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Israel Shamir
Israel Shamir
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Israel Shamir (Russian: Исраэль Шамир, [jɪsrɐˈɛlʲ ʂɐˈmʲir]; born 1947 or 1948),[1] also known by the names Robert David,[2] Vassili Krasevsky,[citation needed] Jöran Jermas[3][4] and Adam Ermash,[3] is a Swedish writer and journalist, known for his ties to WikiLeaks and for promoting antisemitism[5] and Holocaust denial.[6][7][8][9] His son Johannes Wahlström is a spokesperson for WikiLeaks in Sweden.[10][11]

Key Information

Shamir has published or self-published a number of his books; his book Flowers of Galilee (2004) was banned for a time in France over allegations it was inciting racial hatred and antisemitism.

Background and personal life

[edit]

Shamir says that he was born in a Jewish family in Russia, and converted to Orthodox Christianity.[4][10][12][13] By his own account, his birth name was Izrail Schmerler.[10][14] Shamir says that he was born in Novosibirsk, Siberia, in 1947, although the Shorter Jewish Encyclopedia says that a man called Schmerler was born in 1948.[14] Shamir says that he "studied mathematics and law at Novosibirsk University". He also says he moved to Israel in 1969.[10] He claimed to have served in the Israeli Paratroopers Brigade and fought in the Yom Kippur War. He also claimed to have worked for the BBC and to have translated the works of Shai Agnon from Hebrew into Russian.[15] Norman Finkelstein told Tablet that Shamir is a "maniac" who "has invented his entire personal history. Nothing he says about himself is true".[16]

Searchlight describes him as a "Swedish anti-semite",[17] and says that he was registered in Sweden in 1984 and gained Swedish citizenship in 1992.[10] Shamir says he left Sweden for Russia and then Israel in 1993, before returning in 1998, saying that he had remarried in Israel in July 1994.[17] However, others argue that Swedish files show that he was married in Sweden.[18] He was known as Jöran Jermas from 2001 to 2005, before changing his name to Adam Ermash, although continuing to use Israel Shamir as a pen name.[10]

Career

[edit]

Shamir says that he went to Russia and wrote about the political changes in the country until 1993, for newspapers including Pravda and the extreme nationalist Zavtra.[19]

The French edition of Shamir's Flowers of Galilee was originally co-published in October 2003 by Éditions Blanche and Éditions Balland. It was withdrawn from sale at the end of October after Balland's director had his attention drawn to the content of the book, which he considered anti-semitic.[20][21] The book was republished in 2004 by the French Islamist Éditions Al-Qalam company, which led to a civil case brought by the Ligue internationale contre le racisme et l'antisémitisme (LICRA), with the publisher sentenced to three months in prison (suspended) and a 10,000-euro fine, and the banning of the book.[22][23] The ban was overturned on appeal, and the fine reduced.[citation needed]

In 2005, Shamir was featured as a speaker in the "Zionism As the Biggest Threat to Modern Civilization" conference co-chaired by David Duke in Ukraine, and sponsored by the Interregional Academy of Personnel Management which has been associated with antisemitic discourse in Eastern Europe.[24][25]

Allegations of antisemitism and Holocaust denial

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According to the scholar of antisemitism Henrik Bachner [sv], Shamir borrows from neo-Nazi terminology when describing an alleged "Zionist" conspiracy to bring about the Iraq War. Bachner has said that Shamir's writing would have been of little interest had they been published only on his website, however, Flowers of Galilee was issued by a respected publisher and promoted by parts of the left in Sweden. The book was recommended by former Swedish MP Evert Svensson and promoted by The Palestine Solidarity Association in Sweden which also engaged Shamir as speaker.[26] In Cabbala of Power, Shamir writes: "The Jewish 'plan' is no secret; there is no need to re-read The Protocols or to ask Jews what they want."[16]

Henrik Bachner, described Shamir's online outlet as "a multilingual website in which Jewish conspiracies are brought forward as an explanation for both historical and contemporary world events".[27] Stephen Pollard reported in The Times in 2005 that it included such statements as "Jews asked God to kill, destroy, humiliate, exterminate, defame, starve, impale Christians, to usher in Divine Vengeance and to cover God’s mantle with blood of goyim."[28] The Anti-Defamation League reported in 2006 that Shamir had written on his website of "accumulating evidence of Israeli Connection" for 9/11 and wrote of the United States and Israel creating the attacks to carry out anti-Muslim policies.[12] He had expressed his belief in the "blood libel" on his website.[4]

In 2004, Searchlight wrote about his connections to antisemitic publications and groups,[17] and the campaign Hope not Hate has listed Shamir as a "notable Holocaust denier," citing the "rabid Holocaust denial material" on his website.[29] At an event at the British Houses of Parliament in 2005, Shamir claimed "Jews indeed own, control and edit a big share of mass media" and said US foreign policy in the Middle East was a "fight for ensuring Jewish supremacy".[28][30]

