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Shaker Aamer
Shaker Aamer
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Shaker Abd al-Rahim Muhammad Aamer (Arabic: شاكر عبد الرحيم محمد عامر; born 21 December 1966)[2] is a Saudi citizen who was held by the United States in the Guantanamo Bay detention camp in Cuba for more than thirteen years without charge.[2][3]

Key Information

Aamer was seized in Afghanistan by bounty hunters, who handed him over to US forces in December 2001 during the United States military operation in the country. Two months later, the US rendered Aamer to the Guantánamo camp, where he was held without trial or charge.[4][5][6][7] Aamer had been a legal resident in Britain for years before his imprisonment; the UK government repeatedly demanded his release, and many people there called for him to be released.[8][9]

According to documents published in the Guantanamo Bay files leak, the US military Joint Task Force Guantanamo believed that Aamer had led a unit of fighters in Afghanistan, including at the Battle of Tora Bora, while his family was paid a stipend by Osama bin Laden. The file asserts past associations with Richard Reid and Zacarias Moussaoui.[8][9] Aamer denies involvement in terrorist activity and his lawyer, Clive Stafford Smith, said the leaked documents would not stand up in court. He claimed that part of the evidence came from an unreliable witness and that confessions Aamer made had been obtained through torture.[10][11] Aamer's father-in-law, Saaed Ahmed Siddique, said: "All of these claims have no basis. If any of this was true he would be in a court now."[12] The Bush administration acknowledged later that it had no evidence against Aamer.[13]

Aamer has never been charged with any wrongdoing, was never on trial, and his lawyer says he is "totally innocent."[14][15] He was approved for transfer to Saudi Arabia by the Bush administration in 2007 and the Obama administration in 2009.[15][16] He has been described as a "charismatic leader" who spoke up and fought for the rights of fellow prisoners. Aamer alleges that he has been subject to torture in detention.[17]

Aamer has suffered decline in his mental and physical health over the years, as he participated in hunger strikes to protest his detention conditions, and was held in solitary confinement for much of the time. He claims to have lost 40 per cent of his body weight in captivity.[18][19][20] After a visit in November 2011, his lawyer said, "I do not think it is stretching matters to say that he is gradually dying in Guantanamo Bay."[21] In 2015, despite Aamer's deteriorating health, the US denied a request for an independent medical examination.[citation needed]

Aamer, the last British resident to be held at Guantanamo Bay, was released to the United Kingdom on 30 October 2015.[2][22]

Family and personal life

[edit]

Aamer was born on 21 December 1966 and grew up in Medina in Saudi Arabia. He left the country at the age of 17. He lived and traveled in the United States, Europe and the Middle East.[23] Aamer lived and studied in Georgia and Maryland in 1989 and 1990. During the Gulf War, he worked as a translator for the United States Army.[24]

He moved to the United Kingdom in 1996 where he met Zin Siddique, a British woman; they married in 1997 and he established legal residency in Britain. They have four British children, the youngest of whom Aamer had never met, due to his having been born after Aamer's imprisonment.[25] Aamer had indefinite leave to remain in the UK, and was applying for British citizenship.[26]

Aamer worked as an Arabic translator for London law firms. Some of the solicitors he worked for dealt with immigration cases. In his spare time, Aamer helped refugees find accommodation and offered them advice on their struggles with the Home Office.[23]

In 2012, Aamer's family lived in Battersea, South London. His wife Zin Aamer suffered from depression and mental episodes after his arrest.[20][27][28] Saeed Siddique, Aamer's father-in-law, said in 2011, "When he was captured, Shaker offered to let my daughter divorce him, but she said, 'No, I will wait for you.' She is still waiting."[29]

Arrest and allegations

[edit]
Aamer with daughter, Johnina (left), and son Mikaeel (photo taken before his capture in 2001, released by his lawyer)

Aamer took his family to Afghanistan in 2001, where he was working for an Islamic charity when the US invaded the country later that year.[25] The Northern Alliance took him into custody in Jalalabad in December 2001, and passed him to the Americans. The US routinely paid ransom for Arabs handed over to them.[24] They interrogated Aamer at Bagram Theater Internment Facility and transported him to Guantanamo on 14 February 2002.

