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Kharwar is a community found in the Indian states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Orissa and West Bengal.

Key Information

Etymology

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The Khar grass is totem of the Kharwar. They don't cut or injure it while growing. Kharwar tribe of present-day may be enlarge totem sept which broke off from some larger group and in course of time developed a separate organisation.[7]

History

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The Kharwar have various putative origins. Some may be traced to Palamu region, now in the state of Jharkhand, while others may have lived in the Sone Valley. Those of Uttar Pradesh claim to have come from Rohtas and to be descended from the mythological Suryavansha dynasty.[8]

According to an inscription dated 1169 AD found at Phulwari in Rohtas district, which refers to road construction by Nayak Pratapdhavala, the chief of Japila(modern Japla). Pratapdhavala is also known for his inscription of Tarachandi temple in Sasaram and Tutla Bhawani in Tilothu. According to an inscription dated to 1223 AD at Lal Darwaja of Rohtas fort, the descendant and successor of Pratapdhavala was Shri Pratapa.[9][10] In inscription Shri Pratapa is referred to as belong to Khayaravalavansha or Khayaravala dynasty. Probably Khayaravala survives as modern day Kharwar.[11][12][13][14][unreliable source?]

Raja Sahas Dhawal Dev Inscription

Present circumstances

[edit]

The primary traditional economic activity of the Kharwar has been agriculture but their reliance on a single annual crop and on suitable weather means that it is barely enough to sustain themselves for a part of the year. Thus, they also engage in work based on forest activities, livestock, fishing, hunting and trapping.[8] They have totemic clans such as Kansi (Kans grass), Nilkanth (Indian roller), Hansgadhia, Besra (sparrowhawk), Sahil, Tirkey (eagle), Chandiyar, Lohwar etc. They are patrilinial. Their village chief know as Pradhan. Group of four village called Chatti and its chief known as Chatti Pradhan. Group of five village known as Panchora and chief Panchora Pradhan. Group of seven villages called Satora and its chief known as Satora Pradhan. They employ both Brahmin and Pahan for religious function.[15]

Kharwar speak Sadri, an Indo-Aryan language, at home, and Hindi with others. Kharwar have six endogamous division which are Surajbanshi, Daulat bandi, paraband, Kharia bhogti and Mauijhia. Risley(1891) records Bania, Ba Bahera, Bael(Aegle marmelos), Bair(berry), Bamria, Bandia and few more septs among Kharwar of Chotanagpur. He further reports that in Palamu Kharwar have Pat bandh, Dulbandh and khairi sub tribes where as in southern Lohardaga the community has Deshmari, Kharwar, Bhagta, Rout and Manjhia sub tribes. They consider themselves Kshatriya, often consider themselves Athara Hazari and claim descent from Surajvanshi Rajput.[7]

Birth pollution observed for six days. They cremate or bury the dead and observe death pollution for ten days.

Official classification

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The Government of Uttar Pradesh had classified the Kharwar as a Scheduled Caste but the community members disliked this. preferring to think of themselves as a tribe.[8] By 2007, they were one of several groups that the Uttar Pradesh government had redesignated as Scheduled Tribes.[16] As of 2017, this designation applied only in certain districts of the state.[17] The Kharwar Scheduled Caste population in Uttar Pradesh at the 2011 Census of India was 14,796.[18] Kharwar are classified as Scheduled Tribes in Jharkhand.[19]

Notable people

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See also

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References

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Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Kharwar

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The Kharwar are an indigenous tribal community primarily distributed across the eastern and central Indian states of , , (notably ), , , and , where they are officially classified as a Scheduled Tribe in regions like Jharkhand and Odisha. Their traditional livelihood revolves around settled agriculture, supplemented by forest collection and wage labor, with a social organization featuring exogamous clans, totemic reverence for the Khar grass, and practices such as monogamous marriages within a classificatory framework. Historical accounts trace Kharwar settlements to areas like the Palamau region in present-day and the Sone Valley, with oral traditions positing migrations from locales such as Khari Jhar or legendary ties to ancient Suryavanshi lineages, though empirical evidence points to their integration among Dravidian and Austroasiatic-influenced groups in pre-colonial agrarian societies. A defining episode in their collective memory is the 1881 Kharwar Movement, a resistance effort in the Chota Nagpur region against British colonial policies, encompassing anti-census protests, religious revivalism under figures like Bhagat Birsa-influenced leaders, and demands for land rights that highlighted tensions over resource extraction and administrative impositions. Today, numbering around 486,000 in , the community navigates modernization's impacts, including shifts toward education and urban migration, while preserving cultural elements like Sadri-language folk traditions and animistic rituals amid broader Hindu influences.