In 2006, discussing the upcoming Iranian International Conference to Review the Global Vision of the Holocaust, Deutsche Welle wrote that the Iranian government "said it intended to invite academics such as German neo-Nazi [lawyer] Horst Mahler and the Israeli journalist and Christian convert Israel Shamir, both of whom are Holocaust deniers."[31]

In December 2010, Shamir's connection with WikiLeaks brought him more public attention. Katha Pollitt, writing in The Nation in December 2010, described Shamir's web site:

I spent a few hours on www.israelshamir.net and learned that: "the Jews" foisted capitalism, advertising and consumerism on harmonious and modest Christian Europe; were behind Stalin's famine in Ukraine; control the banks, the media and many governments; and that "Palestine is not the ultimate goal of the Jews; the world is." There are numerous guest articles by Holocaust deniers, aka "historical revisionists."[32]

In early 2011, David Leigh and Luke Harding, writing in The Guardian, described Shamir as being "notorious for Holocaust denial and publishing a string of antisemitic articles."[33] The Jerusalem Post called him "an avowed Holocaust-denier" who said of the International Conference to Review the Global Vision of the Holocaust that it "proved that the Holocaust dogma is a basic tenet in the great world-embracing brainwashing machine of mass media".[34] Shamir denied the accusation of Holocaust denial in an article for CounterPunch, writing that his family "lost too many of its sons and daughters for me to deny the facts of Jewish tragedy" but that he denies "the morbid cult of Holocaust".[35] In his 2011 Tablet interview, Shamir referred to "perceptions during the war" of Auschwitz as a "quite awful deportation camp" whereas "after the war, different perception came. And that was a perception of mass annihilation, and mass murder, and all that."[36] Asked which "perception" was true, Shamir said he had no interest in the subject. When asked if the concentration camps were used for mass murder, he responded by saying he had "no knowledge about it at all" and rejected "the idea that it is important."[36]

Association with WikiLeaks

[edit]

Shamir is a vocal backer of the WikiLeaks organization[37] and has described his relation with WikiLeaks as being "a freelancer who was 'accredited' to WikiLeaks".[38] According to The Guardian, he invoiced WikiLeaks for €2,000 for "journalism".[39] Shamir's son Johannes Wahlström is a spokesperson for WikiLeaks in Sweden.[10][11]

In a 2010 Sveriges Radio interview with WikiLeaks spokesman Kristinn Hrafnsson, Hrafnsson stated that Israel Shamir "is associated with" WikiLeaks, as are "a lot of journalists that are working with us all around the world" who "have different roles in working on [the] project".[11] In an article by Andrew Brown published in The Guardian during December 2010 Hrafnsson was quoted as saying Shamir was WikiLeaks representative in Russia.[40][41] By February 2011, former WikiLeaks spokesman Daniel Domscheit-Berg said WikiLeaks' ties to Shamir were among the reasons he quit the organization.[42] He described Shamir as a "famous Holocaust denier and anti-Semite."[43] By May 2011, a statement had appeared on the WikiLeaks website that Shamir had "never worked or volunteered for WikiLeaks, in any manner, whatsoever. He has never written for WikiLeaks or any associated organization, under any name and we have no plan that he do so."[16] James Ball wrote in 2013 he was aware the organization's later denial of its connections to Shamir were untrue because Julian Assange had instructed him to give Shamir 90,000 US cables.[44]

According to the Associated Press, leaked documents from WikiLeaks include an unsigned letter from Julian Assange authorising Israel Shamir to seek a Russian visa on his behalf in 2010. WikiLeaks said Assange never applied for the visa or wrote the letter.[45] According to the New York Times, Russia issued Assange the visa in January 2011.[46] Israel Shamir was the original source for some conspiracy theories about Swedish allegations against Assange.[32]

Diplomatic cables

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In an article published by the CounterPunch website in December 2010, Shamir praised the Belarus president, Alexander Lukashenko and said WikiLeaks had exposed America's "agents" in the country.[47] Shamir has been reported to have passed "sensitive cables" to the Lukashenko government.[48] He is believed to have visited Belarus in December 2010 and to have given Vladimir Makei, then Lukashenko's chief of staff, unpublished and unredacted US diplomatic cables.[47]

Former WikiLeaks staff member James Ball wrote in The Sunday Times that Index on Censorship contacted him less than a fortnight after Shamir left WikiLeaks headquarters (then in Norfolk) with a photograph of Shamir leaving the Belarus interior ministry. According to Ball, soon afterwards Lukashenko announced a Belarusian WikiLeaks would be released to show opposition leaders in the country were on the American payroll and thus effectively grounds for their arrest.[49][50] Index on Censorship later expressed concern that such a development could physically endanger Lukashenko's political opponents. WikiLeaks responded that "We have no further reports on this 'rumour/issue'", although another WikiLeaks representative called Shamir's alleged leaks "obviously unapproved."[51]

