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David Duke
David Duke
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David Ernest Duke (born July 1, 1950) is an American politician, white supremacist, neo-Nazi, conspiracy theorist, and former grand wizard of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.[2] From 1989 to 1992, he was a Republican member of the Louisiana House of Representatives. His politics and writings are largely devoted to promoting conspiracy theories about Jews, such as Holocaust denial and Jewish control of academia, the press, and the financial system.[3][4] In 2013, the Anti-Defamation League called Duke "perhaps America's most well-known racist and anti-Semite".[5]

Key Information

Duke unsuccessfully ran as a Democratic candidate for state legislature during the 1970s and 1980s, culminating in his campaign for the 1988 Democratic presidential nomination. After failing to gain any traction within the Democratic Party, he gained the presidential nomination of the minor Populist Party. In December 1988, he became a Republican and claimed to have become a born-again Christian, nominally renouncing antisemitism and racism.[6][7] He soon won his only elected office, a seat in the Louisiana House of Representatives. He then ran unsuccessful but competitive campaigns for several more offices, including United States Senate in 1990 and governor of Louisiana in 1991. His campaigns were denounced by national and state Republican leaders, including President George H. W. Bush. He mounted a minor challenge to President Bush in 1992.

By the late 1990s, Duke had abandoned his pretense of rejecting racism and antisemitism, and began to openly promote racist and neo-Nazi viewpoints. He then began to devote himself to writing about his political views, both in newsletters and later on the Internet. In his writings, he denigrates African Americans and other ethnic minorities, and promotes conspiracy theories about a Jewish plot to control the United States and the world.[8][9][10] He continued to run for public office through 2016, but after his reversion to open neo-Nazism, his candidacies were not competitive.

During the 1990s, Duke defrauded his political supporters by pretending to be in dire financial straits and soliciting money for basic necessities. At the time, he was in fact financially secure and used the money for recreational gambling.[11] In December 2002, Duke pleaded guilty to felony fraud and subsequently served a 15-month sentence at the Federal Correctional Institution, Big Spring, in Texas.[11][12]

Early life

[edit]
Duke as a teenager

David Ernest Duke was born on July 1, 1950, in Tulsa, Oklahoma, to Maxine (née Crick) and David Hedger Duke, the younger of two children.[13] As the son of an engineer for Shell Oil Company, Duke frequently moved with his family around the world. During 1954, they lived a short time in the Netherlands before settling in an all-white area of New Orleans, Louisiana, in 1955.[14] His mother was an alcoholic; his father permanently left the family in 1966 for Laos taking a job with United States Agency for International Development (USAID).[15] While in New Orleans, Duke attended the Clifton L. Ganus School, a conservative Church of Christ-sponsored school. He said his segregationist awakening started during his research for an eighth-grade project at this school. After his freshman year, Duke transferred to Warren Easton Senior High in New Orleans. For his junior year, he attended Riverside Military Academy in Gainesville, Georgia. His senior year, he attended John F. Kennedy High School, and by the time he graduated was already a member of the Ku Klux Klan.[16][17]

In 1964, Duke began his involvement in radical right politics after attending a Citizens' Councils (CCA) meeting and reading Carleton Putnam's pro-segregation books, later citing Race and Reason: A Yankee View as responsible for his "enlightenment".[18] Putnam's book asserted the genetic superiority of whites. Also during his adolescence, Duke began to read books about Nazism and the Third Reich, and his speeches at CCA meetings became more explicitly pro-Nazi.[19] This was enough to gain him disapproval from some members, who were more anti-black racists than antisemitic. While attending Riverside Military Academy, his class was disciplined after Duke was found to be in possession of a Nazi flag and, in public school, he vociferously protested against the lowering of the flag after the assassination of Martin Luther King Jr.[19][20] In the late 1960s, Duke met the white supremacist William Luther Pierce, who became an influence on him. Duke joined the Ku Klux Klan (KKK) in 1967.[2][21]

In 1968, Duke enrolled at Louisiana State University (LSU) in Baton Rouge. In 1970, he formed a white student group called the White Youth Alliance that was affiliated with the National Socialist White People's Party. He appeared at a demonstration in Nazi uniform carrying a sign reading "Gas the Chicago 7" (a group of left-wing anti-war activists William Kunstler had defended) and "Kunstler is a Communist Jew" to protest Kunstler's appearance at Tulane University in New Orleans.[19][20][2][22] Picketing and holding parties on the anniversary of Adolf Hitler's birth, he became known on the LSU campus for wearing a Nazi uniform.[22] While a student at LSU, Duke took a road trip to an American Nazi Party conference in Virginia with white supremacists Joseph Paul Franklin (later convicted of multiple acts of racial and antisemitic terrorism and executed for serial murder) and Don Black.[23]

Duke says that he spent nine months in Laos, calling it a "normal tour of duty". He joined his father, who remained working there, and had asked his son to visit during the summer of 1971.[22] His father helped him gain a job teaching English to Laotian military officers, from which he was dismissed after six weeks when he drew a Molotov cocktail on the blackboard.[24] He also claimed to have gone behind enemy lines 20 times at night to drop rice to anti-communist insurgents in planes flying 10 feet (3.0 m) off the ground, narrowly avoiding a shrapnel wound. Two Air America pilots who were in Laos at that time said that the planes flew only during the day and no less than 500 feet (150 m) from the ground. One pilot suggested that it might have been possible for Duke to have gone on a safe "milk run" once or twice but no more than that. Duke was unable to recall the name of the airfield he had used.[22]

1972 arrest in New Orleans

[edit]

In January 1972, Duke was arrested in New Orleans for inciting a riot. Several racial confrontations broke out that month in the city, including one at the Robert E. Lee Monument involving Duke, Addison Roswell Thompson—a perennial segregationist candidate for governor of Louisiana and mayor of New Orleans—and his 89-year-old friend and mentor, Rene LaCoste. Thompson and LaCoste dressed in Klan robes for the occasion and placed a Confederate flag at the monument. The Black Panthers began throwing bricks at the two men, but police arrived in time to prevent serious injury.[25]

In 1972, Duke was charged with soliciting campaign funds for presidential candidate George Wallace and keeping the proceeds. He was also charged with filling glass containers with a flammable liquid, banned under a New Orleans ordinance. Both charges were eventually dropped.[19]

Knights of the Ku Klux Klan

[edit]

In 1974, Duke founded the Louisiana-based Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (KKKK), shortly after graduating from LSU.[19][26] He became the KKKK's "grand wizard" in 1976.[2] Duke first received broad public attention during this time, as he endeavored to market himself in the mid-1970s as a new brand of Klansman: well-groomed, engaged, and professional. He also reformed the organization, promoting nonviolence and legality;[independent source needed] also, for the first time in the Klan's history, women were accepted as equal members and Catholics were encouraged to apply for membership.[27] Duke repeatedly insisted that the Klan was "not anti-black" but rather "pro-white" and "pro-Christian". He told the Daily Telegraph newspaper that he left the Klan in 1980 because he disliked its associations with violence and could not stop members of other Klan chapters from doing "stupid or violent things".[28] In April 1992, Julia Reed wrote in The New York Review of Books that Duke was forced to leave the Klan after selling a copy of its membership records to a rival Klan leader who was a Federal Bureau of Investigation informer.[2]

Political and ideological activities

[edit]

Early campaigns

[edit]

Duke first ran for a seat in the Louisiana State Senate as a Democrat from a Baton Rouge district in 1975. During his campaign, he was allowed to speak on the college campuses of Vanderbilt University, Indiana University, the University of Southern California, Stanford University, and Tulane University.[29] He received 11,079 votes, one-third of those cast.[13][30]

Duke ran for a seat in the state senate again in 1979, losing to the incumbent, Joe Tiemann.[31][32]

In the late 1970s, several Klan officials accused Duke of stealing the organization's money. "Duke is nothing but a con artist", Jack Gregory, Duke's Florida state leader, told the Clearwater Sun after Duke allegedly refused to turn over proceeds from a series of 1979 Klan rallies to the Knights. Another Klan official under Duke, Jerry Dutton, told reporters that Duke had used Klan funds to purchase and refurbish his home in Metairie. Duke later justified the repairs by saying most of his home was used by the Klan.

He ran for the Democratic presidential nomination during the 1980 presidential election. Despite being six years too young to be president, Duke attempted to place his name on the ballot in 12 states, saying he wanted to be a power broker who could "select issues and form a platform representing the majority of this country" at the Democratic National Convention.[33][34] In 1979, he pleaded guilty to disturbing the peace when he led 70 to 100 Klansmen to surround police vehicles in a Metairie hotel parking lot in September 1976, and was fined $100 and given a three-month suspended sentence. Duke and James K. Warner had originally been convicted on that charge in 1977, but the Louisiana Supreme Court had reversed the ruling because the state had introduced inadmissible evidence.[35][36] Duke was arrested for illegally entering Canada in order to discuss third-world immigration into Canada on a talk show.[37]

He left the Ku Klux Klan in 1980, after he was accused of trying to sell the organization's mailing list for $35,000. He founded the National Association for the Advancement of White People and served as its president after leaving the Klan.[13][38][39] Using the group's newsletter, he promoted Holocaust denial literature for sale such as The Hoax of the Twentieth Century and Did Six Million Really Die?[2]

Duke allegedly conducted a direct-mail appeal in 1987, using the identity and mailing-list of the Georgia Forsyth County Defense League without permission. League officials described it as a fundraising scam.[40]

1988 presidential campaign

[edit]

In 1988, Duke ran initially in the Democratic presidential primaries. His campaign had limited impact, with one minor exception — as the only candidate on the ballot, he won the little-known New Hampshire vice presidential primary.[41] Duke, having failed to gain much traction as a Democrat, then sought and gained the presidential nomination of the Populist Party, an organization founded by Willis Carto.[42][43] He appeared on the ballot for president in 11 states and was a write-in candidate in some other states, some with Trenton Stokes of Arkansas for vice president, and on other state ballots with Floyd Parker, a physician from New Mexico,[22] for vice president. He received 47,047 votes, or 0.04% of the national popular vote.[44]

1989: Successful run in special election for Louisiana House seat

[edit]

In December 1988, Duke changed his political affiliation from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party.[45]

In 1988, Republican state representative Chuck Cusimano of Metairie resigned his District 81 seat to become a 24th Judicial District Court judge, and a special election was called early in 1989 to select a successor. Duke entered the race to succeed Cusimano and faced several opponents, including fellow Republicans John Spier Treen, a brother of former governor David C. Treen; Delton Charles, a school board member; and Roger F. Villere Jr., who operates Villere's Florist in Metairie. Duke finished first in the primary with 3,995 votes (33.1%).[46] As no one received a majority of the vote in the first round, a runoff election was required between Duke and Treen, who polled 2,277 votes (18.9%) in the first round of balloting. Treen's candidacy was endorsed by U.S. president George H. W. Bush, former president Ronald Reagan, and other prominent Republicans,[47] as well as Democrats Victor Bussie (president of the Louisiana AFL–CIO) and Edward J. Steimel (president of the Louisiana Association of Business and Industry and former director of the "good government" think tank, the Public Affairs Research Council). Duke criticized Treen for a statement he had made indicating willingness to entertain higher property taxes, anathema in that suburban district.[48] With 8,459 votes (50.7%), Duke defeated Treen, who polled 8,232 votes (49.3%).[46] He served in the House from 1989 until 1992.[49]

Freshman legislator Odon Bacqué of Lafayette, a No Party member of the House, stood alone in 1989 when he attempted to deny seating to Duke on the grounds that the incoming representative had resided outside his district at the time of his election. When Treen failed in a court challenge in regard to Duke's residency, the latter was seated. Lawmakers who opposed Duke said that they had to defer to his constituents, who narrowly chose him as representative.[50]

As state representative

[edit]

Duke took his seat on the same day as Jerry Luke LeBlanc of Lafayette Parish (who won another special election, held on the same day as the Duke-Treen runoff, to choose a successor to Kathleen Blanco, the future governor who was elected to the Louisiana Public Service Commission). Duke and LeBlanc were sworn in separately.

