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Charles G. and David H. Koch

Charles G. (born 1935) and David H. Koch (1940–2019), sometimes referred to as the Koch brothers,[1] have become famous for their financial and political influence in United States politics with a libertarian political stance, particularly the libertarian conservative or right-libertarian branch most commonly found in American-style libertarianism. From around 2004 to 2019,[2] with "foresight and perseverance",[1] the brothers organized like-minded wealthy libertarian-oriented conservatives, spent hundreds of millions of dollars of their own money to build an "integrated" and "stealth" network of think tanks, foundations, "grassroots" movements,[2] academic programs, advocacy and legal groups to "destroy the prevalent statist paradigm",[3] and reshape public opinion to favor minimal government.[1][4][5] As of mid 2018, the media has been encouraged to refer to the "Koch network" rather than the "Koch brothers".[6]

The Koch brothers are the sons of Fred C. Koch (1900–1967), who founded Koch Industries, now the second largest privately held company in the United States. As of 2012 they owned 84% of Koch Industries stock,[5] and as of December 2022, Charles Koch was estimated to have a net worth of $66 billion, making him the 14th-richest person in the world.[7] Fred C. had four sons, but the other two, Fredrick and William, are not involved in the family business; Charles and David bought them out in 1983,[8] and neither are involved with the family foundations, or Charles and David's political or philanthropic network.

The brothers' ideology is libertarian, although they also funded many conservative causes.[9] The late David Koch described himself as a social liberal,[10][11] and in the early years of their political activity ran for vice president as the Libertarian Party's candidate;[12] however, his "intense" focus was "on economic and fiscal issues", i.e. being fiscally conservative or economically liberal,[11] rather than other libertarian causes, and as of 2014 the millions of dollars both brothers donated to candidates went to Republicans, not Libertarians.[10]

They actively fund and support organizations that contribute significantly to Republican candidates, promote climate change denial,[13][14][15] and in particular that lobby against efforts to expand government's role in health care and climate change mitigation.[16] Unlike less patient, shrewd, or deep-pocketed activists, they spent time and money on less visible projects "like influencing policy at the state legislative level".[2] By 2010, they had donated more than $100 million to dozens of conservative advocacy organizations.[16] From 2009 to 2016, the network of conservative/right-wing donors they organized pledged to spend $889 million and its infrastructure was said by Politico to rival "that of the Republican National Committee".[17] Despite its secrecy, the vast reach, massive funding, and political success of the network has gradually raised the brothers' profile and made them a "bogeyman" among many liberals and Democrats.[18]

In May 2019, the Kochs announced a change in direction,[9] described as a "turn away from partisan politics to focus more on goals that cut across ideologies."[19] The Koch network would henceforth operate under the umbrella of Stand Together, a nonprofit focused on supporting community groups. The network emphasized this was "not a branding exercise" and stated that its priorities would be efforts aimed at such anodyne goals as increasing employment, addressing poverty and addiction, ensuring excellent education, building a stronger economy, and bridging divides and building respect.[19] However, others maintain that "Koch-affiliated groups" are still active "at the front lines of our current culture wars"[20] and the Koch Network has also continued its political activities such as lobbying and backing Republican candidates financially in elections.[21][22][23][24]

Background and history

[edit]

The "Koch brothers" were sons of Fred C. Koch, a founding member of the John Birch Society.[25][26][27][28] He gave a speech in 1963 warning of "a takeover" of America in which Communists would "infiltrate the highest offices of government in the U.S. until the president is a Communist, unknown to the rest of us".[29] According to at least one source (Chris Cillizza), the Koch's domination of American politics, "especially among Republicans", began in 2004 and lasted "through at least 2016".[2] In an April 3, 2014, op-ed piece in The Wall Street Journal, Charles described himself as involved in politics "only reluctantly and recently" and "only in the past decade", starting with the founding of the biannual donor seminars; however, the nonpartisan fact-checking group PolitiFact found the Kochs had "made many campaign contributions prior to 2004", coming to approximately $7 million, in addition to federal lobbying and contributions to conservative ideological think tanks (Cato Institute, the Reason Foundation, the Mercatus Center, and Citizens for a Sound Economy).[30][31]

In public opinion pieces and other forums, Charles Koch proclaimed his conception of economic freedom as essential to the well-being of society. Believing society so far off course that it was far from sufficient to simply fund candidates for office, the Kochs sought to change the zeitgeist. To that end, they founded and provided sustained funding for an array of free-market and libertarian think tanks and academic research entities starting in the 1970s. These included the Cato Institute (by the end of 1974, Charles Koch had helped found what would become the Cato Institute),[12] as well as the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. On at least two occasions, David Koch voiced support for positions at odds with conservative Republican orthodoxy, such as social liberalism, legal abortion,[10][11] same-sex marriage, using defense spending cuts and tax increases to balance the budget, and a withdrawal by the U.S. military from the Middle East.[32] At the same time, he also said his "intense" focus was "on economic and fiscal issues",[11] not social issues or "how much military we need",[32] and that on foreign policy, "I'm not an expert ... so my opinion probably doesn't count for very much."[32]

Libertarian candidate

David was the Libertarian Party's vice-presidential candidate in 1980,[12] running on a platform of abolishing Social Security, the FBI, the CIA, and public schools.[33][34] By being a candidate, Koch took advantage of campaign finance laws exempting him from limits on donations and ultimately "contributed about $2.1 million, more than half the [Libertarian] campaign budget".[12][10][34] This gave the candidates enough cash to run advertisements and try to get on the ballot in all 50 states.[12] However, he and running mate Ed Clark won only 1.1% of the vote,[35] and the experience of running for office led him to change course: "I had enough ... [W]e are not a nation that debates issues. We vote on candidates' personalities."

Changing public opinion

By 1984, David had parted company with the Libertarian Party, because, he said, "they nominated a ticket I wasn't happy with" and "so many of the hard-core Libertarian ideas are unrealistic".[34] Charles was also soured on direct electioneering after the effort, telling a reporter that conventional politics "tends to be a nasty, corrupting business ... I'm interested in advancing libertarian ideas".[16] In a 1974 speech to libertarian thinkers and business leaders in Dallas, Charles argued that the most effective response to Americans alienation from free markets and minimal government was "not political action",[12] but "the development of a well-financed cadre of sound proponents of the free enterprise philosophy".[36] He regarded politicians as "actors playing out a script" and turned his focus away from the actors and towards supplying "the themes and words" for the actors "scripts".[37] By 2012, David told Politico that he considered "himself a Republican first and foremost — rather than a Libertarian or a nonpartisan supporter of free enterprise".[32] According to writer Eric Black, the brothers move to the Republican Party doesn't stem from "a change of heart, but one of tactics" since libertarianism "was costly and could be bad for the family business long term".[10]

Charles Koch funds and supports libertarian organizations such as the Cato Institute,[38] which he co-founded with Edward H. Crane and Murray Rothbard in 1977,[39] and is a board member at the Mercatus Center, market-oriented research think tank at George Mason University. In 1985, the Kochs and a new adviser, Richard Fink, formed "Citizens for a Sound Economy", a free enterprise-oriented group that evolved into Americans for Prosperity.[12] In addition to funding think tanks, the brothers support libertarian academics;[40] since 1992, Charles has funded the Charles G. Koch Summer Fellow Program through the Institute for Humane Studies, which mentors young self-described libertarians.[41]

2003 beginning of the network

[edit]

It was in 2003 when the Kochs became disillusioned with mainstream Republican promotion of "certain regulations and new social spending on a Medicare drug program" under President George W. Bush. According to Charles, "we said, 'Gosh, we've got to get involved in politics'." This began the twice-yearly gatherings of wealthy conservative donors known as seminars, the funding and directing of "a full array of political party-like activities, including organizations that could operate in the states and mobilize grassroots activists along with paid operatives".[42] Richard Harold Fink, a former economics professor and former executive vice president of Koch Industries, was described in 2012 by Laurie Bennett as "a longtime associate of the Kochs who oversees much of their influence spending", and by Jane Mayer as "the central nervous system of the Kochtopus".[43]

Since 2008

[edit]

The secrecy was effective enough that prior to the digging of investigative reporters such as Jane Mayer, even many Washington insiders had not heard of them.[42] However, after Barack Obama was elected in 2008, the Koch's led what some called an "all-out offensive" against Obama and congressional Democrats, attracting many other wealthy conservatives to their seminars and "deploying huge sums of secret money" to block Obama initiatives like cap and trade on carbon emissions and health care reform.[42] Since 2010, the brothers have become highly visible, with "journalists and bloggers" reporting on their latest "fundraising goals and election maneuvers", Democrats demonizing them (Democratic fundraising appeals that mentioned the Koch brothers reportedly have generated more donations than those that do not),[44] media interviewing them,[42] and publishing their op-eds.[45]

Political activity

[edit]

Koch Industries describes itself as being committed to free societies and free market principles and as supporting those who champion these things.[46]

Obama presidency

After the 2008 United States presidential election, when Democrats won the presidency, both houses of Congress, and the collapse of the housing market and threat of a bank collapse made laissez-faire free market economics appear untenable, the Koch brothers led the resistance to the triumphal Obama administration, warning that Americans "faced the greatest loss of liberty and prosperity since the 1930s".[47] Billionaires came forth to invest in the Koch network", nicknamed the "Kochtopus".[48][note 1] During Obama's administration, the Republican Party with the help of the Koch-network "made inroads at all levels of governments". At the state level, they gained 900 seats in state legislatures.[48]

Secrecy

[edit]

In a paper analyzing the John Birch Society, Charles Koch "argued in favor" of at least imitating the society when it came to "not widely advertising" who ran the society.[50] Their father is quoted as saying, "The whale that spouts is the one that gets harpooned."[48] As a result, the Koch brothers' "ambitious enterprise" was "largely hidden" from public view.[51] They avoided "all but the minimum legally required financial disclosures". The guest list at their gatherings was "shrouded in secrecy".[51] Guests were admonished to destroy all paperwork, make no mention of the event online or to the media, and make all arrangements through Koch staff, not resort employees. Any audio or visual recording gear (smart phones, tablets, cameras) were confiscated prior to sessions.[51] At at least one gathering, white-noise-emitting-loud speakers were pointed outwards from the event by audio technicians to foil any media attempting to listen in. When one breach of secrecy occurred, "an intense week-long internal investigation" was launched "to identify and plug the leak".[51] Interested in maintaining their discreet influence, Charles and David have donated to non-profit groups who do not disclose their donors.[52] The secrecy abated somewhat starting at the 2015 summer seminar, when some reporters were invited and "allowed to attend some sessions, including those featuring many of the Republican Party's presidential candidates".[53]

Donors

[edit]

Based on the one list of donors to the Koch network to surface publicly (from a 2010 summit) Koch donors tend to be disproportionately from the financial or fossil fuel sector of the economy,[54] and to have made or inherited money from private (not publicly traded) companies.[55] Some of the most well-known donors to the network include: Steven A. Cohen, Paul Singer, and Stephen A. Schwarzman.[56] Other prominent and wealthy participants include: Robert Mercer, Ken Langone, Richard Strong, Philip Anschutz, Richard DeVos (1926–2018), Richard Gilliam, J. Larry Nichols, Harold Hamm, and Richard Farmer.[56][note 2]

Political contributions

[edit]

In 2008, the three main Koch family foundations contributed to 34 political and policy organizations, three of which they founded, and several of which they directed.[16] As of 2011, Koch Industries' political action committee had donated more than $2.6 million to candidates.[59] The Koch brothers support primarily Republican candidates and in 2010 they supported California Proposition 23, which would have suspended the state's Global Warming Solutions Act of 2006.[60][61] The brothers pledged to donate $60 million in the 2012 election season to defeat President Barack Obama.[62][63] According to OpenSecrets, of $274 million in anonymous 2012 contributions, at least $86 million is "attributed to donor groups in the Koch network".[64][65]