Russian Reporter claimed it had "privileged access" to the 2010 United States diplomatic cables leak via Shamir.[11] Soviet Belarus, a state-run newspaper began publishing what it claimed were WikiLeaks cables given to Lukashenko by Shamir in January 2011.[52] A request from Shamir, according to Ball, was for all cables relating to "the Jews"; it was refused.[53] Elsewhere, Shamir claimed to have received "thousands of cables about the Jews."[16] Ball said that a Russian reporter wrote WikiLeaks saying that Shamir was answering requests for access to cables about Russia with requests for money, saying they couldn't look through the cables themselves.[54]

Yulia Latynina, writing in The Moscow Times, alleged that Shamir concocted a cable which allegedly quoted European Union diplomats' plans to walk out of the Durban II speech by Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, for publication in the pro-Putin Russian Reporter in December 2010.[41][55][38] Shamir has denied this accusation,[38] though he has described Ahmadinejad as being a "brave and charismatic leader" on his website.[4]

In 2011, Shamir posted unredacted copies of diplomatic cables dealing with former Soviet states that hinted at the names of State Department sources that The Guardian and WikiLeaks had redacted.[56][57] When asked why he published the unredacted cables, possibly putting the sources at risk, Shamir said "Handing confidential and secret information to everybody is the thing of Wikileaks. That’s what it is about. Your question is like asking police why they catch thieves. That is what they are for."[58]

References

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

is a Siberian-born , , translator, and political commentator known for his of a single democratic state in historic encompassing full equality for all inhabitants under "." Born in and emigrating to in 1969, he served as a and fought in the 1973 before pursuing a career in media and , including work as a BBC broadcaster in London, contributor to the Israeli newspaper Haaretz, and spokesman for the socialist Mapam party in the . Shamir has translated significant literary works such as those by S.Y. Agnon, Homer's , and James Joyce's Ulysses into Russian, and authored polemical books like The Pine and the Olive (1988), (2004), Cabbala of Power (2006), and Masters of Discourse (2008), which critique , explore and power dynamics, and challenge mainstream historical narratives including the sacralized interpretation of . Baptized into the Orthodox Church in in 2004 and residing between , , and , Shamir's writings have drawn accusations of and from outlets like and BBC—claims he rebuts as distortions aimed at suppressing debate on Jewish influence and historical idolatry, emphasizing empirical critique over dogmatic reverence.

Early Life and Education

Birth and Family Background

Israel Shamir, born Izrail Schmerler, entered the world in 1947 in Novosibirsk, Siberia, within the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic of the Soviet Union. He was raised in a Jewish family, though specific details about his parents remain limited in public records. Shamir has described his early environment as part of the Soviet Jewish community, with one account noting him as the grandson of a professor, reflecting an intellectual lineage amid the constraints of the post-World War II era. Shamir's self-reported background emphasizes his Jewish heritage in , a context shaped by the USSR's policies toward ethnic minorities and religious groups during the late Stalinist period. Independent verification of precise family details is scarce, as Shamir's narratives often intersect with his later persona, prompting from biographers and critics regarding the consistency of personal claims.

Formative Years in Russia

Israel Shamir was born in 1947 in , , in the , to Jewish parents. , a major industrial and scientific center in , provided the backdrop for his early upbringing amid the post-World War II Soviet environment, where Jewish communities faced varying degrees of cultural suppression and assimilation pressures under Stalinist policies. Shamir attended , initially studying before transferring to the department. This education occurred during the Khrushchev Thaw era, a period of relative intellectual liberalization following Stalin's death, though Soviet higher education emphasized ideological conformity and practical disciplines like and over . In the late 1960s, Shamir emerged as an active participant in the Zionist movement within the , amid growing underground Jewish activism and efforts to emigrate to following the 1967 . This involvement reflected broader stirrings among Soviet Jews seeking cultural and national reconnection, often at personal risk from KGB surveillance and state . His participation culminated in his decision to immigrate to in 1969.

Immigration to Israel and Military Service

Arrival and Initial Experiences

Israel Shamir immigrated to Israel in 1969 at the age of 22, having been born in , , in 1947 to parents of Jewish descent. This move aligned with the broader wave of Soviet Jewish during the late 1960s and early 1970s, facilitated by Israel's granting citizenship to Jews and their descendants. Upon arrival, Shamir, like many new immigrants, underwent mandatory integration processes, including instruction and orientation, though specific details of his immediate settlement remain limited in available accounts. His initial years in Israel were marked by enlistment in the (IDF), where he served as a , a role typical for young male immigrants during this period. This service exposed him to frontline military duties amid ongoing regional tensions, culminating in active participation in the 1973 , during which Israeli s played key roles in operations such as crossing the . Shamir later described these experiences in his writings as formative, though biographical sources vary in verifying personal combat details beyond self-reported claims. Following his military tenure, Shamir transitioned into civilian life, working initially as a and interpreter in , leveraging his multilingual skills from Soviet education. These early professional endeavors provided economic stability and cultural immersion, allowing him to observe Israeli society firsthand before pursuing and . Accounts from this phase highlight the challenges of immigrant adaptation, including cultural adjustments from Soviet to Israel's Zionist framework, though Shamir's later critiques suggest disillusionment began to form during this time.