Colleague Ron Gomez of Lafayette stated that Duke, as a short-term legislator, was "so single minded, he never really became involved in the nuts and bolts of House rules and parliamentary procedure. It was just that shortcoming that led to the demise of most of his attempts at lawmaking."[51]

One legislative issue pushed by Duke was the requirement that welfare recipients be tested for the use of narcotics. The recipients had to show themselves to be drug-free to receive state and federal benefits under his proposal.[52][53][54] Gomez, in his 2000 autobiography, said that he recalls Duke obtaining the passage of only a single bill, legislation which prohibited movie producers or book publishers from compensating jurors for accounts of their court experiences.[55]

Duke launched unsuccessful campaigns for the U.S. Senate in 1990 and governor in 1991.[56]

1990 campaign for U.S. Senate

[edit]

Though Duke had first hesitated about entering the Senate race, he made his announcement of candidacy for the nonpartisan blanket primary held on October 6, 1990. Duke was the only Republican in competition against three Democrats, including incumbent U.S. senator J. Bennett Johnston, Jr., of Shreveport,[57] whom Duke derided as "J. Benedict Johnston".[58]

Former governor David Treen, whose brother, John Treen, Duke had defeated for state representative in 1989, called Duke's senatorial platform "garbage. ... I think he is bad for our party because of his espousal of Nazism and racial superiority."[59]

The Republican Party officially endorsed state senator Ben Bagert of New Orleans in a state convention on January 13, 1990, but national GOP officials in October, just days before the primary election, concluded that Bagert could not win. To avoid a runoff between Duke and Johnston, the GOP decided to surrender the primary to Johnston. Funding for Bagert's campaign was halted, and after initial protest, Bagert dropped out two days before the election. With such a late withdrawal, Bagert's name remained on the ballot, but his votes, most of them presumably cast as absentee ballots, were not counted.[60][61] Duke received 43.51% (607,391 votes) of the primary vote to Johnston's 53.93% (752,902 votes).[57]

Duke's views prompted some of his critics, including Republicans such as journalist Quin Hillyer, to form the Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism, which directed media attention to Duke's statements of hostility to blacks and Jews.[62]

In a 2006 Financial Times editorial, Gideon Rachman recalled interviewing Duke's 1990 campaign manager, who said, "The Jews just aren't a big issue in Louisiana. We keep telling David, stick to attacking the blacks. There's no point in going after the Jews, you just piss them off and nobody here cares about them anyway."[63]

1991 campaign for governor of Louisiana

[edit]
Anti-David Duke voodoo doll on display in New Orleans during his gubernatorial campaign

Despite repudiation by the Republican Party,[7] Duke ran for governor of Louisiana in 1991. In the primary, he finished second to former governor Edwin W. Edwards; thus, he faced Edwards in a runoff. In the initial round, Duke received 32% of the vote. Incumbent governor Buddy Roemer, who had switched from the Democratic to the Republican Party during his term, came in third with 27% of the vote. Although Duke had a sizable core constituency of devoted supporters, many voted for him as a "protest vote" to register dissatisfaction with Louisiana's establishment politicians. In response to criticism for his past white supremacist activities, Duke's stock response was to apologize for his past and declare that he was a born-again Christian.[6] During the campaign, he said he was the spokesman for the "white majority"[64] and, according to The New York Times, "equated the extermination of Jews in Nazi Germany with affirmative action programs in the United States".[7]

The Christian Coalition of America, which exerted considerable impact on the Republican State Central Committee, was led in Louisiana by its national director and vice president, Billy McCormack, then the pastor of University Worship Center in Shreveport. The coalition was accused of having failed to investigate Duke in the early part of his political resurgence. But by the 1991 gubernatorial election, its leadership had withdrawn support for Duke.[65] Despite Duke's status as the only Republican in the runoff, incumbent president George H. W. Bush opposed his candidacy and denounced him as a charlatan and a racist.[7] White House chief of staff John H. Sununu said, "The president is absolutely opposed to the kind of racist statements that have come out of David Duke now and in the past."[66]

The Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism rallied against Duke's gubernatorial campaign. Elizabeth Rickey, a moderate member of the Louisiana Republican State Central Committee and niece of Branch Rickey, began to follow Duke to record his speeches and expose what she saw as instances of racist and neo-Nazi remarks. For a time, Duke took Rickey to lunch, introduced her to his daughters, telephoned her late at night, and tried to convince her of his beliefs, including that the Holocaust was a myth, Auschwitz physician Josef Mengele was a medical genius, and that blacks and Jews were responsible for various social ills. Rickey released transcripts of their conversations to the press and also provided evidence establishing that Duke sold Nazi literature (such as Mein Kampf) from his legislative office and attended neo-Nazi political gatherings while he held elective office.[67][68]

Between the primary and the runoff, called the "general election" under Louisiana election rules (in which all candidates run on one ballot, regardless of party), white supremacist organizations from around the country contributed to Duke's campaign fund.[69][10]

Duke's rise garnered national media attention. While he gained the backing of former Alexandria mayor John K. Snyder, Duke won few serious endorsements in Louisiana. Celebrities and organizations donated thousands of dollars to former governor Edwin Edwards' campaign. Referencing Edwards' long-standing problem with accusations of corruption, popular bumper stickers read: "Vote for the Crook. It's Important",[70][71] and "Vote for the Lizard, not the Wizard." When a reporter asked Edwards what he needed to do to triumph over Duke, Edwards replied with a smile: "Stay alive."

The runoff debate, held on November 6, 1991, received significant attention when journalist Norman Robinson questioned Duke. Robinson, who is African American, told Duke that he was "scared" by the prospect of Duke winning the election because of his history of "diabolical, evil, vile" racist and antisemitic comments, some of which he read to Duke. He then pressed Duke for an apology and when Duke protested that Robinson was not being fair to him, Robinson replied that he did not think Duke was being honest. Jason Berry of the Los Angeles Times called it "startling TV" and the "catalyst" for the "overwhelming" turnout of black voters who helped Edwards defeat Duke.[6]

Edwards received 1,057,031 votes (61.2%), while Duke's 671,009 votes represented 38.8% of the total. Duke nevertheless claimed victory, saying, "I won my constituency. I won 55% of the white vote", a statistic confirmed by exit polls.[22] Duke, rather than Edwards, was on network television the following day; his rival refused to appear with him.[2]

1992 Republican Party presidential candidate

[edit]

Duke ran as a Republican in the 1992 presidential primaries, although Republican Party officials tried to block his participation.[72] He received 119,115 (0.94%) votes[73] in the primaries, but no delegates to the 1992 Republican National Convention.[74]

Claiborne Darden, an Atlanta pollster, stated that "there is no question that Duke would have done better if Buchanan had not gotten into the race," and Duke stated that "the publicity went to Buchanan". At the time Duke ended his campaign he had around $60,000 in debt.[75]

A 1992 documentary film, Backlash: Race and the American Dream, investigates Duke's appeal among some white voters. It explores the demagogic issues of Duke's platform, examining his use of black crime, welfare, affirmative action and white supremacy, and tying Duke to a legacy of other white backlash politicians, such as Lester G. Maddox and George Wallace, and the use in the successful 1988 presidential campaign of George H. W. Bush of these same racially themed hot buttons.[76]

1996 campaign for U.S. Senate

[edit]

When Johnston announced his retirement in 1996, Duke ran again for the U.S. Senate. He polled 141,489 votes (11.5%). Former Republican state representative Woody Jenkins of Baton Rouge and Democrat Mary Landrieu of New Orleans, the former state treasurer, went into the general election contest. Duke was fourth in the nine-person, jungle primary race.[77]

1999 campaign for U.S. House

[edit]

A special election was held in Louisiana's First Congressional District following the sudden resignation of Republican incumbent Bob Livingston in 1999. Duke sought the seat as a Republican and received 19% of the vote. He finished a close third, thus failing to make the runoff. His candidacy was repudiated by the Republicans.[78] Republican Party chairman Jim Nicholson remarked: "There is no room in the party of Lincoln for a Klansman like David Duke."[78] Republican state representative David Vitter (later a U.S. senator) defeated former governor Treen. Also in the race was the New Orleans Republican leader Rob Couhig.[79]

New Orleans Protocol

[edit]

Duke organized a weekend gathering of "European Nationalists" in Kenner, Louisiana. In an attempt to overcome the splintering and division in the white nationalist movement that had followed the 2002 death of leader William Luther Pierce, Duke presented a unity proposal for peace within the movement and a better image for outsiders. His proposal was accepted and is now known as the New Orleans Protocol. It pledges adherents to a pan-European outlook, recognizing national and ethnic allegiance, but stressing the value of all European peoples. Signed by and sponsored by a number of white supremacist leaders and organizations, it has three provisions:[80][81] 1. Zero tolerance for violence. 2. Honorable and ethical behavior in relations with other signatory groups. This includes not denouncing others who have signed this protocol. In other words, no enemies on the right. 3. Maintaining a high tone in our arguments and public presentations.[independent source needed]

Those who signed the pact on May 29, 2004, include Duke, Don Black, Paul Fromm, Willis Carto (whose Holocaust-denying The Barnes Review helped sponsor the event), Kevin Alfred Strom, and John Tyndall (signing as an individual, not on behalf of the British National Party).[81]

The Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) said that the NOP's "high tone" contrasts with statements at the event where the pact was signed, such as Paul Fromm's calling a Muslim woman "a hag in a bag" and Sam Dickson (from the Council of Conservative Citizens, another sponsor) speaking about the "very, very destructive" effect of opposing the Nazis in World War II—opposition that caused people to view Hitler's "normal, healthy racial values" as evil.[81] The SPLC called the NOP a "smokescreen", saying that "most of the conference participants' ire was directed at what they consider to be a worldwide Jewish conspiracy to destroy the white race through immigration and miscegenation".[82]

Political activity (1999–2012)

[edit]

Duke joined the Reform Party in 1999. He left the party after the 2000 election.[83]

In 2004, Duke's bodyguard, roommate, and longtime associate Roy Armstrong ran for the U.S. House of Representatives as a Democrat, to serve Louisiana's First Congressional District. In the open primary, Armstrong finished second in the six-candidate field with 6.69% of the vote to Republican Bobby Jindal's 78.40%.[84] Duke was the head advisor of Armstrong's campaign.[85][86]

Duke claimed that thousands of Tea Party movement activists had urged him to run for president in 2012,[87][88] and that he was seriously considering entering the Republican Party primaries.[88] He did not contest the primaries, which Mitt Romney won.[89]

Donald Trump advocacy

[edit]

In 2015, it was reported by the media that Duke endorsed then presidential nominee Donald Trump.[90][91] Duke later clarified in an interview with The Daily Beast in August 2015 that while he viewed Trump as "the best of the lot", due to his stance on immigration, Trump's support for Israel was a deal-breaker for him, saying, "Trump has made it very clear that he's 1,000 percent dedicated to Israel, so how much is left over for America?"[92] In December 2015, Duke said Trump speaks more radically than he does, advising that Trump's radical speech is both a positive and a negative.[93][94]

In February 2016, Duke urged his listeners to vote for Trump, saying that voting for anyone but Trump "is really treason to your heritage". Trump, Duke believed, was "by far the best candidate".[95][96] When asked whether he renounced Duke's support, Trump responded: "I don't know anything about David Duke. Okay?...I know nothing about white supremacists. And so you're asking me a question that I'm supposed to be talking about people that I know nothing about."[97] In March 2016, Trump disavowed Duke and the Klan, saying, "David Duke is a bad person" and "I disavowed him in the past. I disavow him now."[98]

For the 2020 presidential election, Duke again expressed his preference for Donald Trump over Joe Biden, which was widely interpreted as an endorsement.[99] Duke urged Trump to replace his vice president, Mike Pence, with talk show host Tucker Carlson, asserting that such a ticket was the only way to "stop the commie Bolsheviks".[100]

2016 campaign for U.S. Senate

[edit]

On July 22, 2016, Duke announced that he was planning to run for the Republican nomination for the United States Senate seat in Louisiana being vacated by Republican David Vitter.[101] He said he was running "to defend the rights of European Americans". He claimed that his platform had become the Republican mainstream, adding, "I'm overjoyed to see Donald Trump and most Americans embrace most of the issues that I've championed for years." But Trump's campaign reaffirmed that Trump disavows Duke's support, and Republican organizations said they will not support him "under any circumstances".[102] On August 5, 2016, National Public Radio (NPR) aired an interview of Duke by Steve Inskeep in which Duke claimed that there is widespread racism against European Americans, that they have been subject to vicious attacks in the media, and that Trump's voters were also his voters.[103][104]

Duke in 2020

A Mason-Dixon poll released on October 20, 2016, showed Duke receiving support from 5.1% of voters in the state, barely clearing the 5% requirement for a candidate to be allowed to participate in a November 2 debate.[105]

Duke received 3% of the vote on Election Day, with a total of 58,581 votes out of nearly 2 million cast. He came in 7th place in Louisiana's open primary.[106]

Those who made donations to the campaign were publicly outed in several states in 2017, leading to boycotts, lost business, and one restaurant to close entirely.[107][108]

2020 United States presidential election endorsement

[edit]

In February 2019, the media reported Duke had endorsed Tulsi Gabbard for the Democratic nomination for president and changed his Twitter banner to a picture of Gabbard. He tweeted: "Tulsi Gabbard for President. Finally a candidate who will actually put America First rather than Israel First!"[109] Gabbard refused Duke's support: "I have strongly denounced David Duke's hateful views and his so-called 'support' multiple times in the past, and reject his support."[110] After Gabbard's defeat, Duke endorsed Trump for reelection.[99]

2024 United States presidential election endorsement

[edit]

In October 2024, Duke endorsed Green Party nominee Jill Stein for president of the United States, criticizing what he viewed as "Trump's subservience to the Jewish lobby" and praising Stein's opposition to the Gaza war. Stein campaign manager Jason Call disavowed Duke's endorsement, and Stein's official Twitter account described Duke as a "racist troll".[111][112]

Antisemitism

[edit]

Racial theories

[edit]

In 1998, Duke self-published the autobiographical My Awakening: A Path to Racial Understanding.[18] The book details Duke's social philosophies, including his advocacy of racial separation: "We [Whites] desire to live in our own neighborhoods, go to our own schools, work in our own cities and towns, and ultimately live as one extended family in our own nation. We shall end the racial genocide of integration. We shall work for the eventual establishment of a separate homeland for African Americans, so each race will be free to pursue its own destiny without racial conflicts and ill will."[8][independent source needed]

A book review by Abraham Foxman, then the national director of the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), describes My Awakening as containing racist, antisemitic, sexist, and homophobic opinions.[18]

Duke promotes the white genocide conspiracy theory and claims that Jews are "organizing white genocide".[113][114][115][116][117] In 2017, he accused Anthony Bourdain of promoting white genocide; in response, Bourdain offered to "rearrange" Duke's kneecaps.[118][119]

An ADL profile of Duke states: "Although Duke denies that he is a white supremacist and avoids the term in public speeches and writings, the policies and positions he advocates state clearly that white people are the only ones morally qualified to determine the rights that should apply to other ethnic groups."[5]

Claims of "Jewish supremacy"

[edit]
Duke (right) with Udo Voigt, the former leader of the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD)

In 2001, Duke promoted his book Jewish Supremacism: My Awakening to the Jewish Question in Russia. In it, he purports to "examine and document elements of ethnic supremacism that have existed in the Jewish community from historical to modern times".[120] The book is dedicated to Israel Shahak, a critical author of what Shahak saw as supremacist religious teachings in Jewish culture. Boris Mironov, Chairman of the Press Committee of Russia in the Yeltsin administration, wrote an introduction to the Russian edition, printed under the title The Jewish Question Through the Eyes of an American. The work draws on the writings of Kevin B. MacDonald, including multiple uses of the same sources and citations.[121]

The Anti-Defamation League office in Moscow urged the Moscow prosecutor to open an investigation into Mironov. The ADL office initiated a letter from Alexander Fedulov, a prominent member of the Duma, to Prosecutor General Vladimir Ustinov, urging a criminal case be opened against the author and the Russian publisher of Duke's book. In his letter, Fedulov described the book as antisemitic and a violation of Russian anti-hate crime laws.[122] Around December 2001, the prosecutor's office closed the investigation of Boris Mironov and Jewish Supremacism. In a public letter, Yury Biryukov, First Deputy of the Prosecutor General of the Russian Federation, stated that a psychological examination, which was conducted as a part of the investigation, concluded that the book and the actions of Boris Mironov did not break Russian hate-crime laws.[123]

The ADL has described the book as antisemitic.[124] At one time, the book was sold in the main lobby of the building of the Russian State Duma (lower house of parliament).[125]

After the March 2006 publication of a paper on the Israel lobby by John Mearsheimer and Stephen Walt, Duke praised the paper in a number of articles on his website, in his broadcasts, and on MSNBC's March 21 Scarborough Country program.[126] According to The New York Sun, Duke wrote in an email that he was "surprised how excellent [the paper] is. It is quite satisfying to see a body in the premier American university essentially come out and validate every major point I have been making since even before the war [in Iraq] even started. ...The task before us is to wrest control of America's foreign policy and critical junctures of media from the Jewish extremist Neocons that seek to lead us into what they expectantly call World War IV."[127][128] Walt said: "I have always found Mr. Duke's views reprehensible, and I am sorry he sees this article as consistent with his view of the world".[127]

In 2015, after 47 Senate Republicans warned Iran that agreements made with the U.S. that were not ratified by the Senate were liable to be repudiated by a future president, Duke told Fox News' Alan Colmes that the signatories "should become a Jew, put on a yarmulke, because they are not Americans. They have sold their soul to the Jewish power in this country and the Jewish power overseas".[129][130] His website has hosted articles by authors claiming that Jewish loan sharks own the Federal Reserve Bank[131] and that Jews own Hollywood and the U.S. media.[132]

Supposed "Zionist control"

[edit]

In the post-9/11 issue of his newsletter, Duke wrote that "reason should tell us that even if Israeli agents were not the actual provocateurs behind the operation [on 9/11], at the very least they had prior knowledge. ...Zionists caused the attack America endured just as surely as if they themselves had piloted those planes. It was caused by the Jewish control of the American media and Congress."[133]

In an interview for the Iranian Press TV on September 11, 2012, Duke said: "There are Israeli fingerprints all over the whole 9/11 aspect. ...Israel has a long record of terrorism against America... there are a lot of reasons that Israel wanted 9/11 to happen. Of the Iraq War, Duke said, "The Zionists orchestrated and created this war in the media, the government, and international finance."[134] In another appearance on Press TV the next year, Duke said Congress "is totally in the hands of the Zionists. The Zionists control the American government, lock, stock, and barrel." According to him, Jews' supposed control of the U.S. is "the world's greatest single problem".[135]

Holocaust denier Ernst Zündel

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Duke has made a number of statements supporting Holocaust denier Ernst Zündel, a German emigrant in Canada.[136] Zündel was deported from Canada to Germany[137] and imprisoned in Germany on charges of inciting the masses to ethnic hatred. After Zündel died in August 2017, Duke called him a "very heroic and courageous European preservationist".[138]

Activities in Ukraine and Russia (2005–2006)

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In the 1990s, Duke traveled to Russia several times, meeting antisemitic Russian politicians such as Vladimir Zhirinovsky and Albert Makashov.[19]

In September 2005, the Ukrainian private university Interregional Academy of Personnel Management (MAUP), described by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) as a "University of Hate", gave Duke a PhD in history.[139][140] His doctoral thesis was titled "Zionism as a Form of Ethnic Supremacism".[139] The ADL has said that MAUP is the main source of antisemitic activity and publishing in Ukraine,[140] and its "anti-Semitic actions" were condemned by Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk and various organizations.[141][142][143][144] Duke has taught an international relations course and a history course at MAUP.[145] On June 3, 2005, he co-chaired a conference named "Zionism As the Biggest Threat to Modern Civilization" sponsored by MAUP and attended by several Ukrainian public figures and politicians and Israel Shamir, described by the ADL as an anti-Semitic writer.[146]