Governor Scott Walker contributions

[edit]

According to Mother Jones, Koch Industries' Political Action Committee (PAC) contributed the second largest donation to Scott Walker's 2010 campaign for governor of Wisconsin. It donated $43,000, second in size only to PAC donations of $43,125 from both the Wisconsin realtors and the Wisconsin home builders.[59][66] That contribution amounted to less than 0.5% of Walker's campaign total[67] because of the limits placed on campaign contributions.[66] Most support for Walker was in the form of expenditures estimated at $3 million from Americans for Prosperity (AFP).[68] Due to Koch's contribution to Walker's campaign, David Koch became a symbolic target for the protests.[67] According to the Palm Beach Post, David Koch was active in Wisconsin politics. Americans for Prosperity reportedly spent $700,000 on ads supporting Governor Scott Walker's changes to collective bargaining.[69][70]

Mitt Romney presidential candidacy

[edit]

In July 2012, David H. Koch hosted a $50,000-a-person ($75,000 a couple) fundraising dinner for 2012 Republican Party Presidential candidate Mitt Romney, which was the subject of liberal and progressive protests.[52][71][72] Koch Industries cited the protests an example of what they see as liberal hypocrisy regarding fundraising as these same groups don't protest big money donations for Democratic fundraisers.[73] William Koch, the younger brother of Charles and David, gave $1 million to Restore Our Future, a super-PAC backing Romney.[52] During the 2008 presidential race, David Koch donated $2,300 to Romney.[52]

2016 elections and Donald Trump presidency

[edit]

A group associated with the Kochs announced plans to raise $889 million leading up to the 2016 elections.[74][75][76] After the Republican primary, they decided to not donate to Trump's campaign at all, instead focusing on the Congress and Senate races.[77] This included spending "heavily" on get out the vote drives for Republicans in general which helped Trump win "in key swing states".[48] Charles Koch criticized Trump's Muslim travel ban suggestions during the campaign and went so far as to say "it's possible" that Hillary Clinton could be a better president, although he strongly denied rumours that he would actually support Clinton.[78][79] In June 2018, the Kochs backed a multimillion-dollar campaign organized by three pro-free trade political groups to oppose the First Trump tariffs.[80]

On the other hand, although they "disavowed Trump" and opposed the extremes of his populist movement, so many Koch operatives served in top positions in the Trump administration (Mike Pence, Mike Pompeo, Wilbur Ross, Betsy DeVos, Rebekah Mercer) that Politico dubbed it "Trump's Koch administration".[48] The Kochs have been accused of setting the general tone of Trump and the Trump-dominated Republican Party,[81] helping to "convince voters that Washington was corrupt and broken and that, when it came to governing, knowing nothing was preferable to expertise".[81] A "former employee in the Koch's political operation" stated that "we are partly responsible" for the Trump populist movement nastiness, and added, "We invested a lot in grassroots army that was not controllable."[82]

Change in focus

[edit]

In the spring of 2019, the Koch network (made up of a "constellation of groups" and funded by "around 700 like-minded conservatives and libertarians who contribute at least $100,000 annually") rebranded itself from "The Seminar Network" to "Stand Together". In a letter to supporters, Charles Koch outlined the change in mission:[2]

We live in a period of unprecedented progress — economic, social, technological — but not everyone has shared in that progress. While many people have gotten ahead, too many people are falling behind. Our charge is clear: we must stand together to help every person rise In many ways, this new name already expresses who we are. ... But this new name also marks a new chapter — and a new call to action.[2]

According to a description in The Washington Post, the Stand Together Foundation is the name of a nonprofit arm that the Koch apparatus created in 2016 "to support community groups addressing maladies like poverty, addiction, recidivism, gang violence and homelessness" and has as of 2019 "provided grants to 140 organizations". According to The Washington Post, "Freedom Partners, an entity that was once used to air campaign commercials, will cease to exist. Americans for Prosperity will now oversee all political and policy efforts. Groups that cater to specific constituencies, like Libre for Latinos or Concerned Veterans for America, have moved under the AFP umbrella."[19] Koch Industries continued to donate to Americans for Prosperity, giving—as of May 31, 2022—$6.5 million for the 2022 election cycle.[83] The Kochs also told donors and supporters that they would not be involved in the 2020 presidential race.[2] As early as mid-2015, The New York Times reported, "Once known for grim letters to fellow wealthy Americans warning of socialist apocalypse, Charles G. Koch now promotes research on the link between freedom and everyday happiness."[53]

The Kochs were "trading compliments with President Obama". James Davis, a spokesman for Freedom Partners, "In light of the barrage of political attacks and distortions of our record, beliefs, and vision, we are taking the steps necessary to get our story out to the public."[53] At least one critic (Clay Wirestone) maintains "Koch-affiliated groups" are still active "at the front lines of our current culture wars".[20] Explanations for the change include Koch's concern over the success of non-libertarian Donald Trump in the Republican Party and his divisiveness, and/or the success of the goals of the original network.[2]

2024 Republican Party presidential primaries

[edit]

The donor network of Charles Koch announced it would fund a primary challenge to Trump during the 2024 Republican Party presidential primaries.[84] On November 28, the Koch Network announced its endorsement of Nikki Haley.[85]

Impact

[edit]

The impact of the Koch brothers' work has been called "extraordinary", unlike what anyone else has done (by Democratic activist Rob Stein).[86] Another more sympathetic observer (Brian Doherty, a libertarian author) argues that while "there are few policy victories you can lay directly at their feet", the Kochs have changed the general political zeitgeist "of valuing free markets" and "libertarianism, in a way it never did 20 years ago".[87] Jane Mayer observes that while there may have been few Koch "policy victories", there were plenty of policy defeats inflicted on their adversaries that they can take credit for. Circa 2015, national opinion polls indicated public support for a government action to address global warming, raise taxes on the rich and close loopholes that benefited them, increase funding for social security, or infrastructure, limits on campaign spending. Inside the beltway of the nation's capital, where the success of the Koch network's election campaign victories meant a majority in congress, there was an embrace of austerity, tax cuts for "job creators", and a dismissal as "out of the question" measures fighting global warming and inequality.[88]

Critics like Mayer also allege that the secrecy of the Kochs and some of their operatives helped create a "conventional wisdom" that America's turn to the right was "a public backlash against liberal spending programs", when in fact out-of-sight, the Koch network was helping this political shift along.[89] The Tea Party movement has been attacked as Koch-funded astroturf—as opposed to grassroots—political movement, with groups like Sam Adams Alliance having "deep ties" to the Koch brothers.[90][91] Another example being the seemingly spontaneous anti-Obamacare outrage at town hall meetings in summer of 2009, that was assisted by FreedomWorks (connected with the Koch brothers) which "circulating a memo instructing Tea Partiers on how to disrupt" the meetings.[92][note 3]

Organizations

[edit]

The Koch Network

[edit]

Chart showing the flow of money among a network of politically active nonprofits associated with the Koch Brothers
The Koch network is a "tightly interlocked set of organizations" that the brothers and "their closest advisors have developed over time into an integrated political machine". Contrary to the impression of some, it is not an impenetrable "maze of money" funding all matter of right-wing groups; though some organizations outside of the core group have been funded, most of the grants bestowed by its "funding conduits" (such as Freedom Partners), are relatively tiny and not ongoing.[42] While the network has also been called a third political party[93] because of its size and organization ("According to Kenneth Vogel at Politico, the Koch network has about three and a half times as many employees as the Republican National Committee plus GOP congressional campaign affiliates"),[42] its "network's operatives and resources" do not work independently of the GOP, but "are closely intertwined" with it. For example, of the first fifteen directors of the different state Americans for Prosperity organizations, almost 70% "had previously held staff posts in GOP campaigns or in the offices of Republican elected officials".[42]

As of mid 2018, the chief "lieutenants" of Charles and David Koch encouraged media to refer to the "Koch network" rather than the "Koch brothers" in their reporting.[6] The network was founded by Charles and David Koch and is made up of "several hundred",[6] (another estimate is about 500)[94] donors who pay a minimum of $100,000 each year, and work to influence American life in a conservative direction.[6] The network has been called "one of the nation's most influential political forces",[94] "a shadow political party, complete with its own field offices and national voter database". In the two years up to 2018 it is estimated to have spent $400 million on "policy and politics", and "millions more on educational and philanthropic initiatives".[95] The network meets twice a year at invitation-only summits,[94][96] where a seminar is held promoting the political views of the brothers.[97] Although the network is said to have "secretive ranks", it is suspected that members include the founders of many large firms — "everything from Citadel to Franzia wine". When Charles Koch steps down as head of the network, it is "widely expected" that his son, Chase Koch, will take over (with assistance by "several longtime Koch aides"), and that Chase may turn the focus of the network away from partisan politics.[95]

Network seminars

[edit]

Charles and David have run fundraising/seminars on conservative public policy and political strategy twice a year since 2003. Only about 17 people participated in 2003, but that grew to around 500 in early 2016. The seminars grew from raising less than $100 million in 2008, under $300 million in 2014, and somewhere between $700 and $900 million for the 2016 election cycle.[42] The gatherings were characterized by great secrecy (participants were routinely urged to destroy all paperwork of the gatherings), commitment to conservative free market ideology, and the wealth of the participants, known as "investors" (in 2015, for example, 18 billionaires were present at a seminar). An example of a seminar at the network gatherings was one entitled "Understanding and Addressing Threats to American Free Enterprise and Prosperity", at the June 2010 event in Aspen, Colorado. The meeting invitation stated that "[our] prosperity is under attack by the current [i.e. the Obama] Administration and many of our elected officials" and "we cannot rely on politicians to [defend our free society], so it is up to us to combat what is now the greatest assault on American freedom and prosperity in our lifetimes."[98] The seminar program indicated that past meetings have featured speakers including Supreme Court Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas; Governors Bobby Jindal and Haley Barbour; commentators John Stossel, Charles Krauthammer, Glenn Beck, and Rush Limbaugh; Senators Jim DeMint and Tom Coburn; and Representatives Paul Ryan, Mike Pence, and Tom Price.[99] Some presentations at the gatherings are restricted. Guests may be required to give up their cell phones, media presence limited to only "a handful" of organizations, and photos and videos "strictly prohibited".[94]

Impact

[edit]

One 1997 study by the National Committee for Responsive Philanthropy (NCRP) identified twelve American foundations which have had a key influence on American public policy since the 1960s via their support for The Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute, and the Cato Institute.[100][101] Three of these are Koch Family Foundations (the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, the Claude R. Lambe Charitable Foundation, and the David H. Koch Charitable Foundation).[102] The NCRP has also stated that it is not surprising that the philanthropic giving directed by the Koch brothers often goes to "that do research and advocacy on issues that impact the profit margin of Koch Industries",[42][103] the conservative non-profits the network funds working to promote lower taxes and less regulation favorable to that bottom line. In 2017, historian Nancy MacLean found that several Koch Family Foundations had significantly nurtured the libertarian movement in the United States.[104]

Family foundations

[edit]

The Koch family foundations began in 1953 with the establishment of the Fred C. and Mary R. Koch Foundation.[105] In 1980, Charles Koch established the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, with the stated purpose of advancing social progress and well-being through the development, application and dissemination of "the Science of Liberty". David Koch established the David H. Koch Charitable Foundation.[106] The two brothers' foundations have provided an estimated $1.5 billion to a variety of causes and institutions including public television, medical research, higher education, environmental stewardship, criminal justice reform and the arts.[106][107] Charles Koch and his wife were trustees of the Claude R. Lambe Charitable Foundation, as directed by Claude R. Lambe.[108] The foundation distributed more than $27 million of its assets between 1997 and 2009.[109] The Claude. R. Lambe Charitable Foundation was formally dissolved in 2013.[110]

Think tanks and political organizations

[edit]