Service in the Israel Defense Forces

Shamir enlisted in the shortly after immigrating to in 1969 and served as a in an elite infantry unit. His mandatory service aligned with standard IDF requirements for male citizens, typically lasting three years, during which paratroopers underwent rigorous training focused on airborne operations, rapid deployment, and close-quarters combat. During the on October 6–25, 1973, Shamir participated in combat operations on the Egyptian front, crossing the under heavy artillery and small-arms fire as part of efforts to encircle Egyptian forces. In his account, this experience as a young marked a formative episode, exposing him to the war's intensity amid Israel's defensive counteroffensives following initial Arab advances. Shamir later reflected that IDF personnel, including paratroopers like himself around 1973, displayed occasional cultural affinity toward , such as adopting kaffiyeh headscarves and consuming , indicative of limited but present interpersonal sympathies prior to subsequent societal divergences. These observations stem from his personal recollections, underscoring an early exposure to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict dynamics during .

Journalism and Literary Career

Early Writing and Journalism

Shamir commenced his writing career following his discharge from the after the 1973 , initially focusing on literary translation. He rendered into Russian approximately 200 volumes of Russian classics, alongside English-language prose by authors such as , , , , , , , , and . His translations included the complete works of S.Y. Agnon, the Hebrew Nobel laureate, as well as Homer's and select chapters from James Joyce's Ulysses. Shamir also authored original works in Russian, comprising a , collections of essays, and volumes of poetry, though specific titles from this period remain sparsely documented in available records. In parallel, Shamir pursued , serving as a correspondent for Radio in , , , and during the mid-1970s, covering regional developments amid the waning and its aftermath. In 1975, he relocated to to join the Russian Service, contributing broadcasts until 1977. Returning briefly to from 1977 to 1979, he resumed journalistic activities before settling back in in 1980, where he contributed articles to Haaretz, Israel's leading daily newspaper. During this era, Shamir also held the position of spokesman for the Knesset faction of , the Israel Socialist Party, engaging in political commentary and press relations. His early publication The Pine and the Olive (1988), a narrative exploring the and , marked one of his initial forays into thematic writing on regional conflicts.

Major Books and Publications

Shamir's major publications consist primarily of essay collections and thematic works critiquing , , and perceived global power dynamics, often self-published through platforms like BookSurge Publishing. Flowers of Galilee: The Collected Essays from the , released on March 1, 2004, by Dandelion Books, gathers pieces composed in during the Second , expressing affinity for Palestinian society and proposing a democratic for historic . The volume spans 324 pages and drew attention for its pro-Palestinian stance amid ongoing conflict. In Pardes: An Etude in Cabbala, published April 12, 2005, by BookSurge Publishing, Shamir interprets Kabbalistic concepts to connect ancient mysticism with modern geopolitical events, including Middle Eastern conflicts and economic shifts. The 194-page book frames these as manifestations of esoteric Jewish thought influencing global affairs. Cabbala of Power, issued in 2007 by Four O'Clock Press, compiles spiritual and political essays, incorporating earlier writings like "Pardes" and "Introduction to the Protocols," to argue that Kabbalistic frameworks underpin structures of influence and control. Spanning 440 pages, it positions Shamir as an advocate for a unified democratic state in Palestine-Israel. His lengthiest work, Masters of Discourse, self-published on May 14, 2008, by BookSurge, totals 696 pages and analyzes mechanisms of ideological dominance, including media and intellectual control, with references to Jewish roles in shaping narratives. The book extends themes from prior volumes, emphasizing resistance to what Shamir describes as monopolized . Additional collections, such as Our Lady of Sorrow: The Collected Essays from the Holy Land, aggregate Holy Land-focused writings but lack the standalone prominence of the above titles. Shamir's output often appears in multiple languages and via independent outlets, reflecting limited mainstream distribution.