On the weekend of June 8–10, 2006, Duke attended and spoke at the international "White World's Future" conference in Moscow, which was coordinated and hosted by Pavel Tulayev.[147]

Iranian Holocaust conference

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On December 11–13, 2006, at the invitation of then Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Duke took part in the International Conference to Review the Global Vision of the Holocaust, an event held in Tehran questioning the Holocaust. "The Zionists have used the Holocaust as a weapon to deny the rights of the Palestinians and cover up the crimes of Israel", Duke told a gathering of nearly 70 participants. "This conference has an incredible impact on Holocaust studies all over the world", said Duke,[148] adding, "The Holocaust is the device used as the pillar of Zionist imperialism, Zionist aggression, Zionist terror and Zionist murder."[149]

Nick Fuentes

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In 2024, Duke praised anti-Israel activists in a video uploaded on social media. In the same video, Duke praised Nick Fuentes, calling him a comrade in the fight for "our people" against "Jewish supremacism."[150] Duke would collaborate with Fuentes and far-right activist and internet personality Sneako to host an event that ran in opposition to the 2024 Turning Point USA event that Fuentes was escorted out of due to his antisemitic and anti-Israel views. The rally which took place In June 2024, in Detroit also included mixed martial artist Jake Shields.[151]

Other affiliations and associations

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Stormfront

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In 1995, Don Black and Chloê Hardin, Duke's ex-wife, began a bulletin board system (BBS) called Stormfront. The website has become a prominent online forum for white nationalism, white separatism, Holocaust denial, neo-Nazism, hate speech, and racism.[152][153][154] Duke is an active user of Stormfront, where he posts articles from his website and polls forum members for opinions and questions. He has worked with Black on numerous occasions, including on Operation Red Dog (the attempted overthrowing of Dominica's government) in 1980.[155][156] Duke continued to be involved with the website's radio station in 2019.[157]

British National Party

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In 2000, Nick Griffin (then leader of the British National Party in the United Kingdom) met with Duke at a seminar with the American Friends of the British National Party.[158] Griffin said: "instead of talking about racial purity, we talk about identity ... that means basically to use the saleable words, as I say, freedom, security, identity, democracy. Nobody can criticize them. Nobody can come at you and attack you on those ideas. They are saleable."[159]

This was widely reported in the media of the United Kingdom, as was the meeting between Duke and Griffin, following the party's electoral successes in 2009.[160][161][159]

Alt-right

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Duke has written in praise of the alt-right, calling one broadcast "fun and interesting"[162] and another a "great show".[163] People for the American Way reported Duke championing the alt-right.[164] Duke described them as "our people" when describing their role in Donald Trump's election as president.[165]

There are also claims that while he is not an active member of the alt-right, Duke is an inspiration for the movement. The International Business Times wrote that he had "'sieg-heiling acolytes in the so-called 'alt-right'".[166] The Forward has said that Duke "paved the way" for the alt-right movement.[167]

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Tax fraud conviction and defrauding followers

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On December 12, 2002, Duke pleaded guilty to the felony charge of filing a false tax return under 26 U.S.C. § 7206 and mail fraud under 18 U.S.C. § 1341[11] According to The New York Times: "Mr. Duke was accused of telling supporters that he was in financial straits, then misusing the money they sent him from 1993 to 1999. He was also accused of filing a false 1998 tax return... Mr. Duke used the money for personal investments and gambling trips... [T]he [supporter] contributions were as small as $5 and [according to the United States attorney, Jim Letten] there were so many that returning the money would be 'unwieldy.'"[168]

Four months later, Duke was sentenced to 15 months in prison. He served the time in Big Spring, Texas. He was also fined $10,000 and ordered to cooperate with the Internal Revenue Service and pay money still owed for his 1998 taxes. After his release in May 2004, Duke said his decision to take the plea bargain was motivated by bias he perceived in the United States federal court system, not his guilt. He said he felt the charges were contrived to derail his political career and discredit him to his followers, and that he took the safe route by pleading guilty and receiving a mitigated sentence rather than pleading not guilty and potentially receiving the full sentence.

The mail fraud charges stemmed from what prosecutors described as a six-year scheme to dupe thousands of his followers by asking for donations. Using the postal service, Duke appealed to his supporters for funds by falsely saying he was about to lose his house and life savings. Prosecutors alleged that Duke raised hundreds of thousands of dollars this way. Prosecutors also stipulated that in contrast to what he wrote in the mailings, he sold his home at a hefty profit, had multiple investment accounts, and spent much of his money gambling at casinos.[12][169][170]

2009 arrest in the Czech Republic

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Duke in Belgium in 2008

In April 2009, Duke traveled to the Czech Republic on an invitation from a Czech neo-Nazi group, Národní Odpor ("National Resistance") to deliver three lectures in Prague and Brno promoting the Czech translation of his book My Awakening.[171]

He was arrested on April 23 on suspicion of "denying or approving of the Nazi genocide and other Nazi crimes" and "promotion of movements seeking suppression of human rights", which are crimes in the Czech Republic punishable by up to three years' imprisonment. At the time of his arrest, Duke was reportedly guarded by members of the Národní Odpor.[172][173] The police released him early on April 25 on condition that he leave the country by midnight that day.[174][175][176]

Duke's first lecture had been scheduled at Charles University in Prague, but it was canceled after university officials learned that neo-Nazis were planning to attend.[177] Some Czech politicians, including Interior Minister Ivan Langer and Human Rights and Minorities Minister Michael Kocáb, had previously expressed opposition to allowing Duke into the Czech Republic.[172]

In September 2009, the office of the District Prosecutor for Prague dropped all charges, explaining that there was no evidence that Duke had committed any crime.[178]

2013 expulsion from Italy; Schengen Area ban

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In 2013, an Italian court ruled in favor of expelling Duke from Italy.[179] Then 63, Duke was living in the mountain village Valle di Cadore in northern Italy. Although he had been issued a visa to live there by the Italian embassy in Malta, Italian police later found that Switzerland had issued a residence ban against Duke that applied throughout Europe's Schengen Area.[179]

Other publications

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To raise money in 1976, Duke (using the double pseudonym James Konrad and Dorothy Vanderbilt) wrote a self-help book for women, Finders-Keepers: Finding and Keeping the Man You Want.[180] The book contains sexual, diet, fashion, cosmetic and relationship advice, and was published by Arlington Place Books, an offshoot of the National Socialist White People's Party.[25] Tulane University history professor Lawrence N. Powell, who read a rare copy of the book given to him by journalist Patsy Sims, wrote that it includes advice on vaginal exercises and oral and anal sex and advocates adultery. The Klan was shocked by Duke's writing.[180][181][182] According to journalist Tyler Bridges, The Times-Picayune obtained a copy and traced it to Duke,[183] who compiled the content from women's self-help magazines.[22] Duke has admitted using the pseudonym Konrad.[184]

In the 1970s, under the pseudonym Mohammed X, Duke wrote African Atto, a martial arts guide for black militants; he claimed it was a means of developing a mailing list to keep watch over such activists.[13]

Personal life

[edit]

While working in the White Youth Alliance, Duke met Chloê Eleanor Hardin, who was also active in the group. They remained companions throughout college and married in 1974. Hardin is the mother of Duke's two daughters. The Dukes divorced in 1984,[185] and Chloê moved to West Palm Beach, Florida, in order to be near her parents. There, she became involved with Duke's Klan friend Don Black, whom she later married, and they began a small bulletin board system (BBS) called Stormfront, which has become a prominent online forum for white nationalism, Neo-Nazism, hate speech, racism, and antisemitism in the early 21st century.[186][152][153][154]

Duke rented an apartment in Moscow beginning around 1999.[125] He lived in Russia for five years. As of August 2016, he resides in Mandeville, Louisiana.[187]

In the media

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Topher Grace portrays Duke in Spike Lee's 2018 film BlacKkKlansman.[188] Duke was banned from Facebook in 2018, over a year after his participation in the Unite the Right rally.[39] Duke was banned from YouTube in 2020 for repeatedly violating its policies against hate speech, along with Richard Spencer and Stefan Molyneux.[189] Duke's Twitter account was permanently suspended in 2020 for violating the company's rules on hateful conduct.[39][190][191]

Self-published books

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  • Duke, David. Jewish Supremacism (Free Speech Press, 2003; 350 pages) ISBN 1-892796-05-8
  • Duke, David. My Awakening (Free Speech Books, 1998; 736 pages) ISBN 1-892796-00-7

See also

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References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
David Ernest Duke (born July 1, 1950) is an American activist and former politician recognized for founding and leading the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan as its Grand Wizard from 1974 to 1980, earning a bachelor's degree in history from Louisiana State University, and mounting campaigns that emphasized opposition to affirmative action, mass immigration, and expansive welfare programs. After resigning from the Klan to pursue electoral office, Duke won a seat in the Louisiana House of Representatives in a 1989 special election, defeating the incumbent Republican with 54 percent of the vote in a district encompassing Metairie, and served until 1993 while introducing legislation to curb illegal immigration and audit state affirmative action practices. Duke's statewide bids demonstrated substantial backing among white voters amid Louisiana's economic challenges and racial tensions post-desegregation. In the 1990 U.S. Senate primary, he advanced to the general election against incumbent Democrat J. Bennett Johnston, securing 43.5 percent of the total vote in the nonpartisan contest—a margin that reflected widespread frustration with federal policies but fell short of victory. The following year, Duke topped the crowded 1991 gubernatorial primary with 32 percent before losing the runoff to Democrat Edwin Edwards 61-39, capturing a majority of white votes in a state where economic stagnation and crime rates had eroded trust in traditional politicians. These results, drawn from official election tallies by the Louisiana Secretary of State, underscored Duke's ability to translate grievances over demographic shifts and policy failures into electoral strength, though opposition from both parties and national figures limited his success.

Early Life

Childhood and Family Background

David Ernest Duke was born on July 1, 1950, in Tulsa, Oklahoma, to David Hedger Duke, an oil company engineer, and Maxine Crick Duke. The family belonged to the middle class and frequently relocated across the United States due to the senior Duke's job postings, which often kept him absent from home for extended periods. Duke's upbringing was strained by his parents' alcoholism, with his mother exhibiting chronic issues and his father maintaining emotional distance despite the young Duke's idealization of him as a figure of authority and success. By his teenage years, the family had settled in the New Orleans area of Louisiana, where Duke attended high school.