According to Joint Task Force Guantanamo assessments from 1 November 2007, the US military believed that Aamer was a "recruiter, financier, and facilitator" for al-Qaeda, based partly on evidence given by the informant Yasim Muhammed Basardah, a fellow detainee.[12] The leaked documents alleged that Aamer had confessed to interrogators that he was in Tora Bora with Osama bin Laden at the time of the US bombing.[9] The documents further note that the Saudi intelligence Mabahith identified Aamer "as a high priority for the government of Saudi Arabia, an indication of his law enforcement value to them."[30]

In 2010, the Guantanamo Review Task Force released their report of the detainee assessments. In many instances, the Task Force largely agreed with prior threat assessments of the detainees and sometimes found additional information that further substantiated such assessments. In other instances, the Task Force found prior assessments to be overstated. Some assessments, for example, contained allegations that were not supported by the underlying source document upon which they relied. Other assessments contained conclusions that were stated categorically even though derived from uncorroborated statements or raw intelligence reporting of undetermined or questionable reliability. Conversely, in a few cases, the Task Force discovered reliable information indicating that a detainee posed a greater threat in some respects than prior assessments suggested.[31]

Aamer denies being involved in terrorist activity[32] and his attorney, Clive Stafford Smith of Reprieve, said the evidence against his client "would not stand up in court." He pointed out that part of the evidence comes from Yasim Muhammed Basardah, whom American judges found to be "utterly incredible" and who was tortured and "promised all sorts of things."[12]

The Bush administration acknowledged later that it had no evidence against Aamer, and he was cleared for transfer in 2007.[13][15] The clearance was for transfer to Saudi Arabia only.[16]

Aamer's allegations of being tortured in Bagram

[edit]

In September 2009, Zachary Katznelson, a Reprieve lawyer, said that Aamer had told of suffering severe beatings at the Bagram facility. Aamer said that close to a dozen men had beaten him, including interrogators who represented themselves as officers of MI5, the United Kingdom's internal counter-terrorism agency. Following one severe beating, he recovered from being stunned to find that all the interrogators had left the room and put a pistol on the table.[33] He did not determine if the pistol was loaded. He said it occurred to him that it had been left either so he could kill himself, or that, if he picked it up, he could be shot and killed on the excuse he was trying to shoot them.[33]

Aamer says that the "MI5" interrogators told him he had two choices: (1) agree to spy on suspected jihadists in the United Kingdom; or (2) remain in US custody.[33] He said that guards/agents repeatedly knocked his head against the wall while an MI5 officer was in the room.

All I know is that I felt someone grab my head and start beating my head into the back wall – so hard that my head was bouncing. And they were shouting that they would kill me or I would die.[34]

Other former detainees have alleged similar mistreatment by MI5 and MI6 agents, including torture.[10][35] Seven detainees filed suit against the British government over their mistreatment and torture. In November 2010, the British government settled the suit, paying the detainees millions of pounds in compensation.[36][37][38][39] Aamer is also on the compensation list and part of the deal, but details are not known as most of the deal is still secret.[40][41]

Guantanamo

[edit]

Aamer has been described as an unofficial spokesman for the detainees at Guantanamo. He has spoken up for the welfare of prisoners, negotiating with camp commanders and organizing protests against cruel treatment. He organized and participated in a hunger strike in 2005 in which he lost half of his weight. He demanded the prisoners be treated according to the Geneva Convention, allowing the detainees to form a grievance committee. In negotiations, the camp administration promised a healthier diet for the prisoners after he agreed to end the hunger strike.[23][42] His lawyer Stafford Smith said the grievance committee was formed, but that the camp authorities disbanded it after a few days. American spokesman Major Jeffrey Weir denied that the Americans had ever agreed to any conditions resulting from the hunger strike.

In September 2006, Aamer's attorneys filed a 16-page motion arguing for his removal from isolation in Guantanamo Bay prison. They argued extended periods of isolation were detrimental to his mental and physical health.[43]

Aamer continued to take part in additional hunger strikes and was held in solitary confinement for most of the time. His lawyers described his solitary confinement as "cruel" and said his health was affected to a point where they feared for his life. In 2011 Stafford Smith, director of the UK branch of Reprieve, said Aamer is "falling apart at the seams."[21][23][44][45]

Given the time involved, the lengthy spells in solitary confinement and the torture allegedly used against him, Shaker Aamer's plight has been one of the worst of all the detainees held at Guantanamo.