Among the think tanks and public policy organizations Charles and David Koch have been involved in, and/or provided funding to include: the Cato Institute (they provided the initial funding), the Federalist Society (they are key donors).[111] They also support, or are members of, the Mercatus Center,[112] the Institute for Humane Studies,[112] the Institute for Justice,[113] the Institute for Energy Research,[114] The Heritage Foundation,[115] the Manhattan Institute,[115] the Reason Foundation,[112] the George C. Marshall Institute,[116] the American Enterprise Institute,[116] the Fraser Institute,[117][118] and the Foundation for Accountability and Civic Trust.[119][120] As of 2015, David Koch sat on the board of directors of the Cato Institute,[121] the Reason Foundation and the Aspen Institute.[122] A 2013 study by OpenSecrets said that nonprofit groups backed by a donor network organized by Charles and David Koch raised more than $400 million in the 2011–2012 election cycle.[114]

Citizens for a Sound Economy

[edit]

Citizens for a Sound Economy was co-founded by David Koch in 1985.[111] According to the Center for Public Integrity, the Koch Brothers donated a total of $7.9 million between 1986 and 1993.[16] In 1990, the brothers created the spinoff group Citizens for the Environment.[16] In 2004, Citizens for a Sound Economy was renamed FreedomWorks, while its affiliated Citizens for a Sound Economy Foundation became Americans for Prosperity (AFP). Since then, the Koch brothers have given more than one million dollars to AFP.[16][111][123]

Americans for Prosperity

[edit]

The Americans for Prosperity Foundation has been called the Koch brothers' "main political arm",[124] "primary political advocacy group",[125] "flagship political operation",[126][127] As of 2016, it had "paid staff in 34 states and contact lists for millions of conservative activists nationwide".[42] David Koch was the top initial funder ("by far the single largest contributor") of the Americans for Prosperity Foundation.[128][129] At AFP's 2009 annual summit meeting, David Koch said, "Five years ago, my brother Charles and I provided the funds to start the Americans for Prosperity, and it's beyond my wildest dreams how AFP has grown into this enormous organization."[123][130][131] AFP is the political arm of the Americans for Prosperity Foundation, for which David Koch served as chairman of the board of trustees.[111][122][132][133] Americans for Prosperity created Patients United Now, which advocated against a single-payer health care system during the 2009-2010 healthcare reform debate. Both FreedomWorks and Americans for Prosperity have provided support for the Tea Party movement.[134][135] AFP spent $45 million in the 2010 election.[136]

Cato Institute

[edit]

The Cato Institute is an American libertarian think tank headquartered in Washington, D.C. It was founded as the Charles Koch Foundation in 1974 by Ed Crane, Murray Rothbard, and Charles Koch. Following the 2011 death of William Niskanen, the chairman of the Cato Institute, Charles and David Koch reportedly made an effort to procure the shares of that institute held by Niskanen's widow, "arguing that they were not hers to hold".[137] Their efforts were criticized by some at the institute, including the institute's president Ed Crane, who in an email to staff stated that the Kochs were "in the process of trying to take over the Cato Institute". The brothers issued a statement denying any wrongdoing and stated they "never asserted that Cato should be directly by, or at the whim of, any other organization, or that they should aspire to advocate the way AFP does".[138][139] In June 2012, Cato and the brothers reached an agreement. Crane stepped down and was replaced by John A. Allison IV; the Kochs withdrew two lawsuits.[140]

Freedom Partners

[edit]

Freedom Partners gave grants worth a total of $236 million to conservative organizations, groups like the Tea Party Patriots and organizations which opposed the Affordable Care Act prior to the 2012 election. Freedom Partners financed the socially conservative group Concerned Women for America, a leading opponent of same-sex marriage in the United States [141] A majority of Freedom Partners board of directors is made up of long-time employees of the Koch brothers.[142][143][144]

Concerned Veterans for America

[edit]

The Koch network funds the nonprofit group Concerned Veterans for America.[145][146][147] The group favors privatizing the Veterans Administration, or as the organization describes it, converting the VA into an "independent, government-chartered nonprofit corporation". The goal is opposed by Veterans Service Organizations such as the American Legion and the Paralyzed Veterans of America.[148]

Other groups

[edit]

The Kochs donated more than $17 million between 1997 and 2008 to various groups including the Competitive Enterprise Institute. It describes itself as offering information on issues including, among others, energy, environment, biotechnology, pharmaceutical regulation, chemical risk, and telecommunications.[149] The Kochs have donated millions of dollars via organizations they fund to the National Federation of Independent Business. In 2013 "NFIB and its affiliated groups received $2.5 million from Freedom Partners Chamber of Commerce, a conservative advocacy group with deep ties to the Koch empire. Of the five men that sit on the group's board, four are current or former employees of Koch companies and one is a friend of Charles Koch's."[150] Other groups the Kochs have supported include:

Educational grants

[edit]

Between 2007 and 2012, Koch family foundations reportedly "contributed $30.5 million to 221 colleges and universities".[12][154] The Charles Koch Foundation (and in the case of Kansas schools, the Fred and Mary Koch Foundation) provides grants as of 2013, to nearly 270 U.S. colleges and universities for "projects that explore how the principles of free enterprise and classical liberalism promote a more peaceful and prosperous society".[155]

In 2011, the Charles G. Koch Foundation made a grant of $1.5 million to Florida State University in exchange for allowing the foundation, via an advisory committee,[156] to approve hiring decisions in the university's economics department for a program that promotes "political economy and free enterprise". The FSU student senate introduced a resolution protesting the Koch's "undue influence on academics as established by the current agreement between the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation and the FSU Economics department".[157] In response, John Hardin, who is a program officer with the Charles Koch Foundation, stated that, "when we support a school's initiative, it is to expand opportunity and increase the diversity of ideas available on campus."[158]

In 2014, the brothers made a $25 million grant to the United Negro College Fund.[159] After the fund's president also appeared at a summit held by the brothers, the American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees, a major labor union, providing $50,000 annually ended its support for the fund in protest.[160]

Issues and policy

[edit]

Climate change and use of fossil fuels

[edit]

The Koch brothers have played an active role in opposing climate change legislation, particularly in preventing the passing of legislation at the start of the Obama administration when there was widespread consensus on its need (in institutions such as U.S. Department of Defense, the American Association for the Advancement of Science, and a U.S. National Security Strategy report), and when control of Congress and the Presidency was in the hands of the party (the Democrats) and president who had pledged to pass climate change legislation,[161][162] although both parties' candidates had "spoken of the importance of addressing global warming". The Koch brothers and the other fossil fuel industry magnates (Corbin Robertson Jr., Harold Hamm, Larry Nichols, Philip Anschutz, etc.) that formed the core of the Koch donor network are thought to have been particularly alarmed by legislation that would have cut carbon emissions, so they stayed within the range thought necessary to prevent "irreversible global damage to life on earth". Doing so would have meant 80% of the known coal, oil and gas reserves owned by industry would have to "stay unused in the ground"—a potentially "catastrophic" financial loss to these fossil fuel titans according to climate scientists and journalist Jane Mayer.[163]

The Koch brothers and their network fought global warming legislation (such as the market-based regulation of carbon emissions proposed by the Obama administration known as "cap and trade") both through direct political activity ("massively increasing" its lobbying of congress,[164][165] and supporting political candidates who opposed climate action); and through working to sow doubt among the public about the science of global warming.[163] This was important because in 2003, before the doubt campaign took off, an overwhelming majority of both Democrats (68%) and Republicans (65%) thought global warming was caused by pollution from human activities; it was effective because by 2021 only 32% of Republicans agreed, although 88% of Democrats did.[166]

According to Kert Davies, the founder and director of Climate Investigations Center, "you'd have a carbon tax, or something better, today, if not for the Kochs. They stopped anything from happening back when there was still time."[36] In January 2011, Rolling Stone magazine included the Koch brothers on its list of the top twelve people blocking progress on global warming.[167] In 2011, Los Angeles Times reporter Margot Roosevelt called the Koch Brothers "the nation's most prominent funders of efforts to prevent curbs on fossil-fuel burning".[168] In 2011 and 2012, Koch Industries Public Sector LLC (the lobbying arm of Koch Industries), pushed for the Energy Tax Prevention Act, which would have prevented the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) from regulating greenhouse gases according to the Investigative Reporting Workshop at American University[169][170]

Regarding public opinion, over $500 million was spent on a "campaign to manipulate and mislead the public about the threat posed by climate change" between 2003 and 2010 according to researcher Robert Brule.[171] Although much of the funding was untraceable (often passed through Donors Trust or Donors Capital Fund, which are not required to disclose their donors),[172] 140 conservative foundations (many if not all affiliated with the Koch network), gave 5299 grants to 91 different non-profit organizations.[171]

The environmentalist group Greenpeace writes that organizations that the Koch brothers help fund such as Americans for Prosperity, The Heritage Foundation, the Cato Institute, and the Manhattan Institute were active in questioning global warming.[173] Through Americans for Prosperity, the Koch brothers influenced more than 400 members of Congress to sign a pledge to vote against "legislation relating to climate change that includes a net increase in government revenue".[169][174][175] Political scientist Theda Skocpol describes 2007 as the "turning point" in the fight for global warming denial: "Climate denial got disseminated deliberately and rapidly from think tanks tomes to the daily media fare of about 30 to 40% of the U.S. populace."[176] This involved "saturation coverage" by conservative media, portraying climate scientists as "swindler pushing a radical, partisan, anti-American agenda".[177]

Among the climate change research projects funded in part by Koch brother affiliated groups were the Berkeley Earth Surface Temperature project, and one by climate change denier Willie Soon. The Koch Foundation was a major funder of the Berkeley Earth, an effort started by two scientists -- Richard A. Muller (a UC Berkeley physicist) and Elizabeth Muller—who "found merit in some of the concerns of climate skeptics",[178] and believed global warming climate data was flawed.[179] The Mullers organized a group of scientists in early 2010 to "reanalyze the Earth's surface temperature record".[178][180] Unfortunately for the Koch's campaign, Richard Muller later reversed his views, issuing a statement in mid-2012 supporting scientific consensus.[179][181]

The Charles G. Koch Foundation gave the Smithsonian Institution two grants totaling $175,000 in 2005/6 and again in 2010 to support research of climate change denier Willie Soon. The foundation helped finance a 2007 analysis suggesting that climate change was not a threat to the survival of polar bears,[182] which was questioned by other researchers,[183] but nonetheless "echoed throughout the Koch network".[184] Jane Mayer reports that Soon accepted "more than $1.2 million from the fossil fuel industry from 2005 to 2015 ... without disclosing it".[184] Soon has stated that he has "never been motivated by financial reward in any of my scientific research".[185]

At the state level, Koch Industries (unsuccessfully) supported efforts in 2010 to roll back emission regulations in California.[186][187] The Koch brothers' Lambe Foundation has donated to the American Energy Alliance, an offshoot of the Institute for Energy Research that promotes oil and gas energy exploration and production and looser government regulations to encourage them.[188] In March 2015, the general counsel of Koch Industries, in a letter responding to a request from three Senate Democrats, wrote that, "The activity efforts about which you inquire, and Koch's involvement, if any, in them, are at the core of the fundamental liberties protected by the First Amendment to the United States Constitution", and declined to cooperate with the senators' inquiry into the funding of researchers who deny climate change.[189][190] The Kochs have also funded efforts to stop the growth of solar power.[191][192]

Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act

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Koch brothers-funded groups including Americans for Prosperity, Pacific Research Institute, Center to Protect Patient Rights, and Generation Opportunity opposed the 2010 Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA) commonly called Obamacare, favoring a free-market approach.[193][194] Koch brothers-funded Americans for Prosperity and Generation Opportunity[195] ran more than $3 million worth of advertisements opposing the Affordable Care Act, including a series of ads in which Uncle Sam was depicted as a "creepy" doctor. The ads are directed at women and young adults and are designed to "undermine confidence"[196] and to dissuade younger people from enrolling in health care coverage through exchanges which opened October 1, 2013.[193][197][198] In October 2013, the Americans for Prosperity group began a campaign to oppose "Obamacare" in the state of Virginia.[199]