Education and Early Influences

Duke attended John F. Kennedy Senior High School in New Orleans, graduating in 1968. During his senior year, classmates initiated him into the Ku Klux Klan. As a teenager, Duke volunteered for Barry Goldwater's 1964 presidential campaign and associated with the White Citizens' Council, an organization opposing school desegregation. In adolescence, he encountered literature promoting theories of racial inequality and white separatism. Duke enrolled at Louisiana State University (LSU) in Baton Rouge in 1968, majoring in history. He received a Bachelor of Arts degree from LSU in 1974. At LSU in the late 1960s, Duke's ideological views were shaped by readings of George Lincoln Rockwell, founder of the American Nazi Party, and Gerald L. K. Smith, an anti-Semitic preacher and segregationist. These influences led him to explore neo-Nazi literature, including works attributing communism, racial integration, and media control to Jewish influence. During this period, he founded the White Students Alliance at LSU, a group protesting busing and affirmative action.

Initial Activism and 1972 Arrest

During his time as a student at Louisiana State University (LSU) in Baton Rouge, David Duke began his public activism in 1969 by delivering speeches in the campus's Free Speech Alley, where he opposed school busing and racial integration. In 1970, he founded the White Youth Alliance, a group affiliated with the neo-Nazi National Socialist White People's Party, through which he organized protests and distributed literature promoting white separatist views. That same year, Duke protested a campus visit by attorney William Kunstler by wearing a mock Nazi uniform with a swastika armband and holding a sign reading "Gas the Chicago 7." Duke's activism extended to supporting segregationist Alabama Governor George Wallace's 1972 presidential campaign; he temporarily dropped out of LSU to solicit contributions on behalf of a purported local chapter of the Wallace organization. In January 1972, he was arrested in New Orleans and charged with fraud for misrepresenting the chapter's existence and retaining the solicited funds for personal use. Separately that year, Duke faced another arrest for allegedly preparing a Molotov cocktail, charged under a local ordinance for filling glass containers with flammable liquid. Both charges were ultimately dropped.

Ku Klux Klan Involvement

Formation of Knights of the KKK

David Duke founded the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (KKKK) in Louisiana in 1974 as a splinter group from established Klan organizations, positioning himself as its initial leader. The organization emerged amid Duke's dissatisfaction with the perceived outdated and violent approaches of groups like the United Klans of America, aiming instead to project a more professional image through political activism and media engagement. The Knights first surfaced publicly in New Orleans in 1973, where Duke assumed the role of grand dragon and Jim Lindsay served as grand wizard, though Duke later propagated a myth of its founding in 1956 by Lindsay under the alias Ed White, a claim dismissed as propaganda by investigators. Official incorporation occurred in Louisiana in 1975 following Lindsay's murder, with Duke listed as founder and national director, and his then-wife Chloe Hardin as secretary. To modernize the group, Duke adopted the title "national director" over "grand wizard," encouraged members to wear business suits rather than robes, admitted women as full members, and eliminated traditional anti-Catholic prohibitions. Duke emphasized shifting Klan activities from rural violence—"get out of the cow pasture and into hotel meeting rooms"—to urban publicity stunts and advocacy, exemplified by the 1977 "Border Patrol" operation, where Klansmen patrolled the U.S.-Mexico border for several days to highlight immigration concerns and garner media coverage. Under his leadership from 1974 to 1980, the Knights grew to claim several thousand members across multiple states, though internal disputes over Duke's authoritarian style soon emerged.

Leadership Reforms and Internal Conflicts

Upon assuming leadership of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (KKKK) in 1974, David Duke implemented several organizational reforms aimed at broadening appeal and shifting focus toward political activism rather than clandestine operations or violence. He rebranded the title of Grand Wizard as National Director to project a more professional image, distancing the group from perceptions of a secret society. Duke also mandated business suits over traditional robes and hoods for public appearances, particularly in recruiting efforts in southern Louisiana, to attract middle-class members and reduce associations with vigilantism. Additionally, he admitted women as full members and eliminated the group's historical exclusion of Roman Catholics, expanding eligibility beyond Protestant traditionalists to include a wider demographic of white nationalists. These changes emphasized non-violent strategies, such as media outreach, public rallies, and advocacy for white rights through electoral means—what Duke termed a "ballot box" approach—over direct action favored by some Klan factions. Under Duke's direction, the KKKK grew its claimed membership from a few dozen to several thousand by the late 1970s, attributing expansion to these modernizing tactics that positioned the group as a civil rights organization for whites. However, Duke's reforms sparked internal conflicts with traditionalist elements who viewed them as dilutions of Klan ideology and discipline. Rival leaders, such as Bill Wilkinson of the Invisible Empire Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, criticized Duke's non-violent stance and public-facing style as weakening the organization's militant core, leading to factional splits and competing claims to legitimacy among splinter groups in the 1970s. Internecine disputes over strategy and membership policies eroded cohesion, culminating in Duke's resignation as National Director in 1980, after which Don Black assumed leadership. These tensions reflected broader divisions within the fragmented Klan movement between politicized reformers and advocates of confrontation.

Resignation and Aftermath

In July 1980, David Duke resigned as Grand Wizard of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan following an internal revolt by senior members, who accused him of embezzling organization funds, attempting to sell the group's mailing list, and engaging in personal misconduct including womanizing. Duke denied the financial allegations, attributing the ouster to factional rivalries within the group, and framed his departure as a strategic shift toward mainstream political engagement to advance white nationalist goals without the Klan's controversial imagery. The accusations, while unproven in court at the time, reflected broader tensions over Duke's leadership style and priorities, which prioritized media appearances and recruitment over traditional Klan operations. Following Duke's resignation, control of the Knights passed to Don Black, a former Duke protégé who had served as the group's radio director and would later found the white supremacist website Stormfront. Under Black's leadership, the Knights experienced continued factionalism and legal challenges, including Black's 1981 conviction for plotting to overthrow the government of Dominica, but the organization persisted as a smaller, decentralized entity focused on paramilitary training and anti-government rhetoric. Duke immediately established the National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP) in 1980 as a successor vehicle for his activism, describing it as a non-violent, educational group advocating for white civil rights and opposing affirmative action and immigration. The NAAWP published a newsletter and organized rallies, attracting some former Klan supporters while appealing to a broader audience disillusioned with multiculturalism; by the mid-1980s, it claimed thousands of members, though independent verification of membership figures remains limited. This rebranding enabled Duke to pursue electoral politics, culminating in his 1989 state legislative victory, as the NAAWP provided a platform less tainted by the Klan's historical associations with violence.

Electoral Political Career

Pre-1989 Campaigns and Organizational Efforts

In 1975, Duke campaigned for the Democratic nomination to the Louisiana State Senate from District 16, emphasizing opposition to busing for school desegregation and affirmative action programs. He advanced to the general election but finished second in the open primary with 11,284 votes, or 32.6 percent of the total. Duke ran again for the same seat in 1979 as a Democrat in a three-way race, placing second and failing to unseat the incumbent. These early bids highlighted his platform of white civil rights, including resistance to forced integration and welfare policies perceived as benefiting minorities disproportionately. In 1988, Duke entered the Democratic presidential primaries, seeking to challenge perceived failures of mainstream candidates on issues like immigration and crime, but he withdrew early due to lack of viability and instead ran as the nominee of the Populist Party in the general election. He appeared on ballots in multiple states and received approximately 47,000 votes nationwide, or about 0.05 percent. Following his 1980 resignation from the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan amid internal scandals, Duke founded the National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP) in 1980, positioning it as a non-violent advocacy group for white interests akin to other ethnic civil rights organizations. The NAAWP distributed pamphlets and organized events opposing affirmative action, multiculturalism, and non-European immigration, framing these as threats to white economic and cultural preservation; by the mid-1980s, it had chapters in several states and served as a vehicle for Duke's political networking.

1989 Louisiana House Victory and Legislative Tenure

David Duke secured election to the Louisiana House of Representatives in a special election for the 81st District, encompassing parts of Metairie in Jefferson Parish, following the resignation of the incumbent. In the January 21, 1989, primary, Duke placed first among multiple candidates, advancing to a February 18 runoff against John Treen, brother of former Governor Dave Treen and the establishment-backed Republican. Despite endorsements for Treen from President George H. W. Bush, former President Ronald Reagan, and national GOP figures including Chairman Lee Atwater, Duke prevailed in the runoff by a narrow margin, capitalizing on voter dissatisfaction with affirmative action, welfare policies, and crime rates in the predominantly white suburban district. Duke was sworn into office in March 1989, serving a single term until 1992 without seeking reelection, as he pursued higher office. During his tenure, he positioned himself as a populist critic of government overreach, introducing legislation aimed at curbing perceived abuses in social programs and promoting stricter criminal penalties. Key proposals included a bill requiring drug testing for welfare recipients, which he argued would deter fraud and encourage self-reliance among able-bodied claimants, and measures to impose harsher sentences on child molesters. Duke claimed these initiatives reflected majority public sentiment but faced procedural blocks from legislative leadership wary of his background. A signature effort was House Bill 246, sponsored by Duke in 1990, which sought to eliminate race- and gender-based preferences in state contracting and employment, effectively weakening affirmative action mandates. The measure passed the House on May 30, 1990, by a vote of 80-15, amid debates over its potential to end discriminatory quotas favoring minorities and women. Proponents, including Duke, framed it as restoring merit-based hiring, while critics alleged it undermined civil rights gains; the bill stalled in the Senate. Duke's legislative activity, totaling around nine bills, emphasized fiscal conservatism and law-and-order themes, though his isolation from bipartisan coalitions limited broader passage, highlighting tensions between his reformist rhetoric and institutional resistance.

1990 U.S. Senate Campaign

David Duke, a Republican state representative from Louisiana's 81st district, announced his candidacy for the U.S. Senate seat held by incumbent Democrat J. Bennett Johnston Jr. in early 1990, positioning himself as a critic of federal welfare programs, affirmative action, and immigration policies. Duke qualified for the ballot on July 26, 1990, entering Louisiana's nonpartisan blanket primary held on October 6, 1990. His campaign emphasized reducing government spending and opposing what he described as preferential treatment for minorities, drawing significant attention due to his prior leadership in the Ku Klux Klan and the National Association for the Advancement of White People. In the October 6 primary, which functioned as the decisive election under Louisiana's system requiring a majority for outright victory, Johnston secured 753,198 votes (53.95%), while Duke received 607,091 votes (43.48%). Other candidates, including Democrat Nick Joseph Accardo with 21,578 votes (1.55%) and Republican Larry Parker with 18,651 votes (1.34%), split the remainder. Duke's performance, capturing nearly 44% of the vote, reflected discontent among some white working-class voters amid Louisiana's economic challenges, including high unemployment and oil industry downturns, though national Republican leaders, including President George H. W. Bush, publicly repudiated him and urged opposition. The campaign highlighted divisions over race and economic policy, with Duke framing his bid as a protest against entrenched Washington interests, while Johnston portrayed him as unqualified and tied to extremism. Exit polls and analyses indicated Duke's strongest support came from non-college-educated white voters, underscoring broader populist sentiments rather than overt racial appeals in voter surveys. Despite the loss, Duke's substantial vote share elevated his profile, signaling vulnerabilities in the political establishment and influencing subsequent Republican strategies in the state.