On 18 September 2006, Aamer's attorneys filed a 16-page motion arguing for his removal from isolation in Guantanamo Bay prison.[47] The motion alleges that Aamer had been held in solitary confinement for 360 days at the time of filing, and was tortured by beatings, exposure to temperature extremes, and sleep deprivation, which together caused him to suffer to the point of becoming mentally unbalanced. The next day Katznelson filed a motion to enforce the Geneva Conventions on his behalf.[48]

After President Barack Obama was elected, in 2009 he convened a six-agency task force to review the status of detainees at Guantanamo. It "unanimously recommended" transfer of Aamer.[49] Security officials wanted to send him to Saudi Arabia, his country of citizenship, but his attorneys argued for him to be transferred to Great Britain, where he had been resident and had family.[49]

In September 2011, Aamer's lawyer Brent Mickum, who saw him in Guantánamo, alleged that Aamer was repeatedly beaten before their meetings. He said that Aamer's mental and physical health was deteriorating. "It felt like he has given up: that's what 10 years, mostly in solitary confinement will do to a person," he said.[50]

Binyam Mohamed, an Ethiopian prisoner who formerly occupied a cell one door down from Aamer, has said since his release that he knew why Aamer was still in the prison camps.[23]

I would say the Americans are trying to keep him as silent as they could. It's not that he has anything. What happened in 2005 and 2006 is something that the Americans don't want the world to know – hunger strikes, and all the events that took place, until the three brothers who died ... insider information of all the events, probably. Obviously, Shaker doesn't have it, but the Americans think he may have some of it, and they don't like this kind of information being released.

Clive Stafford Smith, his lawyer and director of human rights organisation Reprieve, came to a similar conclusion. He said:[51]

I have known Shaker for some time, because he is so eloquent and outspoken about the injustices of Guantanamo he is very definitely viewed as a threat by the US. Not in the sense of being an extremist but in the sense of being someone who can rather eloquently criticise the nightmare that happened there.

Omar Deghayes, a former Guantanamo Detainee who knew Aamer, said of him,

He was always forward, he would translate for people, he'd fight for them, and if he had any problems in the block he'd shout at the guards... until he would get you your rights. And that's why he's still in prison... because he's very outspoken, a very intelligent person, somebody who would fight for somebody else's rights.[52]

At Camp "No" in June 2006

[edit]

In an article published in 2010, Aamer said that he was beaten for hours and subjected to interrogation methods that included asphyxiation on 9 June 2006, the same day that three fellow prisoners died in Guantanamo. The United States claimed these deaths were suicides.[53]

Describing his treatment, Aamer said that he was strapped to a chair, fully restrained at the head, arms and legs, while MAs pressed on pressure points all over his body: his temples, just under his jawline, in the hollow beneath his ears. They bent his nose repeatedly, pinched his thighs and feet. They inflicted pain to his eyes, bent his fingers until he screamed and then they cut off his airway and put a mask over him, so he could not cry out.[53][54]

Please torture me in the old way ... Here they destroy people mentally and physically without leaving marks.

— Aamer in a letter to The Independent[18]

The law professor Scott Horton published an award-winning article on the 2006 deaths in Harper's Magazine in 2010, suggesting that these were cases of homicide caused by extended torture, rather than suicide. He said that Aamer had been brought to "Camp No," a secret interrogation black site outside the camp, with the three men who died on the day of the event. Horton described Aamer's account of having his airways cut off as "alarming" and wrote, "This is the same technique that appears to have been used on the three deceased prisoners."[53][54] Colonel Michael Bumgarner, the commander of the camps during the incident and identified in Horton's article as having been present during the interrogations, denied Horton's claims.[55]

Horton wrote that Aamer's repatriation was being delayed so that he could not testify about his alleged torture in Bagram or the events of 9 June 2006. He wrote: "American authorities may be concerned that Aamer, if released, could provide evidence against them in criminal investigations."[53][54]

2013 hunger strike and detention condition

[edit]

In 2013, Aamer told his attorneys that he was among the growing group of active hunger strikers. He said he had been refusing meals since 15 February and had lost 32 pounds.[24] In previous hunger strikes, guards force-fed him with tubes down his nose.[24] His lawyer said Aamer spent 22 hours a day alone in his cell.[24] Aamer was not permitted visitors except his attorneys.[24] Aamer was among a group of detainees who filed a court challenge to the authorities' practice of force feeding those on hunger strikes. A United States appellate court ruled in 2014 "that the judiciary could oversee conditions of confinement at the prison."[49]

2014 motion for release

[edit]