Etymology and Origins

Etymological Roots

The name Kharwar derives from the Hindi and regional term khar, denoting Saccharum spontaneum, a tall perennial grass commonly used for thatching roofs and crafting mats in eastern India. This grass holds totemic significance for the Kharwar community, who traditionally refrain from cutting or damaging it during its growth to honor ancestral customs tied to agrarian and forest-based livelihoods. Anthropological accounts link the ethnonym directly to this totem, suggesting the tribe's identity emerged from clans revering the plant as a symbol of sustenance and protection in their native habitats along the Sone River valley and Chota Nagpur plateau. Variations in self-identification, such as Khairwar among subgroups in districts like Surguja, trace the root to khair (Acacia catechu), a hardwood tree valued for timber and catechu extraction, indicating localized adaptations of the name based on prominent flora in their territories. Broader linguistic evidence positions Kharwar or Kherwar as an archaic tribal descriptor in Munda-speaking traditions, potentially predating modern subgroups and denoting proto-austroasiatic forest dwellers who integrated totemic elements into their nomenclature. These roots underscore a causal connection between the tribe's name and ecological totems, rather than mythological or exogenous derivations unsupported by empirical tribal lore.

Traditional and Mythological Origins

The Kharwar community traditionally traces its mythological origins to the ancient Suryavanshi (Solar) dynasty of Hindu lore, claiming descent from , the son of the legendary king . According to this , was exiled due to a divine curse associated with his father's trials of truthfulness and sacrifice, leading the lineage to migrate and settle in regions such as Rohtas and Palamau. This narrative positions the Kharwar as offshoots of royalty who, over time, adopted tribal lifestyles amid forested terrains, a claim echoed in subgroups who identify as "Suryavanshi Kharwar." An alternative legend attributes the "Kharwar" to a migration from Khari Jhar (a mythical or historical hilly locale), where ancestors purportedly originated before receiving land grants in Palamau from chieftains for military or service rendered. This story, prevalent among and Kharwar, underscores a of rewarded valor rather than royal , with the name deriving from "Khar" (possibly denoting or ) and "war" (linked to abode or ). Such accounts blend proto-historical elements with , reflecting efforts to assert pre-colonial against later agrarian displacements. These traditions, preserved through clan bards and rituals, lack corroboration in epigraphic records predating medieval inscriptions (e.g., a 1169 AD reference to regional presence), suggesting they serve to legitimize social identity amid interactions with dominant castes. Historians note parallels with broader claims to Vedic lineages, potentially influenced by Sanskritization processes, though empirical genetics and linguistics indicate Dravidian-Austroasiatic roots distinct from northern Indo-Aryan royals.

Historical Development

Pre-Colonial Presence and Society

The Kharwar people trace their pre-colonial presence to the Rohtasgarh region in present-day , where local traditions identify them as former rulers before their migration southward to Palamau in during the early medieval period. Inscriptions and accounts suggest affiliations with the Khayaravala dynasty, which governed territories spanning parts of and from the 11th to 12th centuries CE, engaging in and local governance as a tribal . Their original habitats included the Sone Valley and in , from which groups dispersed to areas like and in , establishing settled communities as landholders prior to widespread external incursions. Mythological accounts, preserved in oral traditions, link Kharwar origins to the Suryavanshi lineage, specifically , son of the ancient king , who was exiled due to a and resettled in forested valleys, adopting subsistence practices suited to the terrain. These narratives position the Kharwar as Proto-Australoid or Dravidian-origin groups who maintained autonomy in hilly and forested domains, practicing settled cultivation and rendering services to neighboring chieftains like the of Palamau, which granted them land holdings. Archaeological and inscriptional evidence from Rohtasgarh, dating to the 7th–12th centuries CE, corroborates a hierarchical tribal presence in the area, though direct attribution to Kharwar remains tied to endogenous claims rather than exhaustive epigraphic records. Socially, pre-colonial Kharwar society was organized around , with six primary subgroups—Suryabansi, Daulatbandi, Kheri/, Bhogati/Ganju, Manjhia, and others—each regulating internal marriages while prohibiting unions with outsiders to preserve ethnic cohesion. Totemistic exogamous clans structured , employing a classificatory system that defined roles such as joking relations with certain uncles and avoidance with aunts, fostering bonds in isolated hamlets. Families were predominantly nuclear and patrilineal, adhering to , with joint households rare; disputes were adjudicated by village-level councils (Baithaki) enforcing customary norms on matters like intra-clan relations and . Economically, the Kharwar relied on rain-fed as the mainstay, cultivating single annual crops alongside forest extraction, rearing, , and , which supported self-sufficient hamlets distanced from dominant agrarian societies. This structure emphasized communal labor and seasonal mobility within territories, reflecting adaptation to the ecological niches of central India's plateaus and valleys before the intensification of external or disrupted indigenous polities.