1991 Gubernatorial Campaign

![French Quarter shop window New Orleans 1991 - No DuKKKes 01.jpg][center] David Duke announced his candidacy for the 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial election as a Republican, positioning himself as a populist alternative to the state's entrenched political class amid economic stagnation and high crime rates. His platform emphasized reducing welfare expenditures to discourage dependency, implementing tougher sentencing for violent crimes, abolishing affirmative action quotas viewed as reverse discrimination, and curbing illegal immigration to protect job opportunities for citizens. Duke argued these measures addressed root causes of Louisiana's fiscal woes, including a budget deficit exceeding $1 billion and unemployment rates above the national average. In the October 19, 1991, open primary, Duke secured 491,342 votes, comprising 31.71% of the total, finishing second behind Democrat Edwin Edwards' 523,195 votes (33.77%), while incumbent Governor Buddy Roemer received 26.51%. This performance propelled Duke into the November 16 runoff against Edwards, a four-term former governor known for corruption allegations and fiscal expansionism. Duke's primary strength derived from white working-class voters in suburban and rural areas, reflecting discontent with Roemer's tax increases and Edwards' past scandals, though national media outlets framed his surge primarily through his prior Ku Klux Klan affiliations rather than policy appeals. The runoff campaign intensified divisions, with Duke attacking Edwards' ethics and promising ethical governance, while Edwards mobilized anti-Duke sentiment by highlighting his white nationalist history. President George H.W. Bush and Republican leaders publicly urged voters to reject Duke, contributing to endorsements of Edwards despite his indictments. On November 16, Edwards won with 815,361 votes (60.54%), defeating Duke's 697,681 (39.46%), though Duke captured a majority of white votes and outperformed expectations in parishes with higher poverty rates. The election's high turnout, exceeding 75% in the runoff, underscored voter mobilization against Duke, evidenced by widespread signage and slogans like "Vote for the crook, it's important" opposing the "racist." Despite the loss, Duke's vote share signaled persistent frustrations with establishment politics, influencing subsequent conservative platforms on welfare and immigration.

1992 and Subsequent Presidential Bids

David Duke announced his candidacy for the Republican presidential nomination on December 4, 1991, at the National Press Club in Washington, D.C. His campaign emphasized opposition to affirmative action, welfare programs, and immigration policies, positioning himself as an outsider challenging the Republican establishment led by incumbent President George H. W. Bush. Duke participated in several Republican primaries, appearing on ballots in states including Massachusetts, where he received votes alongside major candidates Bush and Patrick Buchanan, though his support remained marginal, reflecting limited national viability. Campaign events included a rally on March 7, 1992, in Plymouth, Massachusetts, where he addressed supporters on economic and social issues. Despite drawing attention for his controversial background and rhetoric, Duke garnered negligible percentages in primaries, often under 2%, and failed to mount a serious challenge amid Bush's incumbency advantage and intra-party opposition. On April 23, 1992, Duke suspended his campaign, conceding the Republican nomination to Bush and stating he would not pursue an independent run in the general election. Duke did not launch any further presidential campaigns after 1992, shifting focus to subsequent Senate and House races in Louisiana.

Later Senate and House Campaigns (1996–2016)

In 1996, Duke announced his candidacy for the Republican nomination in Louisiana's open U.S. Senate election to succeed retiring Democrat J. Bennett Johnston. His entry drew immediate opposition from national Republican figures wary of his past associations, but the campaign failed to generate significant momentum amid a crowded field including State Rep. Woody Jenkins and Democrat Mary Landrieu. Duke did not advance beyond the September 21 primary, where Jenkins led with 26 percent and Landrieu followed with 22 percent, proceeding to a runoff that Landrieu won. Duke reemerged as a candidate in the May 1, 1999, special election primary for Louisiana's 1st congressional district, vacated by Republican Bob Livingston's resignation. Running as a Republican, he positioned himself as a defender of "European-American rights" and appealed to voters frustrated with welfare and immigration policies. Duke finished third with a strong showing, narrowly missing the runoff threshold behind state Rep. David Vitter, who advanced alongside Democrat Cleo Fields before Vitter's victory in the May 29 contest. His performance, exceeding 20 percent in a district with a conservative white majority, alarmed national GOP leaders and prompted disavowals from figures like Livingston. Duke mounted no major campaigns for elected office between 2000 and 2015, focusing instead on writing, international speaking, and online advocacy. In 2016, he announced another Senate bid on July 22 as a Republican for the open seat vacated by David Vitter, framing it as a defense of white interests against immigration and globalism, and drawing parallels to Donald Trump's presidential platform. His campaign qualified for a televised debate after a poll showed 5 percent support, but in the November 8 jungle primary, Duke placed outside the top two, receiving approximately 3 percent amid 24 candidates, with Republican John Kennedy and Democrat Foster Campbell advancing to a December runoff won by Kennedy. The run amplified media scrutiny on Trump's past comments about Duke but yielded no electoral success.

Ideological Positions

Advocacy for White Separatism and Nationalism

David Duke has long promoted white separatism as a voluntary means to resolve interracial conflicts, arguing that biological and cultural differences between races preclude successful integration in a single society. He contends that forced multiculturalism leads to higher crime, economic disparities, and social breakdown, citing statistics such as disproportionate black violent crime rates—around 50% of murders despite comprising 13% of the U.S. population in FBI data from the 1980s onward—as evidence of incompatibility rather than environmental factors alone. Duke maintains he is "a separatist, not a supremacist," emphasizing self-determination for each race in separate territories over claims of inherent superiority, though critics from organizations like the ADL interpret his positions as veiled supremacy due to underlying racial hierarchy implications in his rhetoric. Through the National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP), founded by Duke in 1979, he advanced separatism by opposing busing for school desegregation and affirmative action, framing them as anti-white discrimination that erodes ethnic cohesion. The NAAWP distributed literature calling for "equal rights for whites," including petitions against interracial marriage and advocacy for repatriation incentives for non-whites to return to ancestral homelands, positioning separatism as a peaceful alternative to ongoing racial strife observed in urban riots like those in 1960s America. In a attributed statement, Duke articulated: "Our clear goal must be the advancement of the white race and separation of the white and black races," reflecting his view that proximity fosters antagonism, resolvable only by geographic division. Duke's white nationalism extends to preserving European-descended populations as demographic majorities in Western nations, opposing non-European immigration as a threat to cultural identity and political power. He has argued that policies like the 1965 Immigration Act, which ended national-origin quotas favoring Europeans, initiated a deliberate displacement of whites, projecting U.S. whites to become a minority by 2045 per Census Bureau estimates. In his 1998 autobiography My Awakening, Duke details this as "white genocide" through attrition, advocating nationalism via strict border enforcement, ending chain migration, and promoting white birth rates to maintain sovereignty akin to ethno-states like Japan or Israel. His campaigns, such as the 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial run where he garnered 55% in the runoff before defeat, integrated these ideas by pledging to halt welfare incentives for minority population growth and prioritize European heritage preservation. Internationally, Duke has engaged with European nationalist groups, speaking at conferences in the 2000s to draw parallels between American white decline and phenomena like Sweden's rising immigrant-related crime rates—foreign-born individuals committing over 50% of rapes per official statistics—urging a pan-European awakening to separatism. He envisions partitioned states within the U.S., with whites consolidating in regions like the Northwest or Appalachia for self-governance, echoing historical precedents like the short-lived 1970s white separatist proposals in the Pacific Northwest. This advocacy, while marginalized by institutional media often exhibiting left-leaning biases against ethnic preservation narratives, posits nationalism as causal realism: races thrive in homogeneity, as evidenced by lower conflict in mono-ethnic societies versus diverse ones with elevated tensions.

Critiques of Immigration and Multiculturalism

David Duke has long opposed mass immigration, particularly from non-European nations, contending that it constitutes an existential threat to the demographic and cultural survival of white Americans. In his writings and campaigns, he describes post-1965 U.S. immigration reforms as enabling an unchecked influx that displaces native-born workers, burdens social services, and elevates crime rates among certain immigrant groups. For instance, during his 1992 presidential bid, Duke stated, "The time has come in America to begin to limit and stop the illegal immigration into our society," emphasizing the need to curb entries that fail to align with the nation's historical European heritage. He has cited U.S. Census Bureau data showing the non-Hispanic white population declining from approximately 88.6% in 1960 to 57.8% in 2020, projecting a "majority-minority" shift by mid-century, which he frames as engineered erosion rather than organic change. Duke extends this critique to legal immigration, advocating a moratorium and preferential policies favoring Europeans to preserve ethnic cohesion and economic stability. Through the National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP), which he founded in 1980, he highlighted how immigration depresses wages—referencing labor market studies indicating competition from low-skilled migrants—and correlates with higher welfare dependency, drawing on government reports of disproportionate usage among recent arrivals. In My Awakening (1998), Duke argues that such policies exacerbate racial tensions by importing populations with divergent values and capabilities, leading to fragmented communities rather than assimilation. On multiculturalism, Duke rejects it as an ideology that enforces artificial diversity, suppressing white ethnic identity while amplifying minority assertions, ultimately fostering conflict over cooperation. He posits that homogeneous societies exhibit higher social trust and productivity, contrasting them with diverse ones plagued by lower civic engagement, as evidenced by empirical findings like Robert Putnam's research on declining community bonds in high-diversity areas. Duke's solution is voluntary white separatism, allowing self-determination without coerced integration, which he claims prevents the cultural dilution and intergroup strife observed in multicultural experiments. This stance informed his 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial platform, where he promised reforms to prioritize cultural compatibility in immigration to avert societal balkanization.