Criminal justice reform

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The Koch brothers have advocated reform of the United States' criminal justice system. In 2011, Koch Industries received a "Defender of Justice award" from the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers in recognition of their financial support for providing low-income defendants with competent legal representation.[200] The Kochs stepped up their work on the issue in 2015, partnering with left-leaning groups to promote reforms to reduce incarceration in the United States. The Kochs aligned with President Barack Obama in heading criminal justice reform, citing poor conditions and an outdated system.[201] In addition to the president, the Kochs have partnered with groups such as the ACLU, the Center for American Progress, Families Against Mandatory Minimums, the Coalition for Public Safety, and the MacArthur Foundation.[200][201] The Kochs, along with their partners, seek to aid those suffering from systemic overcriminalization and overincarceration, who are generally from low-income and minority communities. Another goal for the Kochs' criminal justice reforms is to reduce recidivism and diminish barriers faced by rehabilitated citizens seeking reintroduction into the work force and society.[202][203] The Kochs and the ACLU are also invested in putting an end to Asset forfeiture by law enforcement, which deprives persons of often the bulk of their private property.[204]

In July 2015, after the rare show of bipartisanship, President Obama praised the Kochs' work on the issue.[205] Similarly, civil rights activist Anthony Van Jones lent a comparable praise towards the Kochs' actions.[202] Although critics have called the announcement a public relations stunt on behalf of the Kochs in the midst of media attacks, several media outlets noted that Charles Koch had been making substantial donations for criminal justice reform for almost a decade before the news was made public.[200][201] Among the reforms are a push for further mens rea requirements, meaning criminal intent must be proven to establish fault. The Justice Department noted that some white-collar crimes, including food safety violations and corporate pollution, would become more difficult to prosecute; however, the Justice Department has been accused[by whom?] of over-criminalizing persons who have committed minor infractions without intent or even knowledge of the law. In essence, the reforms could potentially overturn Ignorantia juris non excusat statutes.[206]

In early 2018, the Koch network continued its mission to "promote criminal justice reform and anti-recidivism programs" through discussions with the Department of Justice in Washington, and initiatives like the Safe Streets and Second changes program.[207][208] While many see Attorney General Jeff Sessions as a potential roadblock to the Koch network's goal of broader criminal justice reform in the United States, Mark Holden, vice president and general counsel for Koch Industries, notes that they are making inroads with the Attorney General, starting with prison reform.[209][210] The Koch network, at their 2018 meeting the launch of Safe Streets and Second Chances, announced a $4 million pilot project designed to shift the American criminal justice system from punishment to prioritizing rehabilitation.[211] The initiative, led by Koch Industries in conjunction with the Texas Public Policy Foundation and Right on Crime, will launch in Florida, Louisiana, Texas, and Pennsylvania.[212] Researchers will develop "individualized re-entry" plans for over 1,000 participants at 8 sites and then analyze the results.[208][213]

COVID-19 pandemic

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The Koch-funded American Institute for Economic Research sponsored the Great Barrington Declaration, a statement that advocates an alternative, risk-based approach to the COVID-19 pandemic that involves "Focused Protection" of those most at risk and seeks to avoid or minimize the societal harm of the COVID-19 lockdowns.[214][215][216] The Charles Koch Institute is a "major benefactor" of the Independent Women's Forum, an American conservative non-profit organization focused on economic policy issues of concern to women, which opposed efforts to combat the coronavirus through mask mandates in schools.[217] The group circulated a template letter to its members encouraging them to personalize and mail it to "your own school superintendents and administrators, principals, and teachers!". Among other things the proposed letter asserted that "young kids do not significantly spread COVID either" and claimed that "common sense" teaches that requiring masks in school may lead to anxiety, depression, decreases in socialization skills, and increases in tooth decay in children.[218]

During the COVID-19 pandemic, the Koch network funded several research projects that expressed support for lockdowns and similar Non-pharmaceutical intervention (epidemiology) policies. In March 2020 the Koch-funded Mercatus Center at George Mason University awarded an Emergent Ventures grant to Neil M. Ferguson of Imperial College London for "good policy thinking" in support of his COVID-19 epidemiological model.[219][220] Ferguson's model proved highly influential in inducing public health officials to adopt lockdown policies worldwide.[221] A grant from the Charles Koch Foundation funded a National Bureau of Economic Research study finding that California's shelter-in-place style lockdown policy "led to as many as 1,661 fewer COVID-19 deaths" in the spring of 2020.[222] A Koch Foundation grant supported a study by the IZA Institute of Labor Economics, attributing a Superspreader event to the lack of social distancing at the August 2020 Sturgis Motorcycle Rally.[223] The Koch Foundation similarly funded a set of studies by faculty at Bowling Green State University, arguing that political opposition to lockdowns and non-compliance with lockdown measures were explained by "libertarian and neoliberal elements within Christian nationalism" and "xenophobic" beliefs within these groups.[224][225]

Gay rights

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David Koch voiced support for gay marriage; in 2015 signed an amicus curiae in the DeBoer v. Snyder case which supported same-sex couples constitutional right to marry.[226] Some gay rights advocates have complained that despite the brothers' vocal ideological libertarian stand against "government 'intrusions,' including ... laws that criminalized homosexuality", their devotion to conservative causes sometimes led them to support anti-gay rights politicians, (such as former Vice President Mike Pence, whose two campaigns for governor of Indiana the network "contributed heavily to"), and organizations (such as the American Legislative Exchange Council, which "at least in its early years, strongly opposed LGBTQ equality").[227]

Abortion

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David Koch also voiced support for "women's right to choose";[11] however, critics observed that the Koch brothers network's deep ties to the conservative movement meant it "helped to bankroll the anti-abortion groups" (such as a $500,000 donation to the anti-abortion Susan B. Anthony List) that successfully supported Supreme Court nominees (Neil Gorsuch, Kavanaugh, Amy Coney Barrett) who helped overturn Roe v. Wade ruling.[228][229] In 2010, the Koch brothers network group Center to Protect Patient Rights "provided Americans United for Life Action [the 501(c)(4) wing of Americans United for Life] with 39 percent of the group's operating budget that year".[229] In the same year, it "granted more than $1 million to the Susan B. Anthony (SBA) List", which amounted "about half of the $2 million the group spent that year on advertising for anti-choice candidates and against pro-choice candidates in state and federal races across the country".[229] At the same time, two major organizations linked to Charles and David Koch—the Center to Protect Patient Rights and Freedom Partners—were both funding millions of dollars into the movement to ban abortion. A Koch network spokesman was quoted as saying, "We do not and have never worked on the issue of abortion. The grant in 2017 [to the Susan B. Anthony List] was the last payment on a previous commitment by Freedom Partners, which was intended to support SBA's grassroots efforts to get-out-the-vote among those concerned about government spending — not issue advocacy."[228]

Critical race theory

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Opposition to what was purported to be critical race theory was promoted by organizations funded by the Koch brothers in 2021.[230] In September 2021, leaders of the Koch network came out in opposition to government bans of critical race theory.[231]

Evolution

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In 2009, David Koch gave the Smithsonian Institution $15 million for the purpose of building a hall covering 6 million years of human evolution. He has given the American Museum of Natural History $20 million and the Smithsonian $35 million to build dinosaur halls.[232] Salon writes that "one of David Koch's biggest hobbies, beyond his more general philanthropic pursuits, is paleontology", and that Koch Industries, "make their money from the daily business of rock strata and fossil fuels, the kind of practical geological work that leaves no doubt about the age of the Earth. In the Archeology interview, [David] Koch spoke about young earth creationists with a kind of bewildered disdain. He had nothing but kind words for Darwin."[233]

Immigration

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Following President Joe Biden's 2022 State of the Union address, Jorge Lima, senior vice president for policy at the Koch brothers connected Americans for Prosperity stated, "Rather than continuing to use immigration as a wedge issue, we urge lawmakers to roll up their sleeves and drive solutions that both tackle these issues and have broad public support. But Congress must do the work to get this done ... we are devoting resources and marshaling our activists across the nation to contact their elected officials, share their support and urgency, and drive decisive action on these solutions without delay."[234]

Response to liberal critics

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Response to Harry Reid

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In 2014, Democratic Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid accused the Koch brothers of trying to "buy the country" in a statement made on the floor of the Senate. Koch Companies Public Sector CEO Philip Ellender responded, "Sen. Reid's divisive remarks were not only disrespectful and beneath the office he holds, they were indicative of what lengths he and his Democratic allies will go to eliminate and silence their political opposition."[235]

Jane Mayer article in The New Yorker

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According to journalist Jane Mayer, the Koch brothers "are known for their strongly conservative politics and for their efforts to finance a network of advocacy groups whose goal is to move the country to the right".[236] Conor Friedersdorf of The Atlantic's "Daily Dish" defended the Kochs, saying that while he respected Mayer, "as best I can tell, the Koch brothers are legitimately upset by some aspects of the piece, and anyone who reads it should also look at the rebuttals from libertarians who are persuasively pushing back against some of its conclusions."[237] A Koch Industries company spokesperson issued a statement saying, "No funding has been provided by Koch companies, the Koch foundation, or Charles Koch or David Koch specifically to support the tea parties."[16] Koch Industries posted a reply on its website. It acknowledged funding libertarian and conservative causes,[238] but stated there were inaccuracies and distortions in Mayer's article, and that she failed to identify alleged conflicts of interest on the part of several persons whom she quoted.[239]

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Koch network, rebranded as in 2019, is a philanthropic and coalition founded by industrialist in 2003 to foster free-market principles, individual liberty, and institutional reform through donor-funded nonprofits and grassroots mobilization. Koch has contributed nearly $8 billion to these efforts, supporting solutions to societal challenges like , deficits, and by empowering entrepreneurs and activists rather than relying on centralized government interventions. Central to the network are organizations such as (AFP), a with over 4 million activists across 50 states that has secured more than 300 legislative wins by promoting , reductions, and accountability for public officials. The Foundation complements this by granting funds to initiatives in higher education, , and business innovation, aiming to enable individuals to contribute meaningfully to society through bottom-up approaches. Other affiliated entities, including the and Freedom Partners, provide policy research and donor coordination to advance libertarian-leaning reforms against and excessive . The network's influence stems from semi-annual donor seminars that evolved into a structured for funding litigation, media campaigns, and electoral support, notably channeling over $157 million through AFP Action in the cycle to back candidates favoring market-oriented policies. While critics, often from regulatory-advocacy outlets, decry its use of tax-exempt structures as "dark money" enabling undue sway, empirical outcomes include tangible policy shifts toward fiscal restraint, such as opposition to expansive healthcare mandates and environmental mandates perceived as economically distortive. Proponents highlight its causal role in countering institutional biases toward , with verifiable impacts like exceeding 27 million contacts since 2022. Defining characteristics include a principle-based framework emphasizing mutual benefit and long-term societal flourishing over short-term political gains, distinguishing it from traditional partisan machinery. Though aligned with Republican outcomes, the network has critiqued party orthodoxy, such as initial resistance to certain protectionist tariffs, underscoring a commitment to first-principles grounded in of market efficiencies. This approach has positioned it as a pivotal force in reshaping debates, prioritizing causal mechanisms of like incentives over redistributive models.