Colonial Encounters and Resistance Movements

The Kharwar tribe, primarily residing in the forested and hilly regions of Chota Nagpur including Palamau (modern-day ), faced significant disruptions during British colonial expansion in the early . Following the British annexation of the area after defeating the rulers in 1818, the imposition of the zamindari system under the of 1793 extended to tribal lands, enabling non-tribal landlords and moneylenders to encroach on communal holdings traditionally managed by Kharwar clans. This led to widespread indebtedness and loss of autonomy, as revenue demands escalated without regard for shifting cultivation practices central to Kharwar subsistence. Tensions culminated in active participation in the 1857 Indian Rebellion, where Kharwar leaders mobilized against British authority amid broader sepoy mutinies and local grievances. Nilamber and Pitamber, brothers and chiefs of the Bhogta subclan of the Kharwar tribe, who held ancestral jagirs in the region, rallied tribal forces in response to rumors of British defeats elsewhere. On October 21, 1857, they assembled around 500 fighters and attacked Chainpur, targeting properties of Raghubar Dayal, a local figure aligned with British interests, marking an initial success in disrupting colonial supply lines. The brothers expanded operations, capturing the strategic town of Daltonganj and nearby forts such as Manatu and Ranka, while forging alliances with neighboring and Bogtah groups to challenge British garrisons. British records note their forces employing guerrilla tactics suited to the terrain, inflicting casualties on retreating troops before a counteroffensive led by Major English in late 1857 dispersed the rebels. Nilamber and Pitamber were apprehended in early 1859 and publicly hanged in Daltonganj as a deterrent, underscoring the British of exemplary punishment to quell tribal unrest. Post-1857 suppression fragmented Kharwar resistance, though sporadic protests persisted against revenue policies and forest regulations that restricted access to resources. The rebellion highlighted the tribe's integration into wider anti-colonial networks but also exposed vulnerabilities to superior British firepower and intelligence, contributing to stricter administrative controls like the Chota Nagpur Tenancy Act of 1908, which aimed to safeguard tribal lands yet often failed in practice due to implementation gaps.

Post-Independence Trajectory

Following India's in 1947, the Kharwar community was formally classified under the (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950, in , granting them access to measures such as reservations in , , and aimed at addressing historical disadvantages. However, many community members expressed dissatisfaction with this Scheduled Caste designation, viewing it as misaligned with their tribal identity and cultural practices, which led to ongoing advocacy for reclassification as a Scheduled Tribe in certain regions. In contrast, Kharwar populations in states like , , and were recognized as Scheduled Tribes, entitling them to protections under the Fifth and Sixth Schedules of the , including safeguards against land alienation and provisions for tribal autonomous councils. These classifications facilitated targeted welfare schemes, such as the Tribal Sub-Plan and integrated development projects post-1970s, though implementation varied by state, with 's Scheduled Caste status limiting access to tribe-specific under the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of ) Act, 2006. Socio-economically, Kharwar livelihoods remained centered on subsistence agriculture and forest-based activities, with many engaging in seasonal wage labor due to fragmented landholdings and limited irrigation, as evidenced by surveys in Sonebhadra district, Uttar Pradesh, where over 80% of households depended on rain-fed farming by the early 2000s. Post-independence modernization, including infrastructure projects and urbanization, accelerated migration to urban centers for low-skilled jobs, eroding traditional practices while exposing communities to economic vulnerabilities like debt bondage and displacement from mining activities in mineral-rich areas such as Chota Nagpur. Literacy rates improved marginally from near-zero in 1951 to around 40-50% by 2011 in tribal-designated areas, bolstered by schemes like the Mid-Day Meal program and residential schools, yet persistent barriers including inadequate infrastructure and cultural alienation kept educational attainment low, with female literacy lagging significantly. Despite policy interventions, Kharwar communities faced ongoing challenges from land encroachments and , prompting localized assertions for cultural preservation, such as the promotion of traditional dances like Jhijhari in Bihar's through government-backed festivals starting in the 2020s. No large-scale post-independence movements akin to pre-1947 resistances emerged, but integration into broader tribal advocacy frameworks influenced demands for better implementation of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, emphasizing self-governance. Overall, while constitutional safeguards provided a framework for upliftment, empirical indicators like high poverty rates (over 60% below the poverty line in surveyed clusters as of 2018) highlight uneven progress amid rapid socio-economic transitions.