Theories on Jewish Influence and Zionism

David Duke has articulated theories positing a disproportionate Jewish influence over Western institutions, particularly media, finance, and government policy, which he attributes to a supremacist ideology rooted in Jewish religious texts and historical patterns. In his 2003 book Jewish Supremacism: My Awakening to the Jewish Question, Duke compiles quotations from Jewish sources, including rabbis and scholars, to argue that elements of Judaism promote ethnic exclusivity and dominance over non-Jews, drawing from interpretations of the Talmud that he claims endorse deception and subjugation of gentiles. He contends this ideology manifests in modern Jewish overrepresentation in Hollywood and news media, where he alleges narratives are shaped to undermine white European interests, such as by promoting multiculturalism and suppressing criticism of Jewish power. Duke extends these claims to U.S. immigration policy, asserting Jewish organizations lobbied for the 1965 Hart-Celler Act to alter America's demographic composition, replacing European-majority populations with non-white immigrants to dilute white political power. He cites statistics on Jewish leadership in groups like the American Jewish Committee and quotes from figures such as Emanuel Celler, arguing this reflects a deliberate strategy rather than mere coincidence. In financial spheres, Duke points to Jewish prominence in banking as enabling control over economic levers, which he links to policies favoring globalism over national sovereignty. He has also claimed Jewish influence in Federal Reserve leadership in other writings. These theories frame Jewish influence not as individual achievement but as coordinated ethnic advocacy, contrasting it with what he views as suppressed white ethnic consciousness. Regarding Zionism, Duke portrays it as an extension of Jewish supremacism, establishing Israel as an ethnonationalist state with policies he describes as racially discriminatory, including preferential citizenship for Jews and restrictions on non-Jewish populations. He criticizes U.S. support for Israel, claiming Zionist lobbies like AIPAC exert undue sway over American foreign policy, diverting billions in aid and entangling the U.S. in Middle Eastern conflicts contrary to national interests. Duke has voiced alignment with pro-Palestinian activism, attending rallies in 2024 where he denounced what he calls Jewish supremacism and genocide akin to that of Palestinians, and media bias shielding Israeli actions, while arguing the Holocaust narrative is weaponized to justify Zionist expansion. He distinguishes between Judaism and Zionism but maintains both foster dual loyalties among diaspora Jews, prioritizing Israel over host nations. These positions appear in his online broadcasts and writings, where he urges awareness of what he terms "Zionist Occupied Government" influences.

Holocaust Revisionism and Historical Views

David Duke has promoted Holocaust revisionism, questioning the established historical consensus that Nazi Germany systematically murdered approximately six million Jews through methods including gas chambers and mass shootings. He has claimed that the death toll was far lower, on the order of hundreds of thousands, primarily attributable to typhus epidemics, starvation due to wartime shortages, and other non-genocidal causes rather than intentional extermination policies. Duke has described himself not as a denier but as an "exposer" of alleged exaggerations in the Holocaust narrative, arguing that it serves as a tool for Zionist political leverage and financial reparations. In a December 11-12, 2006, speech at the Iranian government's International Conference to Review the Global Vision of the Holocaust in Tehran, Duke asserted that gas chambers were not employed for the mass killing of Jews, framing the event as a platform for free inquiry suppressed in Western societies. He accused proponents of the standard account of fabricating evidence to justify Israel's policies and to extract billions in German reparations, estimated at over $100 billion by 2006. Duke's participation alongside figures like Robert Faurisson and Fred Leuchter underscored his alignment with international revisionist networks, though the conference drew condemnation from historians for ignoring primary evidence such as Nazi documentation, perpetrator confessions, and Allied forensic reports confirming extermination infrastructure. Duke has extended his revisionism to contrast the Holocaust with what he portrays as a larger unacknowledged genocide of European Christians under Jewish-influenced Bolshevik regimes, citing estimates of 20-60 million deaths in the Soviet Union from 1917-1953 due to purges, famines, and gulags. On his website, he has advocated for open debate on Holocaust forensics, including chemical analyses of Auschwitz ruins, while dismissing legal prohibitions on revisionism in countries like Germany as evidence of intellectual suppression. These positions, disseminated through his newsletters, books, and online platforms since the 1970s, echo arguments from the Institute for Historical Review, though Duke has not publicly confirmed direct affiliations beyond shared ideological overlap. Empirical records, including the Wannsee Conference protocols from January 1942 and Einsatzgruppen reports tallying over one million shootings, substantiate the intentional nature of the killings, rendering Duke's causal attributions inconsistent with declassified Nazi archives and demographic data showing a pre-war European Jewish population of about 9.5 million reduced by two-thirds post-war.

Publications and Advocacy Platforms

Authored Books and Pamphlets

Duke self-published My Awakening: A Path to Racial Understanding in 1998 through Free Speech Press, a 711-page autobiography chronicling his personal background, involvement with the Ku Klux Klan, and development of views favoring white separatism as a means to counter perceived threats from immigration and multiculturalism. The work argues from Duke's perspective that historical and demographic trends necessitate racial preservation for European-descended peoples, incorporating references to evolutionary biology and critiques of civil rights policies. In 2003, Duke released Jewish Supremacism: My Awakening to the Jewish Question, also via Free Speech Press, expanding on allegations of disproportionate Jewish influence in media, finance, and politics, which he claims undermine gentile societies through advocacy for open borders and cultural relativism. The 350-page book draws material from Duke's 1998 dissertation submitted to a Ukrainian university and compiles quotes from Jewish authors and organizations to support its thesis of organized ethnic advocacy favoring Israel and globalism over Western interests. During his leadership of the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan from 1974 to 1980, Duke authored and distributed pamphlets promoting Klan recruitment and white nationalist principles, including tracts on opposition to forced integration and affirmative action as violations of individual rights and community cohesion. Specific titles from this period, such as those circulated in the mid-1970s emphasizing "white rights" amid busing controversies, were produced in limited runs for ideological outreach but lack comprehensive archival catalogs beyond Klan organizational records.

Radio Broadcasting and Online Presence

David Duke has maintained a presence in radio broadcasting since the early 2000s, primarily through internet-based programs that allow him to disseminate his political views to a global audience. Beginning around mid-2004, he hosted "Stormfront Town Hall with David Duke," an internet radio show affiliated with the Stormfront white nationalist platform, which featured discussions on topics aligned with his advocacy for white separatism. By the 2010s, Duke transitioned to more established networks, appearing as a guest on various programs and eventually securing regular slots to promote his perspectives on immigration, multiculturalism, and related issues. In recent years, Duke has hosted "The David Duke Show" on the Rense Radio Network, airing weekdays at 11:00 a.m. ET with rebroadcasts at 4:00 p.m. ET and 11:00 a.m. European time, focusing on current events through his ideological lens. This daily internet radio program continues to serve as a primary outlet for his commentary, often streamed via his official website and archived for on-demand access. Duke's online presence centers on davidduke.com, where he publishes articles, videos, and audio content reiterating his positions on white nationalism, critiques of immigration policies, and historical revisionism. He utilized social media platforms extensively until restrictions were imposed; for instance, he maintained an active Twitter account from approximately 2009 until his permanent ban on July 30, 2020, for violating rules against hate speech, during which he posted frequently—sometimes over 30 times daily—to an audience of nearly 50,000 followers. Similarly, YouTube terminated his channel on June 30, 2020, as part of a broader purge of far-right accounts, limiting his video dissemination capabilities. These platforms cited violations related to promoting supremacist ideologies, though Duke has continued broadcasting via alternative internet channels.

International Conferences and Engagements

David Duke engaged in various international activities following his domestic political setbacks, including speeches and appearances at conferences aligned with white nationalist and revisionist themes. These engagements often focused on promoting his books, critiquing perceived Jewish influence, and networking with European far-right figures. His travels abroad, particularly in Europe and Russia, drew scrutiny from authorities in multiple countries, leading to arrests and expulsions. In September 1995, Duke visited Russia and met with ultranationalist politician Vladimir Zhirinovsky. He returned to Moscow in August 1999, associating with anti-Semitic figures such as General Albert Makashov. In June 2006, he attended the "The White World’s Future" conference in Moscow, where he praised the city's demographic composition. Earlier that year, on December 11-12, 2006, Duke spoke at the International Conference to Review the Global Vision of the Holocaust in Tehran, Iran, an event organized by the Iranian Foreign Ministry that gathered Holocaust deniers from various countries. Duke's European engagements included book promotions and speeches. In March 2005, he delivered talks in Stockholm and Helsingborg, Sweden, to promote a Swedish edition of Jewish Supremacism. In October 2006, he spoke at the Interregional Academy of Personnel Management (MAUP) in Kyiv, Ukraine, on Zionist influence, following his receipt of a doctorate there in September 2005. November 2006 saw a tour in Hungary, with events in Budapest, Szeged, Miskolc, and Gyor promoting the same book. In November 2007, he appeared in Valladolid, Spain, for a Spanish-language edition launch, though a Barcelona event was canceled. June 2008 featured Duke as keynote speaker at the Euro-Rus Congress in Belgium, a gathering of white supremacist activists. Interactions with German far-right elements included a 2002 meeting with Udo Voigt, then-chairman of the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD). In April 2009, Duke was arrested in Prague, Czech Republic, during speeches accused of Holocaust denial and ordered to leave the country. He faced deportation from Germany in 2011 after attempting to address right-wing extremists in Cologne. These incidents reflect restrictions imposed on Duke due to his advocacy, including bans in Switzerland and Italy by 2013.

Associations and Alliances

Ties to Stormfront and White Nationalist Networks

David Duke's connections to Stormfront stem primarily from his decades-long association with Don Black, who founded the website in 1995 as the first major online forum for white nationalist discussions. Black, a former Ku Klux Klan organizer, collaborated closely with Duke in the 1970s to revive the Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, which Duke established in Louisiana in 1974; Black held the position of Grand Dragon for Alabama within this group. These organizational ties positioned Black as a key supporter of Duke's early political efforts, including his leadership in promoting white separatist ideology under the Klan banner. The relationship between Duke and Black extended to personal levels, with Duke serving as godfather to Black's son, Derek Black, who was raised within white nationalist circles and initially active in the movement. This familial link reinforced Duke's influence in the networks surrounding Stormfront, where Black hosted radio broadcasts discussing themes aligned with Duke's views on race, immigration, and opposition to multiculturalism. Stormfront's user base, numbering in the hundreds of thousands at its peak, frequently referenced Duke's writings and campaigns—such as his 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial run and 2016 Senate bid—as foundational to modern white advocacy, though Duke maintained his primary platform through his own organization, the European-American Unity and Rights Organization (EURO), founded in 2000. Beyond Stormfront, Duke's ties to broader white nationalist networks include endorsements and alliances with figures like William Pierce of the National Alliance and participation in conferences attended by Stormfront affiliates, fostering a shared ecosystem for disseminating materials on white identity politics. These connections have persisted despite Duke's shift away from overt Klan affiliation after the 1970s, with Stormfront serving as a digital aggregator for his ideas amid deplatforming from mainstream outlets. However, groups monitoring extremism, such as the Southern Poverty Law Center, classify both Duke and Stormfront within the same ideological continuum, though such designations reflect advocacy perspectives rather than neutral taxonomy.