Founding Principles and Ideology

Libertarian Roots and First-Principles Approach

The libertarian foundations of the Koch network originate with Fred C. Koch, who established the predecessor to Koch Industries in 1940 and became a vocal opponent of communism after witnessing Soviet oppression during business dealings in the 1920s and 1930s. Fred Koch co-founded the John Birch Society in 1958, an organization dedicated to combating perceived communist infiltration in American institutions, which emphasized limited government, individual freedoms, and free enterprise as bulwarks against totalitarianism. This worldview profoundly shaped his sons, particularly Charles and David Koch, instilling a commitment to libertarian principles such as voluntary exchange, private property rights, and skepticism toward expansive state intervention. Charles Koch systematized these influences into Market-Based Management (MBM), a developed in the 1970s and formalized through Koch Industries' operations, which applies market mechanisms—such as decentralized , performance-based incentives, and empirical evaluation—to organizational and societal challenges. MBM derives from first-principles reasoning rooted in Austrian economics, drawing on thinkers like and , to prioritize value creation through individual initiative over top-down directives, positing that emerges from aligned incentives rather than coercive planning. This approach extends beyond business to policy advocacy, where the network evaluates interventions based on causal evidence of how policies affect productive capacities, , and long-term , rejecting ideological dogma in favor of testable hypotheses about and economic processes. In 2022, MBM evolved into Principle Based Management, broadening its scope to encompass universal principles of human progress, including , , and , while maintaining a focus on mutual benefit and societal value as measured by market outcomes. This framework underpins the Koch network's strategy, promoting reforms that enhance individual agency and voluntary cooperation, as evidenced by advocacy for , tax simplification, and changes grounded in data on government inefficiencies and . By privileging empirical feedback loops and over political expediency, the approach seeks to foster conditions for self-sustaining improvement, aligning with the network's core contention that free societies advance through principled experimentation rather than prescriptive control.

Influence of Fred Koch and Family Legacy

(1900–1967), an American engineer and founder of Koch Industries, formulated his vehement opposition to following his work constructing fifteen oil cracking plants in the between 1929 and 1931 as part of the Winkler-Koch Engineering Company. Tasked with improving refining efficiency for the Stalinist regime, Koch witnessed firsthand the purges, forced labor, and suppression of individual initiative, experiences that convinced him of the inherent destructiveness of collectivist systems to human flourishing and economic productivity. These observations informed Koch's broader critique of government interventionism, which he saw as a gateway to akin to . In 1958, he joined eleven other businessmen as a founding member of the , serving on its national council and providing substantial funding to combat perceived communist infiltration in U.S. institutions, including media, education, and politics. The following year, in 1960, Koch self-published the pamphlet A Business Man Looks at Communism, detailing strategies allegedly outlined to him by Soviet contacts—such as using to erode , subverting education to promote class warfare, and leveraging internal divisions to achieve global domination without direct invasion. He explicitly linked New Deal-era policies to these tactics, arguing they fostered dependency and centralized power at the expense of free enterprise. Koch transmitted these convictions to his four sons—Frederick, Charles, David, and Bill—through a disciplined household environment that prized integrity, hard work, and wariness of state overreach, often illustrated by stories of Soviet inefficiencies contrasted with American ingenuity. , in particular, absorbed and operationalized these lessons after assuming control of the family business upon Fred's death in 1967, transforming it into a multibillion-dollar conglomerate while pioneering "Market-Based Management," a model drawing on classical liberal economists like and Mises to decentralize decision-making and incentivize voluntary cooperation over coercion. This paternal emphasis on countering collectivism through principled advocacy laid the groundwork for the family's subsequent political , manifesting in the Koch network's focus on , fiscal restraint, and institutional reforms to preserve individual against expansive government.

Historical Development

Inception and Early Seminars (2003-2007)

In 2003, began organizing invitation-only donor seminars to cultivate a coordinated network of wealthy philanthropists committed to advancing libertarian principles, including free markets, individual , and reduced intervention. These gatherings, initially held semi-annually, assembled leaders and like-minded donors to strategize on policy advocacy and solicit financial pledges for aligned organizations. The seminars emphasized a long-term approach to influencing through , , and efforts, drawing on Koch's prior experience with groups like Citizens for a Sound Economy (CSE), founded in 1984 to promote similar ideals. A pivotal development occurred in 2004 when (AFP) was established as a core entity within the emerging network, formed from the restructuring of CSE amid internal disagreements over strategy. AFP, initially led by figures including , focused on mobilizing public support for tax cuts, , and free enterprise, receiving early funding channeled through the seminars. Between 2003 and 2007, seminar pledges supported AFP's expansion into state-level chapters, with expenditures on advocacy campaigns reaching millions annually by mid-decade, though precise early totals remain opaque due to the nonprofit structures involved. During this period, the seminars prioritized ideological cohesion over immediate electoral involvement, fostering collaborations with think tanks such as the —co-founded by in 1977—to produce research on market-based solutions to social issues. Attendees, numbering in the dozens per event, committed resources to counter perceived expansions of government power, including opposition to certain environmental regulations and public spending programs. This foundational phase established the network's operational model of pooled donor funding directed toward sustained influence, predating larger mobilizations after the .

Expansion and Mobilization Post-2008 Financial Crisis

Following the 2008 financial crisis and the election of Barack Obama, the Koch network intensified its advocacy against perceived expansions of government intervention, including the $787 billion economic stimulus package signed into law on February 17, 2009. Charles Koch attributed the crisis primarily to government policies rather than market failures, arguing in public statements that regulatory overreach and moral hazards created by federal guarantees contributed to the housing bubble and subsequent collapse. This perspective framed the network's post-crisis strategy as a defense of free-market principles amid rising federal spending, which reached $3.5 trillion in fiscal year 2009, a 32% increase from pre-crisis levels. Americans for Prosperity (AFP), the network's primary grassroots organization, mobilized rapidly by launching the NoStimulus.com campaign in early 2009 to oppose the stimulus bill, organizing petitions, town halls, and advertisements highlighting projected job losses and long-term debt increases. AFP's efforts extended to state-level chapters, which grew from fewer than 20 in to over 30 by 2010, enabling localized opposition to related policies like auto industry bailouts and the Dodd-Frank financial reform act. Concurrently, Koch Industries' lobbying expenditures surged from $857,000 in 2004 to approximately $20 million annually by 2010-2011, targeting regulations emerging from the crisis response. The network's donor seminars, held semi-annually since the mid-2000s, expanded significantly post-2008, attracting hundreds of wealthy contributors and raising funds that supported affiliated groups' operations. By , these gatherings facilitated pledges totaling tens of millions, funding anti-Obamacare advertising and voter mobilization drives that aligned with emerging Tea Party activism, though AFP spokespeople denied direct coordination with the movement. This period marked a shift toward integrated ground-air operations, with AFP training volunteers in over 35 states by 2012 to advocate for fiscal restraint. Electoral mobilization peaked in the midterms and cycle, where AFP's outside spending reached $36.6 million in federal races alone in , focusing on defeating incumbents supportive of crisis-era expansions like the . Overall, AFP expended $122 million in —exceeding its cumulative spending from 2004 to 2011—on advertisements, door-to-door canvassing, and data-driven targeting against Obama administration policies. This escalation reflected the network's strategic adaptation to a polarized political environment, prioritizing long-term ideological influence over short-term partisan endorsements.

Rebranding to Stand Together and Strategic Evolution (2018-Present)

In 2018, amid growing , the Koch network began signaling a strategic pivot at its annual donor summit, emphasizing solutions to societal root causes over partisan electoral battles, influenced by the divisiveness of the Trump administration. This shift was formalized in May 2019 when announced the rebranding of the core donor consortium—previously known as the Seminar Network— to , a philanthropic aimed at uniting diverse changemakers to address , , , and challenges through bottom-up innovation rather than top-down government intervention. The rebranding replaced entities like Freedom Partners Chamber of Commerce with Chamber of Commerce, while retaining advocacy arms such as for policy work. Stand Together's evolved priorities, outlined under the tagline "Greater your good," center on five key areas: empowering individuals to find fulfilling work, advancing education reform, building strong and safe communities, fostering innovation in future work models, and tackling issues like addiction and mental health. Specific initiatives include support for criminal justice reform through anti-recidivism programs, financial empowerment via entrepreneurship grants, and policy wins such as reducing occupational licensing barriers in 12 states to enhance economic mobility. The organization claims politics constitutes less than 10% of its efforts, prioritizing state-level policy changes and partnerships with nonprofits like Khan Academy for education, though critics argue this understates ongoing political influence via affiliated groups. Following David Koch's death in August 2019, Charles Koch intensified philanthropic commitments, transferring over $5.3 billion in Koch Industries stock between 2020 and 2023 to 501(c)(4) entities like Believe in People and CCKc4, which funneled hundreds of millions primarily to for grants supporting social entrepreneurs. Trust disbursed $157 million in 2023 alone, much of it to internal network organizations and external partners focused on applied research in education, communities, and government efficiency. Notable policy endorsements include advocacy for marijuana legalization across states and the 2018 Right to Try Act, enabling terminally ill patients access to experimental treatments, reflecting a bipartisan tilt on select issues. By 2025, had expanded its donor conduits, moving $176 million in 2022-2023 to higher education, advocacy, and litigation aligned with free-market principles, while launching a $20 million campaign through to support Trump administration tax policies favoring business interests. Under CEO , the network maintains fellowships and grants—such as the Koch Associate Program for talent—emphasizing mutual benefit and institutional transformation, though its evolution continues to blend with strategic influence rather than a full retreat from .

Organizational Structure and Funding

Core Advocacy Groups: Americans for Prosperity and Freedom Partners

(AFP), a 501(c)(4) social welfare organization, emerged in as a successor to Citizens for a Sound Economy, which Charles and David Koch co-founded in to advocate for free-market policies and reduced government intervention. AFP focuses on mobilization, running state-level chapters in over 35 states to promote through campaigns against regulatory overreach, for tax reductions, and in support of in sectors like and healthcare. The group has coordinated voter outreach, policy advocacy, and independent expenditures, including television ads and door-to-door canvassing, with a reported volunteer base exceeding 4 million individuals in past cycles. Funding for AFP primarily derives from Koch-affiliated donors, with more than half of AFP Action's 2023 contributions—totaling tens of millions—coming from Koch Industries and the , a nonprofit linked to Koch's philanthropic efforts. In fiscal year 2023, AFP recorded $186 million in revenue and $168 million in expenses, directed toward , salaries, and grants, underscoring its scale as a major player in conservative policy influence without disclosing all individual donors due to its nonprofit status. During the 2024 election cycle, AFP engaged in outside spending exceeding $57,000 in contributions and $1.15 million in lobbying, targeting issues like opposition to green energy mandates and support for criminal justice reforms aligned with limited-government principles. Freedom Partners Chamber of Commerce, established in November 2011 as a 501(c)(6) , operated as a pivotal funding hub within the Koch network, coordinating donations and distributing resources to downstream advocacy groups for political and policy efforts. It raised $162 million in its inaugural full cycle and funneled grants totaling hundreds of millions to entities like AFP and other aligned organizations, enabling rapid scaling of campaigns on taxes, healthcare repeal, and Dodd-Frank rollbacks without direct corporate involvement. By 2017, Freedom Partners reported $115.2 million in expenses, largely for grants and operations, positioning it as a "central bank" for the network's $400 million-plus spending in the cycle alone. The organization's structure allowed for anonymous pass-through funding from wealthy donors to politically active nonprofits, amplifying influence in midterm and presidential races through and . Freedom Partners ceased operations around 2019 as part of the Koch network's broader restructuring to emphasize bipartisan policy alliances under the Stand Together initiative, shifting away from election-centric funding models. This evolution reflected a strategic pivot toward long-term over partisan spending, with successor entities like the Stand Together Chamber assuming similar coordination roles.