Social Organization and Cultural Practices

Clan Structure and Endogamy

The Kharwar community practices at the tribal and subgroup levels, restricting marriages to within the community to preserve social cohesion and . This endogamous structure is subdivided into six primary groups—Suryabansi, Daulatbandi, Kheri (or ), Bhogati (or Ganju), Parab (or Paraband), and Manjhia (or Mauijhia)—each functioning as an endogamous unit where marital alliances are preferentially sought internally. Variations in subgroup nomenclature appear across regional ethnographies, reflecting local dialects or historical migrations, but the core division into these six remains consistent in anthropological records from and . Within these endogamous subgroups, the Kharwar organize into exogamous totemic clans known as kili, which prohibit marriages between members sharing the same clan totem to avoid consanguinity and maintain genetic diversity. Examples of such clans include Nag (snake), Aiyen, Karketta, Kachchap, and Parasai, with totems often derived from animals, plants, or natural elements symbolizing ancestral lineages. This clan-based exogamy operates alongside broader endogamy, ensuring mates are selected from different clans but the same subgroup or community, a practice reinforced by customary panchayats that mediate disputes over alliances. Monogamy prevails as the normative marital form, with small nuclear families typical, though occurs rarely among economically secure households. Prohibitions extend to outsiders, including other tribes or castes, underscoring the community's insularity; violations historically invited social or fines adjudicated by village councils. Ethnographic studies note that while modernization has introduced inter-community unions in urban fringes, rural Kharwar adherence to endogamous norms persists, linked to patrilineality and totemic taboos.

Religious Beliefs and Rituals

The Kharwar, a Scheduled Tribe primarily residing in , , and , adhere to a syncretic religious framework blending animistic tribal traditions with Hindu practices, where approximately 95.94% identify as Hindu. Ancestral spirits (bhuta) and nature deities hold significance, reflecting indigenous , while Hindu pantheon figures such as , , , Krishna, and are venerated under Brahmanical influence. This duality is evident in the employment of both tribal priests—Pahan for animistic rites and Baiga for shamanistic healing—and priests for Vedic ceremonies, allowing parallel observance of indigenous and Sanskritic rituals. Key rituals center on life-cycle events and seasonal festivals. Birth ceremonies involve purification rites led by the Pahan to ward off malevolent spirits, followed by naming on the sixth day with offerings to ancestors. Marriage rituals combine tribal exchanges of with Hindu vows, often officiated by both Pahan and , emphasizing clan and totemic taboos. Death practices include either (for adults) or (for children), with a ten-day period marked by feasting and spirit to prevent ancestral unrest; the soul is believed to linger until rituals ensure its journey to the . Seasonal festivals underscore agrarian and naturalistic beliefs. Sarhul celebrates spring with sal tree worship and rice-beer offerings to forest spirits for bountiful harvests, while Sohrai honors cattle post-harvest through animal markings and communal dances. Hindu-influenced observances like (for prosperity), (against evil), (sun worship), Jitia (for child welfare), and Phagu (Holi precursor) incorporate tribal elements such as animal sacrifices or spirit invocations, reflecting adaptation rather than full assimilation. Nawakhani marks new rice harvest with first-fruits dedicated to deities. Historically, the 19th-century Kherwar movement sought to purify tribal religion by promoting —a singular supreme deity—over polytheistic and Hindu , aiming to resist cultural erosion amid colonial pressures. Though influential in fostering identity assertions, contemporary practices retain the hybrid form, with minor adherents to (0.15%), , , or , often due to missionary activity or migration. This persistence of animistic cores within highlights causal resilience of indigenous cosmologies against external impositions, as ethnographic studies note limited erosion from modernization.

Language, Folklore, and Totems

The Kharwar speak , an Indo-Aryan language, as their primary vernacular for intra-community communication, supplemented by for broader interactions. In regions such as , they additionally employ Odia, the state language, often using its script for writing. Their original mother tongue, Kherwari, belonged to the Mundari branch of the Austroasiatic family but has been largely supplanted and forgotten amid linguistic assimilation to dominant regional tongues. Kharwar folklore centers on origin myths linking the tribe to the ancient Suryavansha (solar dynasty) of Hindu tradition, positing descent from Rohitashva, son of King , who faced following a divine . Subgroups in trace migration from the Rohtas region, reinforcing claims of royal lineage amid displacement. Narratives also preserve accounts of inter-tribal conflicts, including battles with the Oraon over territorial and resource disputes in areas like the Kaimur hills, reflecting historical animosities and survival strategies in forested uplands./Paper/198-1-2862-1-10-20210608.pdf) The Khar grass (Saccharum spontaneum), a tall, wild reed prevalent in their habitats, functions as the central totem, symbolizing ancestral protection and ecological interdependence; tribe members traditionally abstain from harvesting or damaging it during growth to avoid spiritual repercussions. This plant totem likely derives from an expanded clan sept within a broader proto-tribal grouping, where such symbols enforced exogamy and resource taboos, though contemporary observance varies with modernization.