Connections to European Far-Right Groups

David Duke has forged connections with European far-right groups primarily through attendance at party events, speeches at nationalist conferences, and personal meetings with leaders. In August 2002, he attended the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) congress in Passau, where approximately 2,000 participants gathered, and was photographed with NPD chairman Udo Voigt as well as British National Party (BNP) leader Nick Griffin. This event underscored Duke's engagement with neo-nationalist circles in Germany and the UK. The NPD, known for its ultranationalist platform, provided a platform for Duke to address sympathetic audiences on themes of ethnic preservation. Duke's affiliations extended to collaborative forums like the Euro-Rus Congress, a gathering of European and American white nationalists. On June 14, 2008, he delivered a keynote speech in Antwerp, Belgium, focusing on "white survival" and criticisms of Zionist influence, attended by figures from Russia, the US, and various European countries. The Anti-Defamation League documented his ties to groups including Germany's NPD, the UK's BNP, and France's National Front through such conferences and promotional activities. Further activities included book tours promoting Jewish Supremacism in far-right communities across Europe. In November 2006, Duke spoke in multiple Hungarian cities such as Budapest and Szeged, hosted by local nationalist groups discussing historical narratives like Judeo-Bolshevism. Similarly, in March 2005, he visited Sweden for events in Stockholm and Helsingborg organized by patriotic associations. These engagements facilitated the dissemination of his views among European nationalists, though they often led to legal repercussions, such as his April 2009 arrest in Prague, Czech Republic, during planned speeches amid protests over Holocaust denial allegations.

Alignment with Alt-Right and Trump-Era Movements

David Duke publicly endorsed Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign on August 25, 2016, via a radio broadcast, describing Trump as representing "European heritage" and urging listeners to support him as a bulwark against multiculturalism. Duke framed voting against Trump as "treason to your heritage," positioning the candidate's platform as aligned with white nationalist priorities such as immigration restriction and opposition to globalism. Following Trump's election victory on November 8, 2016, Duke hailed it as "one of the most exciting nights of my life" and a "great victory for our people," interpreting the outcome as validation of his long-held advocacy for white identity politics. Duke's alignment extended to events associated with the alt-right, a loose coalition of online activists promoting white identity and anti-establishment rhetoric that gained visibility during the Trump campaign. At the August 12, 2017, Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia—organized by alt-right figures including Richard Spencer—Duke participated and described the gathering as fulfilling "the promises of Donald Trump's election," claiming it represented a reclamation of America for white Americans. He positioned himself as an ideological precursor, stating in interviews that Trump's success drew from ideas he had propagated for decades, including critiques of demographic changes and elite influence. However, Duke's traditional Klan background distinguished him from the younger, digitally native alt-right core, though he expressed approval of their mobilization tactics and shared goals like halting non-white immigration. Trump repeatedly disavowed Duke's support, stating on February 28, 2016, that he knew "nothing about David Duke" and rejected white supremacist endorsements, amid pressure from media and political opponents. Duke dismissed these disavowals as insincere, asserting in 2021 that Trump and conservative media figures like Tucker Carlson had mainstreamed his concepts of "white genocide" without attribution. During the Trump administration (2017–2021), Duke continued broadcasting praise for policies like the border wall and travel bans, viewing them as partial implementations of his anti-immigration stance, while criticizing perceived deviations such as alliances with Israel. This selective endorsement reflected Duke's broader interpretation of Trump-era movements as a populist insurgency advancing racial realism, despite mainstream Republican rejection of explicit white nationalism.

2003 Tax Fraud Conviction and Imprisonment

In December 2002, David Duke pleaded guilty in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Louisiana to one count of mail fraud and one count of making a false statement on a federal income tax return. The mail fraud charge stemmed from a scheme between 1993 and 1999 in which Duke solicited approximately $200,000 in donations and loans from supporters by claiming financial hardship to fund his political and advocacy activities, but instead diverted the funds to personal expenses, including recreational gambling in foreign casinos. For the tax violation, Duke received unreported income exceeding $9,500 in 1998 from these solicitations but filed a federal return falsely indicating no tax liability. Prior to the plea, Duke had spent roughly two years abroad, including time in Europe, to evade anticipated arrest following a federal investigation into his finances. He returned to the United States in late 2002 to face the charges after a grand jury indictment. The felony convictions resulting from the plea permanently disqualified Duke from seeking or holding public office in Louisiana under state law. On March 12, 2003, Duke was sentenced to 15 months in federal prison, a $10,000 fine, three years of supervised release, and restitution to victims as outlined in the plea agreement. He reported to a federal correctional institution on April 14, 2003, and served his term across facilities including Big Spring in Texas, transitioning to a halfway house in 2004 before full release in May of that year. During supervised release, Duke resumed advocacy work, including efforts to promote "white civil rights" through his affiliated organizations.

European Arrests and Travel Bans (2009–2013)

In April 2009, David Duke was arrested in Prague, Czech Republic, during an attempt to attend a nationalist conference at a restaurant called the Black Eagle. Czech authorities detained him on suspicion of promoting neo-Nazism and Holocaust denial, charging him under laws prohibiting the denial of Nazi crimes and support for movements aimed at suppressing human rights. He was held briefly before being released and ordered to leave the country, with police citing his history of extremist advocacy as a public security risk. That same year, Italian authorities imposed a residency ban on Duke, prohibiting his presence in the country due to concerns over his involvement in extremist activities. The ban stemmed from his repeated efforts to engage with European nationalist networks, which officials viewed as a threat to public order. By late 2013, Duke violated this restriction by entering Italy, leading to his apprehension and a court ruling in favor of expulsion. The Italian tribunal described him as "socially dangerous" for his racist and anti-Semitic views, alleging his role in attempting to establish a pan-European neo-Nazi organization during prior visits. In November 2011, Duke faced further restrictions when arrested at a German airport while traveling to address a neo-Nazi gathering in the town of Borgdorf-Seedorf. German border police detained him under entry bans upheld by multiple European Union states, citing his prior convictions and advocacy for white supremacist ideologies deemed incompatible with German laws against incitement to hatred. He was deported promptly, marking another instance of coordinated European efforts to bar his participation in far-right events. These incidents reflected broader Schengen Area policies enforcing travel restrictions on individuals associated with hate promotion, with Duke's bans extending across several nations including Austria, Switzerland, and others by the period's end.

Recent Political Activities and Endorsements

Advocacy During Trump Administrations (2016–2020)

In July 2016, David Duke announced his candidacy for the U.S. Senate seat in Louisiana, running as a Republican in the state's jungle primary election held on November 8, 2016. He positioned his platform around opposition to immigration and affirmative action, claiming that his long-held views aligned with emerging themes in the Republican Party, including those espoused by Donald Trump. Duke qualified for a televised debate after polling at 5% in a survey, but ultimately received 3.09% of the vote, failing to advance. Duke publicly endorsed Donald Trump for president during the 2016 campaign, stating that Trump represented a rejection of multiculturalism and globalism. Following Trump's election victory on November 8, 2016, Duke described it as "one of the most exciting nights of my life" and a "great victory for our people," attributing the outcome to white American voters opposing establishment policies. He continued to assert that Trump supporters overlapped with his own base, emphasizing shared stances on immigration restriction and national sovereignty. During the Trump administration, Duke participated in the Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, on August 12, 2017, where he declared the event as "the first step towards taking back our country" and fulfilling Trump's promises. He praised Trump's post-rally statements for highlighting that counter-protesters included "troublemakers" from both alt-left and alt-right groups, interpreting them as validation of white advocacy efforts. Duke reiterated in interviews that his vote for Trump was driven by the candidate's positions on borders and demographics, framing the administration's early policies as advancing European-American interests. Throughout 2017–2020, Duke maintained an online presence and radio broadcasts critiquing perceived deviations in Trump's policies, such as foreign aid and trade deals, while endorsing actions like border security enhancements and the travel ban on certain Muslim-majority countries as steps toward restricting non-white immigration. He urged Trump to remember white voter support amid administration responses to events like the 2017 Charlottesville aftermath, positioning himself as a defender of the electorate that propelled the president to office. Duke's advocacy focused on interpreting Trump-era developments through a lens of racial preservation, though he faced legal repercussions from the Charlottesville events, including a 2020 civil judgment.

2024 Presidential Election Endorsement and Anti-Israel Stance

In October 2024, David Duke endorsed Green Party presidential candidate Jill Stein during his radio show on October 15, stating that she was the only major candidate "brave enough to call out Israel's genocide against the Palestinians." Duke explicitly criticized Donald Trump as being "owned by Israel" and overly supportive of Israeli policies, contrasting Stein's position with what he described as Trump's capitulation to pro-Israel interests. This endorsement aligned with Duke's longstanding opposition to U.S. support for Israel, which he has framed as enabling "Jewish supremacism" and detrimental to American interests. Earlier in 2024, on June 15, Duke appeared at a pro-Palestinian rally in Detroit organized by the "People's Conference for Palestine," where he voiced solidarity with anti-Israel protesters, declaring they would "save us from Jewish supremacism" and criticizing Israel's actions in Gaza as genocidal. He attended alongside figures such as Nick Fuentes and Jake Shields, using the event to promote his views that Zionist influence dominates U.S. policy and media, echoing themes from his prior writings and speeches. Duke's participation drew condemnation from Jewish advocacy groups, who highlighted the rally's overlap with antisemitic rhetoric, though Duke maintained his stance was rooted in opposition to Israeli military operations rather than broader prejudice—a claim disputed by critics citing his history of Holocaust denial and white nationalist ideology. Duke's 2024 positions reflect a consistent anti-Zionist framework, where he has repeatedly accused Israel of ethnic cleansing in Gaza and urged American withdrawal of aid, positions he amplified through social media and his website during the Israel-Hamas war that began in October 2023. In endorsing Stein, Duke emphasized her calls to end U.S. arms shipments to Israel and her protests at the Democratic National Convention, portraying her as uniquely aligned with his critique of what he terms "endless wars for Israel." Democrats subsequently publicized the endorsement to warn of Stein's potential spoiler effect in swing states, associating it with fringe extremism.

Personal Life

Marriages and Family

David Duke married Chloê Hardin, a fellow right-wing student activist, in 1974. The couple had two daughters, Erika and Kristin. Duke appeared publicly with his daughters during his 1990 U.S. Senate campaign and 1991 gubernatorial campaign concession. The marriage ended in divorce. Hardin later married Don Black, founder of the white nationalist website Stormfront, and adopted the name Chloe Black. No public records indicate Duke remarried.

Health Issues and Current Status

David Duke remains active in promoting white nationalist viewpoints through online media as of 2025. He operates the website davidduke.com, where he publishes articles critiquing perceived Zionist influences and U.S. politics, including commentary on the attempted assassination of Donald Trump. Duke hosts a daily radio program on the Rense Radio Network, broadcast weekdays at 11:00 a.m. ET with rebroadcasts. In October 2024, Duke endorsed Green Party presidential candidate Jill Stein, framing his support as opposition to "Jewish supremacism" and alignment with anti-Israel protesters. He has not announced any retirement or reduction in activities due to health concerns. Duke underwent plastic surgery in the late 1980s to alter his appearance for political purposes.

References

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