averaging above 0.70, underscoring their greater psychometric stability for selection decisions.[99] Predictive validity studies reveal interviews as modestly effective predictors of job performance, with meta-analytic correlations (r) around 0.38 overall, outperforming reference checks (r ≈ 0.26) but lagging behind cognitive ability tests (r ≈ 0.51).[41] Validity is strongest for cognitive task performance (r up to 0.63), where interviews probe reasoning and problem-solving, but weakens for interpersonal outcomes (r ≈ 0.25), reflecting challenges in assessing traits like teamwork through verbal responses alone.[101] Structured interviews consistently yield higher validities (r = 0.51) than unstructured (r = 0.38), with boundary conditions such as job complexity moderating effects; these findings aggregate hundreds of studies, correcting for artifacts like range restriction.[102] Recent 2024 investigations into AI-augmented interviews indicate improvements in consistency, with algorithmic scoring enhancing inter-rater agreement by up to 15% over purely human evaluations, though unexplained variance persists due to nuanced human judgment in contextual interpretation.[103] These studies, often comparing generative AI thematic analysis to manual methods, affirm AI's role in reducing noise while highlighting limitations in capturing behavioral subtleties, as AI outputs show high test-retest reliability but require human oversight for validity.[104]Mitigation Through Evidence-Based Practices
Blind evaluation techniques, such as anonymizing resumes by removing names, photographs, and demographic indicators, have demonstrated effectiveness in reducing hiring biases without compromising merit-based selection. In field experiments, resumes with ethnic minority-sounding names receive 24-50% fewer callbacks than identical resumes with white-sounding names, indicating name-based discrimination in initial screening. Anonymization addresses this by focusing evaluations on qualifications alone, leading to more equitable advancement rates for qualified candidates across groups. Similarly, in symphony orchestra auditions, implementing screens to conceal performers' identities during blind rounds increased the probability of female musicians advancing by approximately 50% in preliminary stages and accounted for 25-30% of the subsequent rise in female hires, as merit was assessed solely on audible performance.[105][106][107] Structured interviews, employing standardized questions tied to job competencies and scored via predefined rubrics, further mitigate subjective biases by enforcing consistent, evidence-linked criteria over ad hoc judgments. Meta-analyses confirm that structured formats yield predictive validities for job performance roughly double those of unstructured interviews, with reduced susceptibility to interviewer idiosyncrasies like similarity bias or halo effects. These methods prioritize causal predictors of success, such as past behavioral evidence, over extraneous traits, ensuring decisions align with empirical performance data rather than demographic proxies.[108][109][9] Interviewer training programs, including rater calibration workshops that emphasize objective scoring and bias recognition, reduce inter-rater variance by fostering alignment on evaluation standards. Studies indicate such training enhances rating reliability and decreases measurement error, with supervised practice contributing to more uniform assessments across panels. Complementing this, panel-based interviews—where multiple trained evaluators independently score candidates before aggregating—dilute individual biases through diverse perspectives, improving decision accuracy over solo judgments.[110][111] These practices collectively uphold meritocratic principles by countering biases through verifiable, performance-centric mechanisms, avoiding quota-driven adjustments that may sideline empirical qualifications in favor of compositional targets lacking robust causal links to organizational outcomes. Empirical critiques highlight that uncalibrated diversity mandates can overlook performance disparities, whereas blind and structured approaches achieve broader representation via genuine equity in evaluation.[113]Legal and Ethical Dimensions
Compliance with Anti-Discrimination Laws
In the United States, Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibits employment discrimination based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin, extending to hiring processes including interviews where disparate treatment or disparate impact may occur.[114] The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) enforces this through guidelines that restrict pre-employment inquiries into protected characteristics unless directly related to job requirements, such as avoiding questions on marital status, number of children, or gender unless they predict performance without adverse impact.[115] [116] Violations can result in lawsuits alleging pretextual discrimination, prompting employers to document interview criteria focused on verifiable skills and behaviors to demonstrate neutral, job-related evaluations.