Recurring Themes in Works

Shamir's writings recurrently critique power structures, portraying global elites—often linked to Jewish influence in media, finance, and politics—as manipulators of discourse and policy to maintain hegemony. In Masters of Discourse (2008), he argues that control over narrative shapes public perception, citing examples from Hollywood to international relations where select groups suppress dissenting views on issues like the Middle East conflict. Similarly, Cabbala of Power (2007) interprets Kabbalistic mysticism as a metaphor for esoteric strategies employed by influential networks to wield unseen authority over nations and economies. A prominent theme is the advocacy for and opposition to , framed through the lens of historical injustice in the . Flowers of Galilee (2004), a collection of essays, depicts the displacement of as a moral catastrophe, proposing a binational where and coexist equally under democratic rule, drawing on biblical and cultural motifs of shared heritage. Shamir extends this to broader anti-imperialist narratives, condemning U.S.-backed Israeli policies as extensions of Western dominance, as seen in essays like "Autumn in Palestine," which highlight resilience amid occupation. Religious motifs recur, contrasting Talmudic Judaism with Christianity and Islam as forces of usury versus communal solidarity. In PaRDeS (2003), Shamir employs the four levels of biblical interpretation (, Remez, Derash, ) to deconstruct religious texts, arguing that certain Jewish traditions prioritize material power over spiritual equality, while praising Orthodox Christian and Muslim ethics for fostering social harmony. Our Lady of Sorrow (2010), another essay compilation, invokes Marian imagery to symbolize collective suffering under exploitative systems, linking it to critiques of and calls for redemptive unity across faiths. Shamir frequently revisits Holocaust narratives, questioning official accounts not as outright denial but as exaggerated for political leverage, integrating this into analyses of historical power plays, such as in discussions of Bolshevik Revolution figures. These themes interconnect in his , where first-hand observations from and underscore causal links between ethnic lobbies, , and geopolitical outcomes, urging readers toward empirical scrutiny over institutional dogma.

Political Views and Activism

Critique of Zionism and Israeli Policies

Israel Shamir portrays as an exclusionary ideology rooted in Jewish , which he argues inherently requires the subjugation or expulsion of non-Jews from historic to maintain ethnic dominance. In his essays, he contends that this "ingroup-outgroup" framework, embodied in Zionist separateness and privilege, has driven the systematic dispossession of since the state's founding in 1948, framing it as a causal driver of ongoing conflict rather than a defensive response to threats. Shamir attributes Zionist success to disproportionate Jewish influence over Western media and policy, which he claims silences critiques by labeling them antisemitic, thereby perpetuating policies of expansion and aggression. Shamir criticizes specific Israeli policies as manifestations of this ideology, including military operations that target Palestinian civilians and infrastructure. He details the 2002 siege of the in , where Israeli forces surrounded the site for 39 days, trapping over 200 Palestinians and dozens of clergy, resulting in severe deprivation of food and water amid demands for the surrender of alleged militants. He extends this to broader practices like settlement expansion in the , which he describes as entrenching apartheid-like segregation, and disruptions to Palestinian daily life, such as interference with olive harvests essential to rural economies. In more recent commentary, Shamir has condemned Israel's military campaigns in Gaza, characterizing the post-October 7, 2023, operations as an escalation of a "creeping " initiated in 1948's Nakba, with bombardments aimed at maximizing Palestinian casualties under Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's leadership. As an alternative, Shamir proposes dismantling the two-state paradigm, which he dismisses as a sustaining division, in favor of a single democratic state across all of historic under the principle of "." This would entail equal citizenship for , Arabs, and others; the full for to reclaim and rebuild their pre-1948 villages; and the termination of U.S. aid to , which he views as subsidizing occupation and . He envisions assimilation through intermarriage and shared governance, arguing that true peace requires to reject Zionist exclusivity and integrate as equals with , potentially forging a unified free from supremacist legacies. Shamir frames this not as anti-Jewish but as a liberation from what he sees as Zionism's imperialist alignment with U.S. corporate power, which exploits for geopolitical ends.

Perspectives on Jewish Influence and Power Structures

Israel Shamir maintains that Jewish individuals and organizations wield disproportionate influence over Western power structures, particularly in , media, and , forming a cohesive network that prioritizes Jewish and Zionist interests at the expense of host societies. He describes this as a "huge Jewish power" capable of dictating electoral outcomes and directions, exemplified by the inability of to gain power without aligning with Jewish financial backing and media endorsement. In his 2008 book Masters of Discourse, Shamir states, "No party in the US can hope to rule without the support of Jewish money and Jewish power in the media and academia." He extends this to , arguing that the Jewish lobby—often referencing groups like —compels unwavering support for , overriding broader national interests through campaign contributions and pressure tactics, as detailed in his analyses of presidential candidacies from to modern figures. Regarding media, Shamir asserts that Jews "own, control and edit a big share of ," enabling the promotion of narratives that suppress criticism of Jewish influence while advancing agendas like and interventionist wars. This control, in his view, extends to cultural production in Hollywood and , where he claims Zionist-aligned elites shape public discourse to equate scrutiny of Jewish power with taboo subjects. In a article, he posed the challenge: "How will the people of Western countries free themselves from Jewish control when political, financial and media power is in Jewish hands?" Shamir frames financial dominance similarly, pointing to overrepresentation in banking and investment firms as part of a broader structure that funnels resources toward Jewish causes, including commemoration and Israeli defense, rather than coincidental merit alone. Shamir differentiates this influence from mere ethnic success, attributing it to organized efforts rooted in religious and ideological cohesion, as explored in Cabbala of Power (2007), where he portrays the conflict as a paradigm for global Jewish theological-political dominance. He argues that accusations of serve as a protective mechanism, stifling debate and maintaining the structure's opacity, with the "Jewish Lobby" visible only as "the tip of the iceberg" beneath which lies extensive covert leverage. While empirical data confirms Jewish overrepresentation—such as comprising about 2% of the U.S. yet holding key roles in roughly 20-30% of top media executives and positions per various industry reports—Shamir's causal emphasis on intentional power draws sharp rebuttals from mainstream outlets as echoing conspiratorial motifs, though he counters that such dismissals exemplify the very suppression he describes.