In 2014, his lawyers filed a motion on Aamer's behalf seeking his release on the grounds that his health is "gravely diminished". They argued that his various health problems could not be treated in Guantanamo and "even if he receives the intensive medical and therapeutic treatment his condition requires, Mr Aamer will take many years, if not a lifetime, to achieve any significant recovery". His lawyers argued that both the Geneva Convention and Army Regulation 190-8, require the repatriation of chronically ill prisoners.[56][57][58] In 2015 despite Aamer's deteriorating health, the US denied attorneys' request for an independent medical examination.[citation needed]

UK release negotiations

[edit]

The United Kingdom government initially refused to intervene on the behalf of Guantánamo detainees who were legal British residents but were not British citizens. In August 2007, Foreign Secretary David Miliband requested the release of Aamer and four other men, based on their having been granted refugee status, or similar leave, to remain in Britain as residents prior to their capture by US forces.[25][42][59][60] With the repatriation of Binyam Mohammed in February 2009, all British citizens and residents other than Aamer had been released.[61][62][63]

The UK government officials repeatedly raised Aamer's case with the Americans. On a visit to the United States on 13 March 2009, when asked about Guantánamo captives, Home Secretary Jacqui Smith said that the US administration has said they do not want to return Aamer to the UK. William Hague, the Foreign Secretary, raised Aamer's case again with Hillary Clinton, US Secretary of State, in November 2010,[64] followed by meetings with other US officials. At the time, the US government had reached settlement with former detainees as a resolution for damages due to the use of torture in interrogation.[64]

In September 2011, Foreign Office Minister Alistair Burt said that negotiations were ongoing and confidential.[65] Supporters of Aamer criticized the UK government for not doing enough on his behalf; they urged the government to step up their efforts.[15] In January 2012, The Independent revealed that the British government has spent £274,345 fighting in court including preventing Aamer's lawyers gaining access to evidence which might have proved his innocence.[18] The newspaper reported that Aamer had several serious medical complaints from years of "inhumane" detention conditions, and that the UK gave false hope to his family.[44]

Calls for his release

[edit]
  • In January 2010, his 12-year-old daughter Johina wrote a letter to Gordon Brown asking for her father's release.[27][43]
  • August 2010, protesters disrupted a meeting that discussed plans to create a US Embassy near Battersea, the home of Aamer and his family.[43][66]
  • On 11 December 2010, hundreds took to the streets in London near the US embassy to demand Aamer's release.[43][67]
  • In February 2011, Amnesty International called Aamer's incarceration a "mockery of justice" and denounced the "cruel limbo" he was held in.[43][68] At the same time The Guardian reported that people had sent 12000 emails to US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and UK MPs in support of Aamer.[43][69]
  • In May 2011, students of University of St Andrews protested for the release of Aamer.[43][70]
  • In early 2012, as Aamer neared ten years' imprisonment in Guantánamo, campaigners stepped up efforts for his release. Among them, Jane Ellison, Tory MP for Battersea, wrote to President Barack Obama to urge Aamer's release.[43][71]
  • February 2012, marking the 10th anniversary of Aamer's detention, a series of protests took place in England while detainees conducted a hunger strike in Guantanamo.[43]
  • In December 2012, the comedian Frankie Boyle donated £50,000 to Aamer's legal fund for suits against MI6.[72]
  • By April 2013, 117,384 British citizens or UK residents had signed an online petition to pressure the UK Government for Aamer's release.[73]
  • In July 2013, Clive Stafford-Smith, director of the UK branch of Reprieve; Frankie Boyle, Scottish comedian; and actress Julie Christie went on a sequential hunger strike in support of Shaker Aamer and his release.[74][75]
  • In March 2015 British lawmaker John McDonnell said, "The case of Shaker Aamer is one of the worst cases of a miscarriage of justice in the last three decades at least ... He has endured harsh, and brutal and inhuman treatment," in a debate in which members of all major political parties called for Aamer's release.[76]
  • On 4 July 2015 (US Independence Day), 80 prominent Britons including six former cabinet ministers, leading writers, actors, directors, and musicians urged Obama to free Aamer.[4]

Release

[edit]

On 30 October 2015, Aamer was flown from Cuba, stepping on British soil at 13.00 GMT. In a later interview he discussed his detention and family life. He also called upon extremists to "get the hell out" of Britain, stating that civilian killings were "not allowed" in Islam, and went on to say that "you cannot just go in the street and get a knife and start stabbing people", in apparent reference to the murder of Lee Rigby.[77]