[117] Empirical data from EEOC enforcement shows a rise in litigation risks post-2000, with the agency filing 143 discrimination or harassment lawsuits in fiscal year 2023 alone, up from prior years, and securing over $513 million for victims in fiscal year 2022.[118] [119] This trend correlates with heightened scrutiny of interview practices, incentivizing structured, standardized questioning to mitigate claims of bias, though such measures do not preclude suits challenging selection outcomes on impact grounds.[120] Internationally, frameworks like the European Union's Employment Equality Directive (2000/78/EC) ban discrimination in recruitment on grounds of religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation, requiring member states to ensure interview processes avoid indirect discrimination through non-job-related criteria.[121] Compliance often integrates data protection rules under the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) for handling applicant information, emphasizing proportionality in inquiries to prevent discriminatory processing.[122] These regulations causally redirect interview focus toward objective competencies, reducing vulnerability to enforcement actions but sustaining challenges where outcomes disproportionately affect protected groups despite neutral policies.[123]Ethical Challenges in Consent and Privacy
Informed consent in interviews requires participants to be fully apprised of the purpose, procedures, potential risks, and uses of shared information prior to engagement, particularly in clinical and therapeutic settings where psychological vulnerability heightens stakes. The American Psychological Association's Ethical Principles mandate obtaining informed consent for assessments, including explanations of limits to confidentiality and recording practices, to safeguard autonomy and prevent coercion.[124] Failure to secure such consent, as seen in cases of inadequate disclosure during qualitative research recruitment, can result from power imbalances between interviewers and interviewees, leading to coerced participation without genuine understanding.[125] In journalistic interviews, the Society of Professional Journalists' Code of Ethics emphasizes seeking truth while minimizing harm, advising explicit agreements on off-the-record elements to avoid misleading sources.[126] Challenges arise when consent processes overlook contextual factors, such as interviewees' limited comprehension of long-term data uses or the interviewer’s dual roles in research and therapy, potentially invalidating voluntariness. Ethical analyses of phone-based interviews highlight difficulties in verifying comprehension remotely, where verbal consent may mask underlying reticence due to cultural or literacy barriers.[127] In employment contexts, consent for background probes or behavioral assessments often competes with applicants' expectations of discretion, with ethical guidelines urging transparency to mitigate perceptions of exploitation, though self-reported adherence remains inconsistent across organizations.[128] Violations of consent erode interpersonal and institutional trust, fostering interviewee wariness in subsequent interactions; qualitative studies of research misconduct reveal participants experiencing betrayal and reduced willingness to engage, with some cohorts showing heightened skepticism toward authority figures post-breach.[129] Empirical reviews of clinical trial consent failures indicate that undisclosed risks amplify this effect, diminishing future participation rates and complicating data validity in longitudinal studies.[130] Such outcomes underscore a causal link between procedural lapses and behavioral reticence, where affected individuals withhold information to self-protect, thereby hindering the interview's truth-eliciting utility. Privacy concerns intensify these dilemmas, as interviews often elicit sensitive data—such as health histories or personal beliefs—vulnerable to misuse like unauthorized dissemination or hacking, with documented harms including stigma and professional repercussions for interviewees. In therapeutic interviews, ethical imperatives demand strict confidentiality except in mandated reporting scenarios, yet breaches via poor data handling have led to verifiable identity exposures in aggregated datasets.[131] Employment interviews pose parallel risks, where probing family status or disabilities, even if outcome-relevant, can perpetuate unintended disclosures; ethical frameworks critique excessive restrictions on such inquiries when they obscure predictive validity for job fitness, arguing that overprotection may prioritize subjective comfort over empirical utility in selection processes.[132] Professional codes provide aspirational standards but reveal enforcement gaps, as journalistic self-regulation under SPJ principles rarely incurs penalties for privacy intrusions absent public outcry, while psychological associations rely on complaint-driven oversight with limited proactive audits. Comparative analyses note that employment ethics, often guided by internal HR policies rather than codified mandates, suffer from empirical underreporting of violations, allowing recurrent patterns of data overreach without systemic correction.[133] Balancing privacy with informational needs thus demands pragmatic realism: ethical conduct favors targeted disclosures that advance causal understanding—such as verifying interviewee claims—while evidence of harm from breaches justifies stringent safeguards, though unverified fears of offense should not eclipse verifiable risks like fraudulent responses.Technological Integration