Positions on the Holocaust and Historical Narratives

Shamir has questioned the dominant framing of the Holocaust as a singular, metaphysical event unparalleled in history, instead portraying it as one atrocity among many that has been elevated into a "morbid cult" to enforce orthodoxy and stifle debate. In a 2011 interview, he explicitly stated, "I do deny its metaphysical uniqueness, I do deny the morbid cult of Holocaust," arguing that this veneration compels conformity across religious lines and serves non-Jewish interests by justifying expansive policies. He contends that the narrative's exclusivity diminishes recognition of other 20th-century sufferings, such as the Ukrainian Holodomor, and functions as a secular dogma punishable by law in several countries. In his essay "Who Needs Holocaust?", Shamir argues that the Holocaust story is indispensable to Anglo-American power structures, enabling them to align with Zionist objectives and legitimize interventions abroad, rather than originating solely from Jewish trauma. He suggests wartime Allied intelligence viewed sites like Auschwitz primarily as labor and transit camps, with extermination claims amplified postwar for moral leverage, echoing revisionist perspectives without rejecting Jewish wartime deaths outright. This aligns with his broader critique in collected essays, where he dissects the "Holocaust cult" as a mechanism for Zionist public relations and control over discourse. Shamir has supported revisionist figures prosecuted under hate speech laws, such as Irving's 2006 Austrian conviction for , framing these as assaults on free inquiry in an era where historical narratives are weaponized. He attended or commented favorably on the 2006 International Conference on , which examined the event's scope and implications without presupposing orthodoxy, viewing it as a counter to monopolized commemorations. These stances have drawn accusations of from outlets like , which in 2010 labeled him a denier based on his writings and associations, though Shamir maintains his opposition targets the narrative's politicization, not the empirical reality of Nazi persecutions. Critics from Jewish advocacy groups, aware of institutional pressures to uphold the standard account, often conflate such skepticism with outright rejection, amid documented variances in early testimonies and demographics that revisionists cite.

Association with WikiLeaks

Role as Representative and Conduit

Israel Shamir functioned as ' representative and conduit in during the organization's 2010 release of U.S. diplomatic cables. In this capacity, he handled and analyzed the Moscow cables, comprising dispatches on and , receiving physical copies for distribution and processing. He invoiced €2,000 for "services rendered - journalism" tied to this work, with funds deposited in a bank account. As a conduit, Shamir disseminated cable contents to regional outlets, including providing cables to the state-backed Russian Reporter magazine. He also confirmed to Russia's news agency the existence of a dossier within ' holdings, described as containing several thousand "interesting" secret documents. Additionally, he offered derivative articles based on the cables to for $10,000 and published analyses on , with pieces dated August 27, September 14, and December 31, 2010. This intermediary role enabled to extend its reach into Russian-speaking media and political circles, with Shamir publicly identified as the organization's Russian representative by in late 2010. His activities peaked amid the broader Cablegate disclosures, positioning him as a bridge for localized access to the leaks before public scrutiny intensified in December 2010.

Involvement with Diplomatic Cables

Israel Shamir was granted privileged access by to U.S. diplomatic cables originating from , enabling him to handle and analyze these documents as part of the organization's regional distribution efforts during the 2010 Cablegate leak. This access extended to cables from and , which he received at WikiLeaks' temporary base in Ellingham Hall, , where Julian was staying amid the leak's rollout starting November 28, 2010. Shamir, operating under WikiLeaks' non-disclosure agreements for media partners, was tasked with facilitating selective dissemination to Russian outlets, including passing cables to the magazine Russian Reporter for republication. In addition to media distribution, Shamir engaged in direct interactions with foreign government officials using cable content. On an unspecified date in late 2010, he met with Uladzimir Makei, head of the Belarusian presidential administration, and confirmed the existence of a "Belarus dossier" within the leaked cables, which contained sensitive information on opposition figures and dissidents. Reports indicate that Shamir provided Belarusian authorities with intelligence derived from these cables following the disputed December 19, 2010, presidential elections, potentially aiding the regime of in identifying and suppressing protesters; human rights groups later alleged this contributed to the roundup of over 700 opposition members. Shamir also pursued commercial opportunities tied to the cables, offering to sell articles based on their contents for $10,000 in and invoicing WikiLeaks €2,000 for "services rendered - journalism" via a bank account. While Assange later described Shamir's association as "brief" and limited to journalistic contributions under standard protocols, the handling of cables highlighted tensions in WikiLeaks' partner vetting, as Shamir's actions deviated from the intended and public interest-focused release model. No indicates Shamir directly uploaded raw cables to public platforms, but his selective sharing raised concerns about selective disclosure favoring authoritarian interests over transparency.