Economic Activities and Livelihoods

Traditional Subsistence and Crafts

The Kharwar, primarily residing in forested and hilly regions of , , , and surrounding states, have historically relied on settled as the cornerstone of their . They cultivate staple crops such as , , and millets on small landholdings, often using traditional tools like ploughs drawn by bullocks and employing rain-fed farming dependent on patterns. This single-crop annual cycle exposes them to vulnerabilities from erratic weather, prompting diversification into subsidiary activities. Subsidiary livelihoods include livestock rearing, particularly of goats, cattle, and poultry for milk, meat, and draft purposes; collection of minor forest products such as firewood, medicinal herbs, and tubers; and occasional hunting or trapping of small game using bows and arrows. Fishing in local rivers and streams supplements diets during lean agricultural seasons, while wage labor on others' fields or in nearby forests provides cash income. These practices reflect an adaptive strategy to environmental constraints in their habitat, emphasizing self-sufficiency over specialization. Traditional crafts among the Kharwar are limited and integrated into daily needs rather than commercial production, encompassing basic basketry for storage and , rudimentary ironworking for agricultural tools, and of coarse fabrics using pit looms for personal clothing. These skills, passed down orally within families, support subsistence without evidence of market-oriented guilds or distinctive stylistic traditions unique to the .

Impacts of Modernization and Development

Modernization and development projects, particularly and industrialization in regions like Sonbhadra and districts, have significantly disrupted traditional Kharwar livelihoods centered on and forest-based activities. expansions, including thermal power projects, have led to and displacement, forcing many Kharwar families to abandon farming and collection of non-timber forest products, resulting in seasonal or circular migration for wage labor in , quarrying, and urban informal sectors. This transition has introduced vulnerabilities such as insecure , occupational hazards, and increased family workloads for women left behind, though remittances from migrants have occasionally supported household consumption and minor investments. Agricultural practices among the Kharwar remain predominantly traditional, with 97% relying on manual methods and minimal like tractors or pumps (only 3%), limiting productivity gains from modernization. A shift toward diversified occupations is evident, with 47% engaged as daily wage laborers, 34% in (often due to land scarcity), and smaller portions in government jobs or petty , reflecting to resource constraints but persistent low incomes, where 42% of families earn between ₹5,001 and ₹10,000 monthly. Traditional crafts, such as , have declined sharply amid , with earthen utensils used by only 3% compared to 67% adopting aluminum alternatives, eroding specialized skills without equivalent modern economic niches. Development-induced , including and restricted forest access, has compounded livelihood insecurity, exacerbating food insecurity and in affected communities. While exposure to modern media (e.g., 62% mobile phone access) and schemes has increased awareness—47% of Kharwar households report knowledge of such programs—limited and barriers hinder effective integration, perpetuating marginalization despite nominal socio-economic improvements like in 28% of cases. Overall, these changes have fostered a diluted reliance on ancestral resource bases, with migration disrupting social cohesion and education continuity, though selective benefits like remittances offer partial mitigation.

Demographic Profile and Official Recognition

Population Distribution and Statistics

The Kharwar are predominantly distributed in the eastern and central regions of India, with the largest concentrations in Jharkhand, followed by Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Smaller populations exist in Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, West Bengal, Odisha, and Maharashtra. Population estimates indicate approximately 254,000 Kharwar in Jharkhand, 172,000 in Uttar Pradesh, and 128,000 in Bihar, comprising the core of their demographic footprint. In Uttar Pradesh, Kharwar constitute the second-largest Scheduled Tribe community, accounting for about 14.16% of the state's total ST population of 1,134,273 as per the 2011 Census, primarily in eastern districts sharing borders with Bihar and Jharkhand. The Scheduled Caste classification for Kharwar in Uttar Pradesh recorded 14,796 individuals in the same census, reflecting varying official categorizations across states. Within , where Kharwar are notified as a Scheduled Tribe, they are concentrated in districts such as , Palamu, and , often in forested and hilly terrains conducive to their traditional livelihoods. In , key districts include Sonbhadra, , , , Deoria, and , where they form pockets of tribal settlement amid agrarian landscapes. In , distributions align with border areas adjacent to , though precise district-level ST enumerations for Kharwar remain limited in available census aggregates.
StateEstimated PopulationClassification NotesPrimary Districts
254,000Scheduled Tribe, Palamu,
Uttar Pradesh172,000 (ST est.); 14,796 (SC, 2011)Scheduled Tribe (second-largest); Scheduled CasteSonbhadra, , , Deoria
128,000Varies; third-largest tribe overallBorder districts with