Representation in other media

[edit]
  • In her album In The Current Climate (2011), singer-songwriter Sarah Gillespie had an imaginary first-person song of Aamer, entitled "How The West was Won". Gillespie dedicated the track to Aamer in the CD booklet.[78]
  • In August 2013 the singer PJ Harvey released the song "Shaker Aamer," describing Aamer's plight being force-fed during a month-long hunger strike.[79]

See also

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]

References

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Shaker Aamer (born 1968) is a Saudi Arabian national and former long-term resident of the who was detained by forces at the detention facility from February 2002 to October 2015 without criminal charges or trial, the last British resident held there, amid U.S. assessments identifying him as an al-Qaeda-affiliated fighter and recruiter captured in following the . Aamer, a Saudi citizen who relocated to in 1996, married a British national, and fathered four British-citizen children, was apprehended by Afghan forces in in December 2001 while allegedly in possession of a false and cash, then transferred to U.S. custody at before arrival at as detainee ISN 239. U.S. Department of Defense evaluations, drawing from multiple detainee interrogations and intelligence reports, concluded he had trained with weapons at al-Qaeda's Khalden camp, served as a translator and sub-commander under and figures during the campaign against U.S.-led forces, maintained ties to senior operatives including associates, and acted as a recruiter for jihadist activities in . His in 2004 upheld his designation based on this evidence, though no federal charges were filed due to evidentiary challenges in admissibility for prosecution. Cleared for transfer by U.S. review boards as early as June 2007—initially to amid ongoing risk assessments that deemed him a continuing —his faced prolonged delays, including U.S. reservations over his potential and British concerns about his influence on radical networks. The government, spanning multiple administrations, persistently advocated for his return, culminating in David Cameron's direct appeal to President in early 2015, leading to his release to the on , 2015, without conditions. Post-release, Aamer has publicly denied involvement, attributing his confessions to coercive interrogations, and pursued civil claims against both U.S. and entities for alleged mistreatment, including and physical abuse, while U.S. assessments maintained the underlying validity despite procedural hurdles in court. His case exemplifies tensions between justified by wartime combatant status and demands for judicial process, with empirical pointing to operational risks contrasted against activist narratives emphasizing humanitarian lapses.

Early Life and Background

Saudi Origins and Conversion to Islam

Shaker Aamer was born on December 12, 1966, in , , a city revered in as the Prophet Muhammad's place of hijra and the location of the Masjid an-Nabawi. His parents divorced during his childhood, leaving him to grow up primarily in Medina amid the kingdom's conservative religious environment dominated by Wahhabi doctrines, which emphasize a return to the practices of early . Born into a in this theocratic context, Aamer's early life was steeped in from local mosques and madrasas, where Salafi-influenced interpretations—prioritizing literal adherence to the and —prevailed under Saudi state sponsorship. During his youth, he reportedly strengthened his commitment to observant , reflecting the pervasive religious fervor in , though accounts of a distinct "conversion" moment are absent from verified records, suggesting rather a gradual intensification within his upbringing. By his late teens, around 1983–1985, Aamer began seeking opportunities beyond Saudi Arabia's borders, initially departing at age 17 without documented intermediate travels in the broader , heading directly to the to stay with acquaintances from Saudi connections. This move marked the end of his formative years in , prior to extended stays in Western countries.

Relocation to the United Kingdom

Shaker Aamer, a Saudi national, arrived in the in 1996 and was granted shortly thereafter. This status allowed him to settle permanently, facilitated by his marriage to a British citizen. He initially entered on a visitor visa but transitioned to residency amid efforts to build a life in Britain following prior travels in and the . In 1996, Aamer married Zinah Siddique, a British woman, and the couple established a family in , south-west . Their first child, Johina, was born in 1997, followed by three sons, resulting in four British citizen children by the early . The family resided in a modest home in the area, where Aamer integrated into local Muslim communities while raising his children. Aamer found employment as an translator, working for London law firms and assisting refugees with services and accommodation support. His role involved aiding new arrivals from Arabic-speaking countries, reflecting practical skills gained from his multilingual background. During this period, Aamer regularly attended the , a site known for hosting sermons by the extremist preacher , though Aamer has denied direct involvement in radical activities there. Attendance at such venues indicated early exposure to inflammatory rhetoric prevalent in certain Islamist circles, without evidence of organizational participation.