Shift to Virtual and Hybrid Formats
The acceleration of virtual interviews began in 2020 amid COVID-19 restrictions, with 82% of employers incorporating them by 2025, primarily for initial screening stages.[134] This format expanded access to global talent pools, enabling recruiters to evaluate candidates without geographic constraints, while cutting per-interview costs from an average of $358 in-person to $122 virtually.[135] Broader recruitment budgets similarly declined, as one program's shift from in-person to virtual reduced annual expenses from over $70,000 to $10,000-$20,000.[136] These efficiencies stem from eliminated travel and venue requirements, though they introduce dependencies on stable internet, where bandwidth disruptions can distort communication timing and intent perception. Hybrid models, featuring virtual preliminary rounds followed by selective in-person finals, have gained traction to mitigate pure virtual limitations while retaining logistical gains. In medical residency cycles from 2023-2024, such approaches aligned program directors' satisfaction with match outcomes to pre-pandemic norms, provided virtual segments used reliable platforms.[137] Empirical comparisons indicate hybrid validity approximates in-person when technical reliability is assured, as randomized trials in structured assessments show negligible differences in elicited responses under controlled online conditions versus face-to-face.[138] However, bandwidth variability remains a causal factor in validity erosion, with lags amplifying hesitation misreads and reducing evaluative precision in dynamic exchanges. Virtual and hybrid shifts, while pragmatically enabling scale, constrain non-verbal signal capture essential for causal inference in candidate fit. Interviewers in video formats report heightened difficulty assessing body language and subtle rapport indicators, as camera angles and screen mediation filter micro-expressions and posture shifts available in-person.[139] This informational deficit hampers accuracy in interpersonal judgments, with qualitative studies documenting lost contextual cues that in-person settings provide for probing behavioral authenticity.[140] Consequently, reliance on verbal content alone risks overemphasizing scripted responses over holistic indicators, though structured protocols can partially offset these gaps by standardizing observable metrics.[141]AI-Driven Screening and Assessment
AI-driven screening employs algorithms, including natural language processing (NLP) and machine learning models, to automate the evaluation of candidate responses during initial interviews, often via asynchronous video platforms.[142] Tools like HireVue facilitate chatbot-based Q&A or video assessments where candidates respond to predefined questions, with AI scoring traits such as communication skills and job-relevant competencies based on linguistic patterns, sentiment, and vocal metrics.[143] These systems process over 30 million interviews as of 2025, generating employability scores predictive of on-job performance.[144] Empirical studies indicate that NLP-driven scoring in automated video interviews achieves predictive validity coefficients of approximately 0.40 to 0.50 against job performance metrics, aligning with or slightly below structured human interviews' mean of 0.44, as AI enforces standardized evaluation criteria to minimize subjective variance.[145] [146] For instance, algorithms trained on verbal and paraverbal data demonstrate reliability in assessing Big Five personality traits, with validity evidence supporting their use for initial filtering when calibrated against criterion outcomes like retention and productivity.[147] This consistency counters human interviewer biases, such as halo effects or affinity, by relying on data-driven patterns rather than personal impressions.[148] From 2024 to 2025, advancements in bias mitigation have emphasized regular audits and anonymization protocols, with platforms implementing feature removal (e.g., excluding names, accents, or demographics) to curb disparate impact.[149] Such techniques have reduced demographic skew in candidate rankings, for example, boosting callback rates for women from 18% to 30% in anonymized resume screenings, a 67% relative improvement attributable to diminished name-based inferences.[150] HR confidence in AI recommendations rose from 37% in 2024 to 51% in 2025, driven by these refinements and startups' agile deployments favoring job-specific models over generalized Big Tech systems.[151] Nonetheless, full efficacy demands human oversight to interpret causal nuances, like role-specific contextual behaviors, that pure algorithmic analysis may overlook due to training data limitations.[152]Controversies and Debates