Governmental Classification and Policy Implications

The Kharwar are officially recognized as a Scheduled Tribe (ST) under the (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950, particularly in , where they are explicitly listed among the 32 notified tribes. This status extends to , formed from southern districts in 2000, where Kharwar continue to be classified as ST due to the continuity of pre-statehood notifications and subsequent state-specific inclusions. In , the community—specifically Kharwar and Khairwar subgroups—is notified as ST under the (Scheduled Tribes) (Uttar Pradesh) Order, 1967, but limited to districts such as Deoria, , , , and Sonbhadra. Such state-specific classifications reflect the constitutional framework under Article 342, which delegates authority to and state governments to identify and notify tribal communities based on criteria like primitive traits, distinct culture, geographical isolation, shyness of contact, and economic backwardness, as outlined in the Lokur Committee recommendations of 1965. This ST designation carries significant policy implications, primarily through affirmative action provisions in the Indian Constitution. Under Articles 15(4), 16(4), and 335, Kharwar members are eligible for reservations in educational institutions (such as 7.5% quota in central universities and IITs), public sector employment, and promotions, aimed at addressing historical disadvantages. Politically, it enables reserved constituencies in legislative assemblies and for ST candidates, enhancing representation in tribal-dominated areas like Palamu and in and . Economically, access to schemes under the —such as the Tribal Sub-Plan, scholarships via the , and livelihood programs through TRIFED—supports development, with ST-specific funding allocated based on proportions (e.g., Bihar's ST population at 1.28% per 2011 Census influencing state budgets). In under the Fifth Schedule, where many Kharwar reside (e.g., parts of and ), policies prohibit land transfers to non-tribals, regulate , and mandate tribal consultation via Gram Sabhas, protecting against displacement from development projects. The Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 (PESA), further empowers local governance in these regions, granting Kharwar communities veto over land acquisition and minor forest produce rights. However, implementation challenges persist, including uneven access to benefits due to sub-group variations (e.g., some Uttar Pradesh Kharwar historically listed under Scheduled Castes, leading to internal disputes over preferred ST identity for enhanced protections). A 2024 Supreme Court ruling permitting sub-classification within STs for more backward subgroups could refine quotas for Kharwar vis-à-vis other tribes, potentially reallocating resources based on intra-community disparities.

Political Engagement and Identity Assertions

Involvement in Independence and Tribal Movements

The Kharwar tribe engaged in anti-colonial resistance during the 1857 Rebellion in the Chota Nagpur region, particularly Palamu, where members of the Bhogta clan allied with and other groups against British forces. Brothers Nilamber and Pitamber, belonging to this clan, mobilized approximately 500 fighters and launched attacks on British sympathizers, including an assault on Raghubar Dayal's properties at Chainpur on 21 October 1857. Their efforts contributed to localized disruptions, though British reprisals eventually suppressed the uprising through military action and punitive measures against participants. In the 1870s, Kharwar communities in Bihar's initiated a against British revenue settlement policies, which imposed burdensome assessments on tribal lands. Led by Bhagrit Majhi, the movement originated as a religious reform advocating but evolved into broader opposition to exploitative moneylenders and administrative encroachments on traditional land rights. This uprising reflected ongoing tribal grievances over economic dispossession, similar to contemporaneous revolts in the region, and highlighted the Kharwar's resistance to colonial fiscal impositions that disrupted . Kharwar participation extended to later phases of the independence struggle, including the of 1942, where tribe members in Palamu joined local leaders and communities in protests against British rule. These actions underscored the tribe's alignment with nationalist calls for self-rule, building on earlier patterns of autonomy assertion amid colonial pressures. Tribal movements like these, while localized, fed into the cumulative anti-British sentiment that pressured imperial withdrawal by 1947.