Pre-Detention Activities and Travel

Involvement in Islamic Charities

Prior to his detention, Shaker Aamer, while residing in the , engaged in support for Muslim causes in conflict areas through affiliations with international Islamic charities. In 1994, he worked for the Revival of Islamic Heritage Society (RIHS) and the International Islamic Relief Organization (IIRO) in Bosnia, organizations ostensibly providing but classified by U.S. intelligence as Priority 1B terrorist support entities due to their roles in channeling resources to militant groups. The RIHS, a Kuwaiti-based group, was subsequently designated by the in 2002 and the U.S. Treasury in 2008 for funding operations, including through ostensibly charitable programs for orphans that masked financial transfers to extremists. From his base in , Aamer's activities extended to facilitating support for these conflicts, including couriering funds to Bosnia in 1996 and associations with UK networks linked to Chechen militants, such as the "Tooting Group." U.S. assessments describe him as acting as a financier for during this period, supplying money, equipment, and recruits under the guise of charitable efforts, with ties to radical figures at the and recruitment of young Muslims for . Witness statements from other detainees, including , allege Aamer's direct participation in the Bosnian jihad in 1995, where he trained on rifles and RPGs as part of the Third Army Corps and served in a unit led by al-Qaeda associate Abu Zubayr al-Haili. Aamer has consistently portrayed his involvement as purely humanitarian, claiming he traveled to Bosnia for relief work amid the and denying any combat role or militant financing. However, empirical indicators from declassified intelligence, including detainee identifications and financial facilitation patterns, suggest these charities enabled dual-use support for armed , with Aamer's position enabling logistics for Bosnia and potentially without verifiable evidence of exclusively non-militant aid flows.

Journey to Afghanistan in 2001

In late summer 2001, Shaker Aamer, a Saudi national and long-term resident of the , traveled from to Taliban-controlled with his wife and four young children, including one born during the trip. Aamer stated that the purpose of the journey was humanitarian, specifically to engage in voluntary work for an Islamic charity aimed at constructing infrastructure such as a school for girls in . Following the September 11, 2001, attacks and the subsequent U.S.-led invasion of in October 2001, Aamer relocated from to , where he remained amid the escalating conflict. U.S. intelligence assessments alleged that during this period, Aamer interacted with local figures, potentially serving as a translator for their leadership in the region, though Aamer has denied any combatant role or affiliation with militant groups. As fighting intensified, Aamer arranged for his family to be evacuated back to safety, leaving him behind in the combat zone near the border. His wife, who had given birth to their youngest son during the stay, returned to the without him, while Aamer claimed to continue his charitable efforts despite the deteriorating security situation.

Capture and Initial Detention

Arrest by Afghan Forces

Shaker Aamer was captured in , , by forces affiliated with the in late November 2001, shortly after the Taliban retreated from the city on November 14 amid the U.S.-led invasion following the . Aamer, who had arrived in earlier that year claiming involvement in Islamic charities, was detained along with other Arab nationals in the chaotic aftermath of the Taliban's collapse in eastern . U.S. military assessments later alleged he had participated in combat operations near , including obtaining an and hiding in caves, though Aamer denied fighting and described himself as a non-combatant engaged in . Initial detention occurred under Afghan control in local jails in , where Aamer was held for approximately one month prior to transfer. Accounts of his treatment during this period include reports of physical coercion to extract information, though specifics remain disputed and primarily stem from detainee statements rather than independent verification. The capture took place amid widespread opportunism, as militias and local actors targeted suspected and al-Qaeda affiliates in the power vacuum. Aamer was subsequently handed over to U.S. forces in exchange for a bounty, with multiple sources indicating payments of around $5,000 per detainee as incentivized by U.S. leaflet campaigns offering rewards for suspects. This handover aligned with the intensification of operations around in early December 2001, where U.S. and Afghan allies pursued remaining and fighters fleeing toward . The U.S. at Guantanamo later classified the circumstances as involving potential ties, citing Aamer's associations and possessions at capture, including a false .