Specific Incidents and Outcomes

In late 2010, Israel Shamir, operating under pseudonyms such as Jöran Jermasson, served as a conduit for distributing unpublished U.S. diplomatic cables from in and , including interactions with Scandinavian media outlets to promote the leaks. He also handled sensitive Moscow-originated cables, selectively sharing excerpts that aligned with his critiques of Western policies, amid revelations of his prior writings questioning narratives. A notable incident unfolded in January 2011, when Shamir met Uladzimir Makei, head of the Belarusian presidential administration under President , offering unpublished cables containing names and details of opposition dissidents and activists that could aid regime suppression efforts. This outreach, framed by Shamir as journalistic cooperation, involved proposing translations of cables into Russian and Belarusian to expose alleged U.S. interference, but critics highlighted the potential for enabling authoritarian crackdowns on pro-democracy figures. These actions prompted to disavow Shamir, with founder stating in February 2011 that he had met Shamir only once, unaware of his full background, and that Shamir held no official role or endorsement from the organization. The episode fueled broader scrutiny of ' associate vetting processes, contributing to internal tensions and external accusations of compromised operational integrity, though no direct evidence emerged of cables being formally handed over to Belarusian authorities. Shamir maintained his involvement was independent and aimed at countering perceived biases in cable dissemination.

Controversies and Responses

Claims of Antisemitism

Shamir has been accused of antisemitism and Holocaust denial by outlets including The Guardian and Tablet Magazine, which cite his writings as invoking classic antisemitic tropes such as Jewish conspiratorial control and dismissal of historical atrocities against Jews. In his book Cabbala of Power (2007), Shamir referenced The Protocols of the Elders of Zion—a notorious antisemitic forgery alleging a Jewish plot for world domination—stating, “The Jewish ‘plan’ is no secret; there is no need to re-read The Protocols or to ask Jews what they want.” Critics interpret this as endorsing the text's conspiratorial narrative, despite Shamir's framing it as revealing overt intentions. Similarly, in Masters of Discourse (2008), he claimed, “There are no important media outlets in the US that are not owned or controlled by Jews,” a statement aligning with longstanding tropes of Jewish media dominance, though empirical data shows disproportionate but not total Jewish representation in U.S. media ownership and leadership as of the early 2000s. Additional claims stem from Shamir's public statements denying the existence of . In a 2010 , he asserted, “I don't believe exists at all. In the it is an article of that and gentiles must hate one another,” portraying accusations as religiously motivated fabrications rather than responses to . He has also alleged orchestration of events like the , 2001, attacks to provoke U.S. wars in the , and claimed possess nuclear weapons aimed at destroying and other regions, echoing narratives of aggressive global power. Regarding , Shamir has been labeled a denier by (2011) for questioning its scale and implications in his essays, though he maintains his critiques target Zionist narratives rather than historical facts; specific denial quotes include suggestions that suffering was exaggerated for political gain. These accusations, often from pro-Israel or Jewish advocacy sources like Tablet Magazine—which has a editorial stance emphasizing threats to Jewish interests—have been contested by Shamir's defenders as conflations of anti-Zionism with Jew-hatred, amid broader patterns where institutional biases in media and academia amplify such labels against critics of Jewish influence or Israeli policies. For instance, Shamir's 2010 condemnation of “the madness of organized Jewish outrage” following anti-Israel remarks by journalist Helen Thomas was cited as evidence of animus toward Jewish collective response. He has further written that “Palestine is not the ultimate goal of the Jews; the world is,” implying expansionist aims beyond territorial claims, a view paralleling historical calumnies of Jewish cosmopolitanism. Such statements, aggregated across his oeuvre since the early 2000s, form the basis for claims that Shamir's rhetoric transcends policy critique into ethnic essentialism.