Contemporary Political Representation

Chhotelal Kharwar, a member of the , won the 2024 Lok Sabha election from the (Scheduled Caste) constituency in , securing victory in a region with significant Kharwar presence amid competition from . This marks continued parliamentary representation for the community in , where Kharwar are classified under Scheduled Castes in some contexts despite their Scheduled Tribe status elsewhere. At the state level, Ghanshyam Chandra Kharwar holds the position of MLA from Alapur in , focusing on local constituency issues following his election. Similarly, Kailash Kharwar serves as a MLA from Chakia in , elected in the assembly polls. These figures illustrate alignment with major national parties, though primarily within rather than the community's strongholds in or . Representation remains sparse in and assemblies and seats, where dominant tribes like Santhals and Oraons often prevail in Scheduled Tribe-reserved constituencies. Kharwar candidates, such as Santosh Kumar Kharwar of the Bhartiya Gandhiwadi Party in Bihar's (SC) seat during the 2024 Lok Sabha polls, have contested but not secured victories. This limited foothold reflects broader challenges in tribal politics, including intra-community competition and prioritization of larger ethnic groups in alliance formations.

Notable Figures

Leaders in Resistance and Governance

The Khayaravala dynasty, founded by Kharwar kings, exercised governance over regions spanning present-day Bihar and Jharkhand from the 11th to 16th centuries, with their capital at Japla. Khadir Pal served as the inaugural ruler, followed sequentially by his son Sadhav, grandson Ran Dhaval, and great-grandson Pratap Dhaval. Sahas Dhaval Dev, a prominent 12th-century monarch and third son of Pratap Dhaval, expanded the kingdom by capturing Rohtasgarh fortress from Oraon rulers; in Vikrami Samvat 1241 (1181 AD), he issued a copper-plate grant donating land to the Nibeshwar Mahadev temple at Ambada (modern Adamapur). Successors included his son Indra Dhaval Dev, whose inscription appears at Navner in Aurangabad district, and grandson Vikram Dhaval Dev, noted in a Bandu inscription. Earlier rulers like Pratapdhavala are evidenced by a 1169 AD Phulwari inscription on road construction and a 1223 AD Rohtas fort record linking to Shri Pratapa. In resistance to colonial encroachment, Bhagrit Majhi led Kharwar tribals of in a during the , targeting British revenue settlement policies that disrupted traditional land rights and imposed economic burdens. This uprising reflected broader tribal opposition to administrative intrusions, though it was suppressed by British forces. Modern Kharwar figures in governance include Chhotelal Kharwar, who represented Sonbhadra as a Bharatiya Janata Party Member of Parliament, advocating for tribal constituencies in Uttar Pradesh.

Other Prominent Individuals

Chhotelal Kharwar, a member of the Kharwar tribe, served as a Member of Parliament for the Robertsganj Scheduled Tribes reserved constituency in Sonbhadra district, Uttar Pradesh, after winning the seat in the 2014 Indian general elections on a Bharatiya Janata Party ticket. In 2018, he publicly criticized Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath for alleged mistreatment and marginalization of Dalit and tribal leaders within the BJP, including claims of being ejected from the CM's office, prompting a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi highlighting issues of caste-based discrimination in party hierarchy. He later aligned with the Samajwadi Party and contested subsequent elections, reflecting ongoing tribal political engagement in the region.