Interrogation and Transfer to U.S. Custody

Shaker Aamer was transferred into U.S. custody at in around December 24, 2001, following his handover by local forces who had captured him near . There, he faced initial interrogations focused on his travels, associations in , and purported knowledge of activities, amid claims of harsh treatment including nine days of continuous abuse such as suspension from ceilings, chaining in the , and severe through loud music and constant disruptions. These allegations, detailed in Aamer's statements to lawyers and corroborated by contemporaneous accounts from other Bagram detainees like , align with documented patterns of stress positions and at the facility, though U.S. reviews later attributed some abuses to isolated contractor misconduct rather than . Interrogations at , involving U.S. personnel and reportedly British officers from and , pressed Aamer on claims of his involvement with training camps and logistical support, yielding statements he later described as coerced fabrications to end the physical strain, which included beatings and exposure to extreme cold. His physical condition deteriorated rapidly, with documented exceeding 40 pounds in weeks, compounded by untreated injuries like a from chaining. U.S. assessments during this period flagged Aamer as a potential source of actionable on jihadist networks, based on his admitted presence in Taliban-controlled areas and charity distributions misinterpreted as militant funding, though no charges stemmed from these sessions and subsequent reviews questioned the reliability of duress-induced admissions. By early 2002, Aamer was moved to the detention facility at Kandahar Airfield for further questioning, where similar techniques persisted, before his transport to Guantánamo Bay on February 14, 2002, as part of the first wave of high-interest detainees airlifted via rendition flights. This transfer reflected early U.S. intelligence prioritization of individuals like Aamer, whose background in London mosques and Afghan travel raised suspicions of recruitment roles, despite lacking direct evidence of combat involvement at the time. British officials were briefed on his interrogations but raised no formal objections to the process or relocation.

Guantanamo Bay Detention (2002–2015)

Classification as Enemy Combatant

Shaker Aamer (ISN 239) arrived at the Guantanamo Bay detention facility on February 14, 2002, where he underwent initial processing in , a temporary open-air enclosure consisting of wire-mesh cells designed for isolation and basic interrogation. This phase involved measures upon transfer, including hooding, ear muffs, and shackling, as standard procedure for incoming detainees to prevent resistance and facilitate health screenings. In July 2004, the U.S. Department of Defense established Combatant Status Review Tribunals (CSRTs) to assess whether Guantanamo detainees met the criteria for "" status, defined as an individual who was part of or supporting the , al-Qaida, or associated forces engaged in hostilities against the or its coalition allies. Aamer's CSRT hearing, held that year, affirmed his classification as an based on unclassified summaries of classified intelligence reports. The tribunal's rationale cited multiple sources linking Aamer to Taliban military activities in , including attendance at al-Qaida-affiliated training camps near , close proximity to during key periods in 2001, and command of a fighting unit against forces. These associations were derived from interrogations of other detainees and , though Aamer denied the allegations and lacked access to classified evidence during the non-adversarial proceeding. The CSRT panel, consisting of three military officers, concluded unanimously that the evidence substantiated his support for forces hostile to U.S. operations under the Authorization for Use of Military Force.

Conditions of Confinement and Health Deterioration

Shaker Aamer experienced extended periods of during his detention at Guantanamo Bay, including prolonged stays in Camp , a facility designated for isolation and disciplinary measures. According to a 2006 declaration by his attorney Zachary Katznelson, Aamer was transferred to Camp on September 24, 2005, and remained there for at least 360 consecutive days as of September 19, 2006, exceeding the military's stated 30-day limit for isolation. Such isolation involved confinement to cells for up to 22 hours daily, with limited contact, as documented in contemporaneous reports on Guantanamo's isolation blocks. These measures were implemented by U.S. military authorities citing operational security and detainee non-compliance, though Aamer's legal team contended they constituted prolonged beyond security necessities. Aamer's health reportedly deteriorated significantly under these conditions, with chronic physical and psychological symptoms emerging over years of detention. An independent psychiatric evaluation conducted in 2014 by Dr. Emily Keram diagnosed him with (PTSD) and depression, manifesting as anxiety, , , and difficulties with basic functions like eating and elimination. Physical ailments included severe potentially indicating , kidney pain, worsening vision, debilitating headaches, asthma exacerbations, ear pain, , , and stomach issues, as noted in the same assessment and earlier attorney observations from 2006. Aamer attributed some conditions, such as kidney problems and eye damage, to environmental factors like contaminated water and constant fluorescent lighting, while others reportedly intensified following alleged beatings during transfers. U.S. authorities maintained that medical care was provided through the Joint Medical Group, but independent evaluators highlighted untreated risks from and psychological strain.