Think Tanks: Cato Institute and Others

The , a Washington, D.C.-based advocating libertarian principles such as individual liberty, free markets, and limited government intervention, was co-founded in 1977 by with initial funding of $500,000 from him to establish it as the successor to the Charles Koch Foundation. The organization has produced policy research and commentary critiquing government overreach in areas like taxation, regulation, and , with contributing more than $30 million cumulatively by the early 2010s. Tensions arose in 2012 when Charles and David Koch initiated a legal dispute to expand their board influence, citing a desire to align Cato more closely with their strategic priorities, but a settlement agreement maintained the institute's operational independence while permitting limited Koch representation on the board. Funding from Koch-affiliated entities has since diminished but persisted at modest levels, including a $98,000 grant in 2017 for general operations. Beyond Cato, the Koch network has channeled substantial resources into university-affiliated centers advancing market-oriented scholarship. The at , which applies economic analysis to regulatory and issues, has received millions in Koch funding, including $9.8 million from the Charles Koch Foundation between 2005 and later years for research programs and faculty support. This support has enabled initiatives like regulatory impact assessments and studies on federal spending efficiency, though critics from left-leaning outlets have alleged influence over academic outputs without evidence of direct control over findings. The Institute for Humane Studies (IHS), also housed at , promotes classical liberal ideas through fellowships, grants, and academic programs, with providing funding since the late 1960s and over $23 million documented from his foundation by the mid-2010s, plus an additional $26.5 million between 2018 and 2022. IHS has supported thousands of scholars and students via awards totaling tens of millions annually, focusing on interdisciplinary work in , , and that emphasizes voluntary over coercive . These entities, while recipients of Koch , operate with scholarly , producing outputs that align with but are not exclusively dictated by donor priorities, as evidenced by their peer-reviewed publications and diverse affiliations.

Donor Networks and Philanthropic Foundations

The Koch network's donor ecosystem operates through a series of private seminars and summits, convened biannually since the early 2000s, where several hundred wealthy individuals and foundations aligned with libertarian principles gather to coordinate funding for policy advocacy, research, and grassroots efforts. These events, often hosted at resorts like the Ritz-Carlton in Palm Springs, California, facilitate pledges from participants beyond the Koch family, emphasizing a structured "pipeline" of contributions: initial investments in academic research, followed by think tank analysis, and culminating in political mobilization. For example, at a January 2015 summit, donors committed $889 million toward the 2016 election cycle, more than double the network's 2012 fundraising total, with Charles Koch personally contributing tens of millions annually as a seed funder to leverage broader participation. Under the 2018 rebranding to , the donor framework evolved into formalized conduits like Stand Together Trust and Stand Together Chamber of Commerce, which channeled over $176 million in 2022 to affiliated groups focused on and initiatives. Recent summits continue this model; in June 2023, the network raised more than $70 million for targeted political races opposing certain Republican candidates and promoting reforms. This donor coordination, while opaque due to nonprofit structures, has historically amplified investments—estimated in the hundreds of millions per cycle—into a multi-billion-dollar influence apparatus, prioritizing measurable outcomes over partisan loyalty. Philanthropic foundations form the institutional backbone, with the Charles Koch Foundation (formerly Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation) distributing primarily to universities for on free-market economics, innovation, and barriers to opportunity, totaling hundreds of millions since its refocus in the . The foundation supports programs like social impact , funding scholars to develop evidence-based alternatives to intervention in areas such as and . Complementing this, the Stand Together Foundation, launched as part of the broader rebranding, backs community-level innovators and nonprofits tackling and overregulation, with an emphasis on scalable, voluntary solutions rather than top-down philanthropy. Historically, the David H. Koch Charitable Foundation paralleled these efforts, donating to scientific and cultural institutions, though its activities diminished after David Koch's 2019 death, redirecting focus to Charles Koch-led entities. These foundations maintain donor intent through rigorous grant vetting, avoiding earmarks for short-term political spending and instead fostering long-term intellectual capital.

Educational and Grassroots Initiatives

The Koch network supports grassroots mobilization primarily through (AFP), which operates 36 state chapters and maintains over 100 offices nationwide, engaging 4 million activists across all 50 states to advocate for free-market policies. In 2024 alone, AFP organized more than 7,500 events and facilitated over 27 million contacts since , focusing on educating citizens and holding officials accountable for issues like taxation and . This infrastructure enables localized advocacy, including volunteer-driven campaigns that have contributed to over 300 legislative victories in the same year. A key component is the Grassroots Leadership Academy (GLA), operated by the AFP Foundation, which provides training to transform ordinary citizens into community leaders capable of sustaining long-term policy reforms. Launched around 2016, GLA offers workshops on organizing protests, recruiting supporters, and building coalitions, emphasizing persistent grassroots efforts over short-term electoral spending. The program draws from principles of individual initiative and market-oriented solutions, training participants to counter perceived overreach through community-level action. On the educational front, the Charles Koch Foundation invests in innovations for post-secondary education and , funding social entrepreneurs to develop scalable models that prioritize accessibility and individual empowerment over centralized systems. Notable efforts include the /Koch Scholars Program, established in 2014, which provides scholarships, mentorship, academic support, and networking to undergraduate African American students pursuing degrees in fields aligned with opportunity expansion. Through , initiatives like VELA (founded 2019) support alternative K-12 ecosystems by providing capital and resources to edupreneurs fostering family-driven learning options, while the Stand Together Edupreneur Resource Center (launched 2023) offers operational tools for education innovators. These programs aim to replace standardized models with customized, entrepreneurial approaches, evidenced by grants for tools like pathways identified via the College Innovation Network.

Political Activities and Electoral Influence

Funding Mechanisms and Secrecy Claims

The Koch network channels funding primarily through a web of nonprofit organizations, including 501(c)(3) educational foundations, 501(c)(4) groups, and 501(c)(6) trade associations, which receive contributions from , Koch Industries, and other donors via private foundations and membership dues. Central to this structure was Freedom Partners , a 501(c)(6) entity that acted as a hub, raising $256 million in 2012 and $127.3 million in 2017, much of which was redistributed to aligned groups like . These mechanisms allow tax advantages and pooled resources, with donor summits—semi-annual gatherings of over 500 affluent participants—securing pledges such as $249 million in 2015 and approximately $250 million in 2016 for political and policy efforts. Pass-through entities like Donors Trust further enable anonymous transfers, directing funds to think tanks and media outlets without revealing origins, a practice utilized by conservative donors including the Koch foundations. In 2008 alone, the three primary Koch family foundations disbursed grants to 34 political and policy organizations. By 2017, four Koch-affiliated nonprofits reported hundreds of millions in revenue from undisclosed sources, funding operations through grants rather than direct corporate contributions. Critics, often from left-leaning outlets, label these arrangements as secretive "dark money" operations, pointing to Koch-linked groups accounting for at least one in four undisclosed nonprofit expenditures in the 2012 election cycle and instances of fines for disclosure failures, such as those imposed on affiliated 501(c)(4)s by the Federal Election Commission. Proponents counter that donor anonymity protects against harassment and retaliation, a legal feature of the tax code available to all ideologies, akin to mechanisms used by counterparts like the Democracy Alliance, and note that while spending is tracked via public filings, individual contributor identities remain shielded to encourage philanthropy without public scrutiny. This structure has persisted post-rebranding to Stand Together, with recent super PAC activity in 2024 elections drawing from similar pooled, partially opaque funding streams.

Key Electoral Interventions (2010-2016)

The Koch network's electoral activities intensified following the 2010 decision, enabling expanded spending through nonprofit organizations like (AFP). In the 2010 midterm elections, AFP reported $1,322,058 in outside spending on federal races, with 97.1% allocated to the general election, targeting Democratic incumbents over fiscal policies such as the stimulus package and cap-and-trade legislation. This effort aligned with broader network mobilization, including grassroots seminars that predated but supported the Tea Party movement's emphasis on . By the 2012 presidential cycle, the network had scaled operations significantly, raising approximately $400 million across allied groups to oppose President Barack Obama's reelection and bolster Republican alternatives like through indirect means. Dark money contributions linked to Koch-affiliated entities accounted for at least one in four undisclosed dollars spent that year, funding ads and voter outreach in battleground states. The network also developed a voter database to enhance targeting, aiming to influence turnout among conservative-leaning demographics skeptical of government expansion. In the 2014 midterms, AFP committed to a record $125 million in spending for a private group, focusing on races in states like Iowa, , and to unseat Democratic incumbents such as and through ads highlighting Obamacare and regulatory burdens. The broader network, including emerging entities like Partners, expended around $129 million during the cycle, with super PACs like Partners Action Fund raising over $20 million from Koch-related donors to support Republican gains. This investment contributed to the Republican majority, though coordinated through layered nonprofits to obscure donor origins. For 2016, the network announced ambitions of $889 million in total spending, rivaling major party committees, but ultimately prioritized congressional races over the presidential contest amid reservations about nominee . Efforts against included policy-focused ads in key states, yet direct anti-Clinton advertising was limited compared to plans, with resources redirected to down-ballot candidates aligned with and priorities. This strategic pivot reflected the network's preference for institutional influence over personality-driven campaigns.

Engagement with Trump Era and 2024 Elections

The Koch network refrained from endorsing or financially supporting during the 2016 presidential campaign, with explicitly stating to donors on July 31, 2016, that the network would not back Trump due to philosophical differences, instead prioritizing races. The network considered but ultimately did not launch an explicit anti-Trump effort, focusing expenditures on opposing and Democratic candidates while maintaining a neutral-to-skeptical posture toward Trump's candidacy. During Trump's presidency, the network aligned with certain policy outcomes like the 2017 , which reduced corporate rates from 35% to 21% and included provisions favored by Koch-aligned groups for , and efforts that rolled back Obama-era rules on and environment. However, significant tensions arose over Trump's protectionist policies, including tariffs on and aluminum imposed in 2018, which the network publicly decried as harmful to free markets and consumers on July 29, 2018, via statements from emphasizing opposition to "protectionism." These clashes escalated publicly, with Trump tweeting on July 31, 2018, that the Koch brothers were a "total joke" in Republican circles and that he had never sought their support, prompting the network to distance itself further from the administration. In the 2020 election, the Koch network declined to aid Trump's re-election, citing despite acknowledging gains in tax and regulatory policy under his tenure, and instead directed resources toward over 200 federal and state races with a focus on libertarian priorities like . For the 2024 cycle, endorsed in the Republican presidential primary on November 28, 2023, aiming to support an alternative to Trump capable of "turning the page" from his style of , and explicitly committed to opposing Trump's nomination by funding primary challengers. Following Haley's withdrawal, the network withheld direct support for Trump in the general election, even against , redirecting over $70 million through its super PAC to battleground and races to advance policy goals like fiscal restraint. Post-election, with Trump's victory, the network pivoted to policy advocacy, launching a $20 million campaign on January 13, 2025, via to extend expiring provisions of the 2017 tax cuts, targeting working-class voters in key states to preserve individual and corporate rate reductions. , in a May 1, 2025, speech at the , obliquely critiqued Trump-era tariff expansions as abandoning principled conservatism, underscoring ongoing friction over trade policy.