References

  1. https://www.trijharkhand.in/en/kharwar
  2. https://www.scstrti.in/index.php/communities/tribes/91-tribes/175-kharwar
  3. https://www.iosrjournals.org/iosr-jhss/papers/Vol.%2023%20Issue2/Version-3/C2302031622.pdf
  4. https://ostm.in/tribes_of_odisha/kharwar/
  5. https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/17158/IN
  6. http://indianculture.gov.in/digital-district-repository/district-repository/kharwar-movement-against-british-authorities-1881
  7. https://www.indianetzone.com/kharwar_tribe
  8. https://access.portico.org/Portico/show?content=E-Journal%2520Content&cs=ISSN_09716866&auId=ark%253A%252F27927%252Fphzgbt8khrv&auViewType1=PDF
  9. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40442526
  10. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/372309218_BIHAR_THE_HERITAGE_STATE
  11. https://www.iosrjournals.org/iosr-jhss/papers/Vol.%252023%2520Issue2/Version-3/C2302031622.pdf
  12. https://www.jstor.org/stable/27192885
  13. https://www.scstrti.in/index.php/91-tribes/175-kharwar
  14. http://indianculture.gov.in/digital-district-repository/district-repository/role-chero-kharwar-bogtah-forces-uprising-1857
  15. https://latehar.nic.in/history/
  16. https://ijrcs.org/wp-content/uploads/IJRCS201801037.pdf
  17. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/334671602_Barriers_of_Education_in_Kharwar_Tribes
  18. https://indianexpress.com/article/india/bihar-adhoura-blockcultural-fest-independence-9893760/
  19. https://repository.tribal.gov.in/handle/123456789/75108
  20. https://www.iosrjournals.org/iosr-javs/papers/Vol11-issue3/Version-1/I1103014753.pdf
  21. https://access.portico.org/Portico/show?content=E-Journal%20Content&cs=ISSN_09716866&auId=ark%3A%2F27927%2Fphzgbt8khrv&auViewType1=PDF
  22. https://ijhssm.org/issue_dcp/Ethnographic%2520and%2520Cultural%2520Study%2520of%2520Tribal%2520Communities%2520in%2520Rohtas%2C%2520Bihar.pdf
  23. https://kharwartribal.weebly.com/kharwar.html
  24. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/393776248_Social_Cultural_and_Religious_Structure_of_Tribal_Society_with_Special_Reference_to_Sonbhadra_District_of_Uttar_Pradesh
  25. https://wp.nyu.edu/virtualhindi/cultural-traditions-of-indian-tribes/
  26. https://philosophy.institute/tribal-philosophy/kherwar-movement-tribal-renaissance/
  27. https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/print/17158/IN
  28. https://www.haldiagovtcollege.ac.in/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/VI-SEM_DSE3T_Tribes-of-India.pdf
  29. https://egyankosh.ac.in/bitstream/123456789/114775/1/Unit-3.pdf
  30. https://www.ijcrt.org/papers/IJCRT2508485.pdf
  31. https://www.journal.skbu.ac.in/published/paper_full_text/371401710934768.pdf?v=1718396508
  32. https://censusindia.gov.in/nada/index.php/catalog/43008
  33. https://testbook.com/question-answer/numerically-the-largest-scheduled-tribe-of-bihar-i--61e57aa239ed498f7367e2d0
  34. http://www.tribal.nic.in/downloads/CLM/CLM_1/1.pdf
  35. https://cdnbbsr.s3waas.gov.in/s380537a945c7aaa788ccfcdf1b99b5d8f/uploads/2023/01/2023010984.pdf
  36. https://socialjustice.gov.in/public/ckeditor/upload/11301676262859.pdf
  37. https://censusindia.gov.in/nada/index.php/catalog/31288/download/34469/26667_1981_LIS.pdf
  38. https://nstfdc.tribal.gov.in/%28S%2824p5o2gdqhjsxevuandkopmh%29%29/frm_population.aspx
  39. https://www.culturalsurvival.org/sites/default/files/INDIAUPR2016final.pdf
  40. https://www.facebook.com/airnewsalerts/posts/breaking-in-a-landmark-decision-a-7-judge-bench-of-the-supremecourt-holds-by-a-6/858019299855106/
  41. https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleseDetailm.aspx?PRID=1848318
  42. https://byjus.com/free-ias-prep/tribal-uprisings-in-18th-and-19th-centuries/
  43. https://www.nextias.com/blog/tribal-uprisings/
  44. https://testbook.com/ias-preparation/tribal-uprisings-in-british-india
  45. http://indianculture.gov.in/digital-district-repository/district-repository/quit-india-movement-palamu
  46. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/lucknow/who-will-hit-poll-treasure-trove-in-tribal-terrain-of-sonbhadra/articleshow/110526524.cms
  47. https://sabhapati.votesmart.in/politician/ghanshyam_chandra_kharwar
  48. https://ourneta.com/neta/kailash-kharwar/
  49. https://www.thehindu.com/data/tribal-non-tribal-divide-apparent-in-jharkhand-in-recent-polls-data/article68898336.ece
  50. https://www.news18.com/elections/lok-sabha/bihar/santosh-kumar-kharwar-s04led2008p034e2024c009/
  51. https://www.downtoearth.org.in/environment/have-indias-tribal-leaders-failed-their-people-13197
  52. https://schema-root.org/region/asia/south_asia/india/states/jharkhand/tribal_groups/kharwar/
  53. https://www.newindianexpress.com/nation/2018/Apr/06/yogi-adityanath-threw-me-out-of-his-office-tribal-mp-chhote-lal-kharwar-to-pm-modi-1797603.html
  54. https://theprint.in/politics/yogis-casteism-will-make-dalits-desert-party-bjp-mp-chhote-lal-kharwar-2/47435/
  55. https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/yogi-adityanath-threw-me-out-dalit-bjp-lawmaker-complains-to-pm-modi-1833078
  56. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/adityanath-threw-me-out-says-bjp-dalit-mp/article23447208.ece
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