Merit-Based Selection Versus Diversity Mandates
Structured interviews, which emphasize job-relevant competencies through standardized questions and scoring, demonstrate superior predictive validity for job performance compared to unstructured formats or diversity-focused mandates, with validity coefficients ranging from 0.42 to 0.70.[153][154] This enables organizations to identify candidates likely to deliver 20-30% higher productivity, as meta-analyses link such selection rigor to reduced variance in outcomes and elevated team efficiency.[102] In contrast, diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) mandates often prioritize demographic representation over these metrics, correlating with empirical mismatches where lowered thresholds for certain groups undermine overall performance.[155] Proponents of diversity mandates argue they foster innovation through varied perspectives, yet causal evidence reveals frequent inefficacy, as mandatory diversity training—intended to bias-correct hiring—has been shown to backfire, increasing resentment and failing to boost underrepresented hires.[156] Quota-like approaches exacerbate this by sidelining top talent, with 2020s analyses indicating that rigid demographic targets compromise team cohesion and output when standards are adjusted to meet equity goals.[157] Reverse discrimination claims have surged post-mandate implementations, with race-based EEOC charges rising by approximately 7,000 from fiscal year 2022 onward, reflecting legal pushback against perceived favoritism that erodes meritocratic trust.[158][159] By 2025, merit-excellence-intelligence (MEI) frameworks have gained traction as alternatives, explicitly prioritizing skills, proven results, and cognitive aptitude in interviews to supplant DEI's equity focus.[160] Companies adopting MEI, such as Scale AI, report sustained high performance without demographic quotas, aligning selection with verifiable outcomes like innovation velocity and error reduction over ideological targets.[161] This shift underscores a data-driven pivot, where empirical ties between meritocratic processes and superior organizational results—evident in reduced turnover and elevated metrics—outweigh unsubstantiated diversity benefits.[162]Critiques of Subjectivity and Over-Reliance
Unstructured interviews exhibit low predictive validity for job performance, with meta-analytic estimates placing the correlation coefficient (r) at approximately 0.14, rendering them scarcely more effective than chance in forecasting employee success. This subjectivity arises from interviewers' reliance on impressionistic judgments, often influenced by irrelevant factors such as likability or nonverbal cues, which correlate weakly with actual on-the-job outcomes.[16] Such flaws contribute to elevated rates of suboptimal hires, with studies indicating that inadequate selection processes, dominated by unstructured formats, account for up to 45% of poor hiring decisions, incurring substantial organizational costs including turnover and retraining.[163] Over-reliance on interviews, particularly unstructured variants, overlooks superior alternatives like work sample tests, which demonstrate higher validity coefficients around 0.54 for predicting job performance by directly simulating job tasks.[164] These methods prioritize observable competencies over verbal self-presentation, reducing the causal impact of interviewer biases and yielding more reliable forecasts of productivity.[16] Empirical syntheses, such as those by Schmidt and Hunter, underscore that while interviews can be refined, their dominance in hiring pipelines often stems from tradition rather than evidentiary superiority, leading to inefficient resource allocation in talent acquisition. In global contexts, unstructured interviews amplify cultural biases, as evaluators from dominant cultural norms may penalize candidates exhibiting divergent communication styles or emotional expressions deemed less assertive or engaging.[165] Research documents disparate outcomes, with minority candidates receiving fewer positive evaluations due to implicit stereotypes, exacerbating inequities in cross-cultural hiring without standardized questioning.[9] This vulnerability persists even in ostensibly neutral settings, where subjective interpretations override objective criteria. Structured interviews mitigate these issues, achieving validity coefficients up to 0.42—outperforming unstructured approaches and intuitive judgments—through predefined questions and scoring rubrics that anchor evaluations to job-relevant behaviors.[166] Recent integrations of AI in hybrid formats further enhance reliability, with 2025 analyses showing bias reductions of up to 50% via automated analysis of responses, complementing human oversight without supplanting interpersonal assessment.[167] These advancements affirm interviews as improvable instruments within multifaceted selection systems, rather than infallible or dispensable tools, emphasizing empirical calibration over uncritical dependence.[168]References
- https://warwick.ac.uk/fac/arts/[history](/page/History)/students/modules/hi2l3/
- https://www.metaview.ai/resources/[blog](/page/Blog)/interviewer-bias