Bipartisan Shifts and Policy-Focused Alliances

In the late , the Koch network pivoted toward building policy-specific coalitions that transcended partisan lines, prioritizing issue resolution over electoral partisanship. This evolution, accelerated after David Koch's 2018 withdrawal from active leadership, emphasized "policy coalitions" uniting diverse stakeholders to address systemic problems such as overcriminalization and excessive government intervention. The Stand Together initiative, rebranding efforts from the prior framework, adopted a problem-first approach, exemplified by its strategy of convening adversaries into allies on shared objectives like reducing rates, which had hovered around 67% for federal prisoners prior to reforms. A flagship example of this bipartisan alignment was the network's role in advancing federal through the , enacted on December 21, 2018. The legislation, supported by a vote of 87-12, retroactively applied fair-sentencing reductions to over 2,600 individuals by 2020, expanded options, and incentivized evidence-based rehabilitation programs, resulting in a 37% drop in populations for eligible nonviolent offenders by mid-2023. and affiliated groups like the Institute forged unlikely partnerships with progressive reformers, including CNN commentator , to lobby both Republican and Democratic lawmakers, framing the effort as a pragmatic response to empirical failures in mandatory minimums and rather than ideological crusades. This coalition-building extended to state-level reforms, where Koch-backed initiatives contributed to reductions in jurisdictions like Georgia, where prison admissions fell 8% following 2012 policy changes modeled on similar overcriminalization critiques. On , the network pursued restraint-oriented alliances with liberal skeptics of neoconservative interventionism, funding academic programs and research at institutions like the to advocate for reduced U.S. military commitments abroad. The Charles Koch Foundation invested millions in grants supporting scholars who critiqued endless wars, aligning with progressive calls for reallocating defense budgets—estimated at $778 billion annually by 2019—from overseas bases to domestic priorities, a stance that echoed Democratic criticisms of post-9/11 engagements. This approach manifested in tacit support for the Biden administration's 2021 withdrawal, with Koch-affiliated analysts praising it as a step toward ending failures that had over $2 and 2,400 American lives since , though broader network with the remained limited to targeted issues. More recently, in the , these efforts expanded to regulatory streamlining, such as permitting reforms for and infrastructure projects, where advocated for bipartisan fixes to expedite approvals delayed by averages of 4-5 years under existing frameworks, aiming to lower costs amid pressures peaking at 9.1% in 2022. While maintaining —opposing expansive spending—the network's model selectively cooperated with Democrats on verifiable, data-driven policies like veterans' reintegration programs, which reduced among ex-servicemen by integrating job training with reduced bureaucratic hurdles. This policy-centric pragmatism, rooted in of government inefficiencies, has yielded measurable outcomes but coexists with partisan electoral spending, underscoring a deliberate distinction between advocacy alliances and ballot-box influence.

Policy Advocacy and Impacts

Economic Policies: Deregulation, Taxes, and Trade

The Koch network, primarily through (AFP) and the , promotes as a means to eliminate barriers to economic activity, contending that overregulation increases costs for businesses and stifles innovation without commensurate benefits. AFP's "Pathway to " legislative agenda explicitly calls for repealing regulations that hinder entrepreneurs and communities, emphasizing reduced government to enhance and growth. The has critiqued specific regulatory frameworks, such as requirements, which it argues restrict interstate labor migration and exacerbate unemployment among young workers by prioritizing incumbent interests over market efficiency. Network-affiliated analyses posit that , as pursued during the and under the Trump administration—which oversaw the repeal of 22 regulations for every new one issued—correlates with accelerated GDP growth and job creation by lowering compliance burdens estimated in the tens of billions annually. On taxation, the network advocates for lower rates, simplification, and opposition to progressive structures that it views as disincentivizing productivity and capital formation. AFP has championed permanent extension of the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA), which reduced the corporate rate from 35% to 21% and doubled the standard deduction, arguing these measures spurred investment and wage gains averaging 3.1% annually post-enactment. In January 2025, AFP initiated a $20 million advertising campaign urging Congress to preserve TCJA provisions set to expire, framing them as critical to sustaining prosperity amid fiscal pressures. Earlier, in 2017, the network mobilized a multimillion-dollar effort supporting comprehensive tax reform to broaden the base while cutting rates, aligning with empirical evidence from supply-side models showing that marginal rate reductions historically boost revenue through expanded economic activity. Regarding trade, the Koch network endorses unilateral policies, rejecting as a distortion that raises consumer prices and invites retaliatory measures harming exporters. AFP has advocated eliminating barriers to allow individuals to leverage skills in global markets, joining coalitions in 2018 to oppose tariffs on and aluminum imports, which it estimated would cost households up to $1,277 annually in higher prices. The network funded initiatives like to advance among Democrats, citing data from post-NAFTA eras where U.S. exports grew 200% and manufacturing output rose despite job shifts, attributing net gains to and lower input costs. scholars have similarly endorsed open markets in declarations against tariffs, arguing that historical precedents like Smoot-Hawley exacerbated depressions by contracting volumes by two-thirds. Overall, these positions rest on causal claims that voluntary exchange and minimal intervention maximize welfare, supported by cross-country regressions linking indices to per capita income levels exceeding $40,000 in high-scoring nations versus under $7,000 in low-scoring ones.

Criminal Justice and Overcriminalization Reform

The Koch network, primarily through the Charles Koch Foundation and affiliated organizations like , has advocated for reforms emphasizing reduced incarceration, evidence-based alternatives to imprisonment, and addressing overcriminalization by simplifying legal codes and limiting criminalization of non-violent offenses, particularly drug-related ones. This approach stems from 's long-standing view that excessive criminal laws impose undue burdens on individuals and society, drawing from first-hand observations of regulatory overreach in business. The foundation has funded research grants totaling millions for studies on policing, sentencing, and overcriminalization, aiming to identify policies that minimize unnecessary justice system contact while prioritizing public safety. A key initiative is the Right on Crime campaign, launched in 2009 by the with Koch network support, which promotes conservative principles for reform such as victim-focused justice, fiscal responsibility in corrections, and ending mandatory minimums for non-violent crimes. In , this effort contributed to 2011 legislation investing $241 million in alternatives like drug courts and expansion, which correlated with a 25% drop in the state prison population from 2007 to 2017 without a corresponding rise in crime rates. Nationally, the network joined bipartisan coalitions, including the Coalition for Public Safety in 2015, to lobby for federal changes amid annual U.S. incarceration costs exceeding $80 billion. On overcriminalization specifically, the Koch network critiques the proliferation of federal regulations criminalizing regulatory violations, estimating over 300,000 such offenses, and pushes for decriminalizing low-level drug possession to reduce prison overcrowding. The Foundation supported academic projects, such as the Academy for Justice at , which examined overcriminalization through philosophical and policy lenses, advocating narrower definitions of criminal intent. At the , grants funded the Criminal Justice Innovation Lab to research overcriminalization alongside and reentry, producing data-driven recommendations for state-level of minor offenses. Federally, the network backed the of 2018, which reduced certain mandatory minimums, expanded retroactive sentencing reductions for disparities, and incentivized rehabilitation programs, leading to the release of over 3,000 inmates by 2020. Koch-affiliated groups like Freedom Partners lobbied alongside diverse stakeholders, including coalitions urging companies to hire ex-offenders post-enactment, with pledges from over 100 firms to expand "" policies. These efforts reflect a strategy of cross-ideological alliances, though critics from progressive outlets argue they prioritize interests over comprehensive racial equity measures; empirical outcomes, such as reductions in reformed states, support efficacy in cost savings and safety.

Healthcare: Opposition to ACA and Alternatives

The Koch network, primarily through Americans for Prosperity (AFP), has mounted sustained opposition to the Affordable Care Act (ACA) since its enactment on March 23, 2010, criticizing it as a costly expansion of government intervention that distorts healthcare markets and subsidizes insurers at taxpayer expense. AFP invested tens of millions in advertising against the law, including revived campaigns in 2017 targeting Republican lawmakers to demand full repeal amid unified GOP control of Congress. The group opposed Medicaid expansion under the ACA, arguing it enrolls millions in government dependency, risks eroding care quality through overburdened systems, and endangers employer-sponsored benefits for older and lower-wage workers by incentivizing firms to drop coverage. AFP has highlighted empirical drawbacks of ACA subsidies and mandates, asserting they drive relentless cost increases—with U.S. per capita healthcare spending quadrupling over 40 years at 6% annual growth—while funneling tens of billions annually to companies rather than consumers, including disproportionate benefits to high earners (e.g., a family of four earning $265,000 qualifying for $7,850 in subsidies versus $1,650 for one at $40,000). Approximately 75% of expansion funds support individuals already insured, representing monumental waste, with projections of 400,000 shifting to subsidized plans by 2022. In June 2017, the network condemned the Senate's American Health Care Act as insufficient, faulting it for retaining too many ACA elements without deeper cost-cutting reforms. This stance persisted into 2025, when AFP launched a six-figure ad buy urging expiration of enhanced ACA premium subsidies, framing their extension as perpetuating inflation and lobby giveaways amid fiscal pressures. In place of the ACA, the Koch network advocates market-driven alternatives centered on the "Personal Option" framework, which prioritizes consumer empowerment, competition, and reduced regulation to enhance affordability and access without mandates. Core proposals include expanding tax-advantaged health savings accounts (HSAs) to all Americans, including Medicare and enrollees, to encourage price-conscious spending and lower out-of-pocket costs. A universal personal credit would direct assistance to individuals for purchasing tailored coverage, bypassing insurers, while promoting high-risk pools for catastrophic needs and greater state control over marketplaces. Additional reforms target barriers like certificate-of-need laws, which AFP analysis shows have blocked billions in facility investments (e.g., $2.8 billion in alone), stifling supply and inflating prices. Introduced prominently in 2021 to counter Biden's public option push, the Personal Option seeks bipartisan support for private-sector incentives like health reimbursement arrangements () and regulatory relief, arguing these foster innovation and choice over government-run alternatives. Proponents, including AFP-backed lawmakers, contend such measures address ACA flaws empirically—evidenced by subsidy-driven premium hikes—by transitioning aid directly to consumers and enabling states to innovate safety nets, ultimately yielding sustainable cost reductions through market dynamics rather than centralized control.

Environmental Issues: Fossil Fuels, Climate Policy, and Regulatory Skepticism

The Koch network, through organizations such as Americans for Prosperity (AFP) and the Cato Institute, has advocated for policies emphasizing market-driven energy choices over government mandates, including the continued role of fossil fuels in providing reliable, affordable energy. Koch Industries, a major refiner of petroleum products and producer of petrochemicals, derives significant revenue from fossil fuel operations, with refining capacity exceeding 800,000 barrels per day as of 2023. AFP's energy policy framework promotes a "fuel and technology neutral" approach, opposing subsidies for renewables while resisting phase-out mandates for coal, oil, and natural gas, arguing that such interventions distort markets and raise consumer costs without commensurate environmental benefits. In September 2025, AFP launched a multimillion-dollar campaign to streamline permitting for energy projects, framing delays in fossil fuel infrastructure approvals as barriers to economic growth and energy security. On climate policy, has acknowledged anthropogenic contributions to global warming while questioning the severity of projected impacts, citing indicating lower to CO2 than mainstream models suggest—around 1.5–2.5°C per doubling rather than 3°C or higher. In a interview, Koch emphasized investing in for cleaner technologies over regulatory caps, stating that , not coercion, would yield emission reductions, and expressing openness to a revenue-neutral if it replaced distortive regulations without net tax increases. Affiliated think tanks like Cato have promoted "lukewarming," positing that warming trends are real but modest, with benefits from CO2 fertilization of crops outweighing costs in many scenarios, and criticizing alarmist projections for overreliance on unverified models. The network has opposed international agreements like the Paris Accord, viewing them as ineffective wealth transfers that hinder U.S. competitiveness, and supported withdrawal efforts under the Trump administration in 2017. Regulatory skepticism forms a core tenet, with the network challenging Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) actions as exceeding statutory authority and imposing undue economic burdens. They backed the 2022 decision in , which limited the agency's power to mandate generation shifts under the Clean Air Act, arguing it preserved congressional intent and prevented bureaucratic overreach. AFP and Cato critiques highlight how regulations like the Clean Power Plan (2015) ignored cost-benefit analyses, potentially costing billions in compliance while yielding negligible global temperature impacts—estimated at less than 0.02°C by 2100. This stance aligns with broader advocacy for to foster private-sector adaptation, such as carbon capture advancements, over top-down interventions that disproportionately affect low-income households through higher energy prices.