Defenses Against Accusations and Supporter Viewpoints

Shamir has consistently denied being , framing his critiques as targeted at , Israeli policies, and what he describes as disproportionate Jewish influence in global institutions rather than animosity toward collectively. In his 2004 book PaRDeS, he explicitly stated, "I know I am not 'antisemitic'; I have any number of Jewish culture heroes, starting with the Lord Christ," emphasizing admiration for Jewish cultural figures while distinguishing his positions from ethnic hatred. He has further argued that accusations of antisemitism serve as a protective mechanism—"a Jewish article of faith"—to insulate from scrutiny, claiming personal encounters with alleged antisemites revealed no inherent malice beyond that found in other groups. Supporters, often drawn from anti-Zionist leftist, dissident right, and Palestinian advocacy networks, portray Shamir as a principled exposer of power imbalances, asserting that his writings on Jewish overrepresentation in , media, and reflect observable demographic patterns rather than conspiratorial fantasy. They maintain that conflating with —particularly when Shamir critiques entities like the lobby or questions orthodoxy—functions as a rhetorical shield to enforce taboos, silencing empirical analysis of ethnic networking and historical narratives. For example, outlets like Socialist Viewpoint have lauded his equating of Israeli actions in with Nazi policies as a stark, unflinching grounded in comparative state violence, defending it as honest anti-imperialist unmarred by personal prejudice. Certain defenders highlight Shamir's conversion to Orthodox Christianity and his self-identification as a former Jew (under the name Jöran Jermas) as evidence against self-hating motives, arguing that insider critique carries unique validity. They point to instances where his work was embraced by Swedish anti-racist groups like Mana Books prior to backlash, interpreting subsequent as politically motivated censorship rather than a response to bigotry, especially given institutional tendencies to equate criticism with Jew-hatred. In broader terms, proponents view Shamir's persistence amid professional ostracism—such as his WikiLeaks ties—as testament to intellectual courage against elite consensus, prioritizing causal explanations of influence over sentiment-based prohibitions.

Later Activities and Legacy

Post-WikiLeaks Engagements

Following the conclusion of his association with in 2011, Israel Shamir continued his work primarily as an independent writer and online commentator, focusing on essays critiquing Israeli policies, global power structures, and international conflicts. He maintained his personal website, israelshamir.net, which archives hundreds of articles and promotes themes such as ending what he describes as in the through a unified democratic state with equal rights for all inhabitants. Post-2011 writings on the site include pieces on U.S. foreign policy, such as "Obama In " and "Clinton's Gender Wars," alongside commentaries on , , and , often arguing against Western interventions and in favor of multipolar global arrangements. Shamir became a prolific contributor to The Unz Review, an platform edited by , where he has published dozens of essays since the mid-2010s. These cover topics ranging from Middle Eastern conflicts to European politics and critiques of perceived elite influences; for example, a 2022 article analyzed recurring Israeli military actions in Gaza from 2018 to 2022, attributing them to broader strategic aims. More recent pieces include "The Magic Island" in September 2024, examining Israeli societal dynamics and religious narratives, and "Shabbos-Goyim" on October 22, 2025, which discusses patterns of leadership in various countries and attributes certain policy outcomes to communal influences. His contributions emphasize first-person observations from travels and historical analogies, maintaining a consistent style of polemical analysis. In addition to online essays, Shamir compiled selections of his work into books post-2011, including "Our Lady of Sorrow: The Collected Essays from the ," which aggregates writings on Palestinian experiences and regional inequities. Other titles like "Masters of " and "Pardes" extend his earlier critiques of media and intellectual frameworks into broader discourses on power and identity. These publications, often self-published or issued through niche presses, reflect his ongoing engagement with audiences interested in alternative perspectives on and globalization, without affiliation to mainstream academic or journalistic institutions. His output shows no significant shift in focus, prioritizing written advocacy over institutional roles or public speaking events documented in available records.

Ongoing Influence and Reception

Shamir maintains an active online presence through his personal website, where he promotes a "One Man, One Vote, One State" framework for resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by integrating and into a single democratic entity. This position, articulated consistently since the early , continues to inform his commentary on regional dynamics, emphasizing opposition to what he describes as Zionist and dual loyalties in Western politics. In recent years, Shamir has contributed regularly to The Unz Review, an platform hosting dissident perspectives on history, , and culture. His articles, appearing multiple times annually through 2025, address topics such as Israeli military actions in Gaza, perceived Jewish influence in U.S. elections, and critiques of neoconservative foreign policy; for instance, a October 22, 2025, piece titled "Shabbos-Goyim" examines Donald Trump's support for political figures like through the lens of non-Jewish leaders advancing pro-Israel agendas. These publications reach audiences skeptical of mainstream narratives, sustaining niche influence among readers interested in anti-Zionist and revisionist viewpoints, though without measurable impact on broader policy discourse or academic citation metrics. Reception of Shamir's work polarizes along ideological lines. In pro-Palestinian and alternative outlets, such as a November 2, 2023, interview with Middle East Monitor, he is presented as a Jewish-origin critic highlighting Israeli aggression and internal political fractures under Benjamin Netanyahu. Supporters in these circles value his essays for challenging what they term suppressed discussions on ethnic lobbying and historical narratives. However, organizations and commentators focused on combating antisemitism reference his oeuvre—particularly claims questioning Holocaust demographics and Jewish overrepresentation in media—as perpetuating tropes, with no evident retraction or moderation in his output post-2010 WikiLeaks associations. Absent peer-reviewed endorsements or institutional uptake, his influence remains confined to online fringe communities, where his persistence underscores resilience against deplatforming efforts by establishment gatekeepers.

References

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