Social and Cultural Issues: Education, Immigration, and Individual Liberties

The Koch network, through organizations such as Americans for Prosperity and Stand Together, has advocated for expanding school choice mechanisms, including vouchers, charter schools, and education savings accounts, to enhance competition and parental control in K-12 education. In July 2019, the network launched Stand Together Education Fund, a lobbying group backed by Charles Koch and the Walton Family Foundation, aimed at promoting these policies at the state level amid stalled federal efforts. This initiative reflects a broader strategy to counter what network leaders describe as monopolistic public school systems dominated by teachers' unions, with funding directed toward state legislative campaigns to support pro-choice candidates; for instance, at the 2017 Koch donor summit, commitments were announced to allocate $300-400 million toward influencing education policy nationwide. Empirical trends cited by affiliates include rising homeschooling enrollment, which increased by 63% from 2019 to 2022 according to U.S. Census data, as evidence of demand for alternatives to traditional public schooling. On immigration, the network supports policies facilitating legal entry for skilled and economically productive immigrants while opposing expansive amnesty or unrestricted borders that could strain public resources. The Charles Koch Foundation funds research and advocacy emphasizing immigration's net benefits when tied to contributions to society, partnering with groups like the National Immigration Forum to promote reforms enhancing legal pathways. In March 2022, and the LIBRE Initiative, a Koch-backed outreach organization, invested seven figures in digital ads supporting a bipartisan bill that included border security measures alongside increased work visas and asylum processing efficiencies. This stance aligns with libertarian principles favoring market-driven labor flows; however, the network has critiqued proposals like extensive border wall funding, contributing to legislative in 2019 when such elements divided Republicans. Data from network-supported studies highlight immigrants' role in , with foreign-born individuals founding 55% of U.S. startups as of 2022, underscoring arguments for selective, merit-based systems over enforcement failures. Regarding individual liberties, the Koch network prioritizes reducing overcriminalization and enhancing civil protections, particularly through reforms targeting nonviolent offenses and mandatory minimums. Koch's advocacy stems from a 1990s Justice Department case against Koch Industries for alleged environmental violations, which he viewed as prosecutorial overreach lacking , spurring decades of efforts to limit federal criminal laws—now numbering over 4,500—disproportionately affecting nonviolent drug offenders who comprise more than half of the population. This led to bipartisan coalitions, including the 2018 , which retroactively reduced sentences for thousands and expanded rehabilitation programs, passing with Koch network support alongside figures like . Broader commitments include defending free speech and assembly, as articulated by the Foundation, which funds initiatives preserving these rights amid cultural pressures, viewing them as foundational to open inquiry and peace. On Second Amendment issues, affiliated libertarian outlets like the endorse robust gun ownership rights grounded in and , though direct network spending has occasionally flowed to NRA-aligned efforts via donor networks rather than overt campaigns. These positions emphasize empirical reductions in incarceration rates—down 25% since 2009 per —without compromising public safety, countering narratives of reform as leniency by focusing on recidivism-lowering alternatives.

Controversies and Empirical Assessments

Allegations of Dark Money and Political Manipulation

Critics, including investigative journalist in her 2016 book Dark Money, have alleged that the deploys undisclosed donations through 501(c)(4) nonprofit organizations to exert outsized influence on U.S. elections and policy, characterizing it as a form of plutocratic capture of democracy. These groups, such as and Freedom Partners Fund, enable anonymous contributions that fund independent expenditures on advertising and advocacy without donor disclosure requirements under . Mayer's account, drawing on leaked documents and interviews, posits that Charles and coordinated a sophisticated web of entities to amplify conservative causes, though the network maintains such structures are legal vehicles for issue advocacy rather than direct electoral manipulation. In the 2012 election cycle, the Koch-affiliated organizations reportedly expended approximately $400 million, with a significant portion derived from undisclosed sources, primarily opposing President Barack Obama's reelection through ads criticizing his policies on healthcare and energy. Federal Election Commission records substantiate some spending figures, but allegations of coordination exceeding legal limits led to fines totaling $380,000 in 2016 against three former Koch-linked nonprofits—Freedom Action, Kentuckians for Strong Leadership, and the American Future Fund—for failing to report millions in contributions as coordinated with campaigns. The FEC's enforcement actions highlighted potential violations of rules prohibiting nonprofits from disguising direct support as independent activity, though the network disputed the findings and emphasized compliance efforts. Further accusations of political manipulation include claims of , where the network purportedly fabricates grassroots support to mask corporate interests. For instance, reports have linked Koch-funded entities to campaigns against incentives, such as efforts in to block rooftop solar expansions by portraying them as threats to ratepayers, allegedly through proxy groups simulating public opposition. Critics from outlets like for Media and argue this involves coordinated messaging via think tanks and advocacy arms to influence regulators and legislators, but often relies on trails rather than proven , with the network countering that it mobilizes genuine supporter networks. Such allegations frequently emanate from progressive watchdog groups, which exhibit ideological opposition to interests, potentially inflating interpretations of standard practices. By the 2020 cycle, Koch-controlled organizations had channeled over $1.1 billion through nonprofits, much undisclosed, supporting Republican Senate candidates and policy fights against regulatory expansions, per analyses from left-leaning trackers. investigations revealed Justice Clarence Thomas's attendance at Koch donor summits as early as 2008 and 2011, raising concerns of improper access for a political network spending tens of millions on judicial-related advocacy, though no ethics violations were formally charged. Defenders note that both major parties utilize similar nondisclosure mechanisms—Democrats embraced dark money in 2020 amid anti-Trump efforts—undermining claims of unique Koch malfeasance, as total dark money flows remain dwarfed by disclosed . These charges persist amid broader debates on reform, with the network advocating transparency reforms that preserve nonprofit advocacy rights.

Responses to Specific Criticisms (e.g., Climate Denial, Media Portrayals)

Critics, including environmental advocacy groups such as and the , have accused the Koch network of funding climate denial by supporting organizations that question the severity of anthropogenic global warming or oppose regulatory interventions like the . However, has publicly stated that is real and partly attributable to human activity, though he maintains that its impacts are overstated by catastrophic models and that policy responses should prioritize cost-effective innovation over mandates. In a 2020 interview, Koch reiterated belief in human contributions to warming but advocated market-driven solutions, such as technological advancement, rather than government-imposed restrictions that he argues stifle economic growth and adaptation. Koch Industries' operational data supports this stance, with U.S. greenhouse gas emissions reduced by 19% since 2014 (equating to over 5.3 million metric tons of CO2 equivalent avoided) and EPA criteria air pollutants cut by 53% from 2008 to 2023 through efficiency measures and fuel switching, such as replacing boilers with . The company has invested over $2.5 billion in energy efficiency since 2015 and $2 billion in technologies including and electric batteries, emphasizing voluntary innovation to lower emissions intensity without regulatory coercion. Network-affiliated groups like promote fuel-neutral policies that allow markets to determine energy mixes, opposing subsidies or taxes that distort competition while favoring research into carbon capture and adaptation strategies. Regarding media portrayals, outlets including and have depicted the Koch network as a secretive force manipulating via "dark money," often highlighting undisclosed 501(c)(4) donations while downplaying similar practices by left-leaning groups. In response, network leaders argue that such funding enables protected by free speech, and selective scrutiny ignores comparable liberal expenditures, such as the Sixteen Thirty Fund's $400 million in 2020 election-related dark money. Instances of disclosure, like Americans for Job Security revealing millions in contributions following a 2017 complaint, demonstrate willingness to comply where legally required, countering claims of opacity. These portrayals, frequently sourced from advocacy research rather than balanced audits, reflect institutional biases that amplify right-leaning influence while minimizing equivalents on the left, as evidenced by disproportionate coverage despite bipartisan engagements like .

Verified Policy Achievements and Economic Outcomes

The Koch network, through organizations like and the , contributed to the passage of the on December 21, 2018, a bipartisan measure that retroactively reduced mandatory minimum sentences for non-violent drug offenses, expanded rehabilitation and reentry programs, and required the Bureau of Prisons to prioritize evidence-based reduction initiatives. The Act led to the early release of over 3,100 federal inmates by mid-2019 and subsequent expansions of programs that correlated with recidivism rates dropping below 37% for participants in certain risk-reduction activities, compared to higher rates for non-participants. At the federal level, the network endorsed the of December 22, 2017, which lowered the rate from 35% to 21%, doubled the for individuals, and introduced pass-through business deductions, measures aligned with their advocacy for lower taxes to spur . Post-enactment, U.S. GDP growth averaged 2.9% in 2018, business rose 6.4%, and fell to 3.5% by late 2019, outcomes the network attributes to enhanced economic incentives, though federal revenues from es rebounded to pre-cut levels by 2022 after an initial dip. On , the network's decades-long legal and advocacy efforts supported the Supreme Court's June 28, 2024, decision in Loper Bright Enterprises v. Raimondo, which overturned the Chevron doctrine and curtailed federal agencies' interpretive authority over ambiguous statutes, enabling challenges to rules on environmental and labor standards that the network viewed as overreach. This ruling has facilitated lawsuits reducing regulatory burdens, with estimates indicating potential annual savings in compliance costs exceeding $200 billion across sectors like and , though long-term economic impacts remain under empirical scrutiny. At the state level, the network backed right-to-work laws enacted in on February 12, 2016, and on January 9, 2017, which ended mandatory for non-union members and correlated with a 4.6% increase in jobs in by 2018 and inbound business relocations valued at over $1 billion in . They also advanced expansions, including education savings accounts in five states by mid-2017, enabling parental funding for private or homeschool options and resulting in enrollment growth of over 10% in participating programs by 2019. These reforms have been linked to improved student outcomes in choice programs, with studies showing higher graduation rates among participants relative to public school peers in comparable demographics.

Counterarguments to Left-Leaning Narratives on Influence

Critics frequently depict the Koch network as wielding disproportionate, shadowy control over American politics through vast "dark money" expenditures, yet empirical data on political spending reveals that such influence is neither unique nor unparalleled on the right. For example, the network's flagship super PAC, Americans for Prosperity Action, expended over $61 million supporting Republican candidates in the 2024 cycle, a substantial but not record-breaking sum amid total election spending exceeding $14 billion. In contrast, left-leaning dark money groups, including those coordinated through vehicles like the Sixteen Thirty Fund, channeled hundreds of millions in opaque funding to Democratic efforts during recent cycles, with overall dark money surging to unprecedented levels across ideologies in 2024. Public sector unions, key allies in progressive coalitions, outspent conservative business networks like the Kochs by ratios exceeding 2:1 in federal elections from 2016 to 2020, underscoring that organized labor's financial clout—often aligned with left-leaning policy agendas—receives comparatively less alarm in mainstream analyses. This selective focus aligns with patterns of systemic bias in media and academic institutions, where right-leaning funders face amplified scrutiny despite symmetric structures on the left, such as the Democracy Alliance's donor consortium mirroring the Koch seminars in scale and strategy. Transparency claims against the Koch network similarly overstate opacity relative to peers. While some Koch-affiliated 501(c)(4) groups have faced fines for donor nondisclosure—totaling under $1 million across instances since 2010—the network's core funding traces directly to identifiable sources like , unlike fully anonymous conduits prevalent on , such as shell companies feeding into super PACs. Left-leaning equivalents, including Soros-funded entities that disbursed $170 million via Democracy PAC in 2022 alone, often route funds through layered nonprofits with minimal public traceability, yet evade equivalent labeling as "manipulative." The network's operational seminars and policy shops, such as , publicly detail agendas focused on and fiscal restraint, fostering long-term intellectual advocacy rather than concealed puppeteering—a model paralleled by progressive think tanks but critiqued asymmetrically in outlets like . Narratives of unidirectional manipulation falter against evidence of the network's bipartisan engagements and limited sway over electoral outcomes. On , Koch-backed initiatives collaborated with left-leaning groups to advance the in 2018, reducing federal recidivism risks through evidence-based sentencing adjustments—a policy win defying claims of partisan capture. Similarly, opposition to in 2024 primaries, with over $70 million raised explicitly to back alternatives, demonstrates independence from GOP orthodoxy rather than dominance, as the network withheld support from the eventual nominee. Policy impacts, such as for 2017 tax reforms correlating with 2.9% GDP acceleration and sub-4% unemployment in 2018-2019, stem from broader economic causality and public demand for growth-oriented measures, not isolated financial coercion—outcomes substantiated by federal data over anecdotal attributions of "buying" influence. Such achievements highlight principled grounded in market empirics, countering portrayals rooted in ideologically skewed sources that privilege alarm over balanced assessment.

References

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