Hunger Strikes and Isolation Measures

Shaker Aamer participated in a major at that began in July 2005, following an incident where assaulted a detainee during , prompting over 200 prisoners to join in against detention conditions and indefinite holding without trial. Aamer emerged as a leader during this action, serving on the prisoners' negotiating council and helping secure a temporary settlement with camp authorities that addressed some grievances, though participation continued into 2006 amid recurring complaints of abuse and isolation. In early 2013, Aamer joined another widespread starting February 6, involving at least 103 of the approximately 166 detainees, motivated by opposition to prolonged detention without charges and deteriorating confinement conditions, including and lack of family contact. He reported losing up to a quarter of his body weight during the protest, reaching as low as 30 pounds of loss by late 2013, and described the action as a desperate measure to draw attention to systemic issues like arbitrary punishment and medical neglect. U.S. officials acknowledged the strike's scale but disputed exact numbers, attributing it to coordinated resistance rather than unified , though Aamer's vocal in prior strikes positioned him as an influential figure among participants. As responses to the strikes, Aamer was subjected to prolonged isolation in facilities like Camp Echo, a unit where he was held continuously from September 2005 onward, exacerbating health declines through and restricted movement. Camp authorities defended such measures as necessary for security and to manage non-compliant detainees, including those on , but critics noted they intensified psychological strain without addressing underlying protests. Force-feeding protocols were applied to Aamer and others during the 2013 strike, involving enteral via nasogastric tubes twice daily once weight thresholds were breached, which U.S. military medical staff justified as preserving life and preventing organ failure per standard procedures. The on , Juan E. Méndez, assessed these practices in 2013 as amounting to or cruel treatment under due to their coercive nature and infliction of severe pain, particularly when combined with indefinite , though U.S. officials maintained they complied with ethical guidelines and were not punitive. Aamer described the process as painful and humiliating, contributing to his reported and ongoing issues like organ . In 2007, Shaker Aamer was cleared for transfer out of by a process under the Bush administration, which determined there was insufficient evidence to justify his continued detention as an , though he was recommended for release to rather than the due to his residency status and lack of claims. This clearance acknowledged no basis for criminal charges, as available intelligence was deemed unreliable, including statements obtained under coercive interrogation methods that U.S. authorities later recognized as inadmissible for prosecution. Despite the recommendation, Aamer remained detained, primarily for his perceived ongoing intelligence value in providing information on networks, overriding the lack of actionable evidence for formal charges. A subsequent review in 2009 under President Obama's again approved Aamer for transfer, citing the same evidentiary shortcomings and low threat assessment, but delays persisted due to concerns over potential and initial reluctance from the government to accept him as a resident, prioritizing assessments over . petitions filed by Aamer were denied by federal courts, which upheld his classification as an based on military determinations of his battlefield presence and associations in , even as the clearances highlighted the absence of prosecutable untainted by . No U.S. criminal charges were ever brought, reflecting systemic challenges in using post-capture interrogations—often involving and threats—as a foundation for trials, a position echoed in broader Department of Defense assessments of cases. The 2015 Periodic Review Board (PRB) process, established to reassess long-term detainees, recommended Aamer's transfer based on updated security evaluations that found minimal risk of reengagement in hostilities, emphasizing behavioral compliance and lack of new intelligence threats over historical allegations. This determination prioritized empirical risk factors, such as Aamer's participation in strikes as non-violent rather than , and dismissed fears as unsubstantiated given multiple prior clearances. The PRB's focus on verifiable data contrasted with earlier holds justified by speculative intelligence needs, ultimately facilitating approval by Defense Secretary Ashton Carter for to the .

Release Campaign and Negotiations

U.K. Government Diplomacy

In the early years of Shaker Aamer's detention, the government under Prime Minister prioritized the repatriation of British citizens from , securing the release of nine such individuals between 2004 and 2005, but did not pursue similar diplomatic channels for long-term residents like Aamer. This approach reflected a narrower focus on citizenship status amid bilateral tensions over the facility. In August 2007, following a policy reversal under Prime Minister , the formally requested the release and return of five British residents held at , explicitly including Aamer, as part of efforts to address humanitarian and legal concerns. The rejected this request, informing UK officials in December 2007 that discussions on Aamer's transfer were no longer active, citing ongoing security evaluations. Under Prime Minister from 2010 onward, diplomacy shifted to more sustained bilateral engagement during the Obama administration, with Cameron personally raising Aamer's case in direct talks with President , including during a June 2013 summit and a January 2015 visit to the . Foreign Secretary supported these efforts by publicly and privately pressing U.S. counterparts, framing Aamer's prolonged detention as inconsistent with cleared threat assessments and insights. These negotiations involved intelligence sharing, where agencies like and conveyed evaluations indicating Aamer posed no substantial ongoing risk to , drawing on reviews that found insufficient evidence of active terrorist involvement. To facilitate transfer, the offered post-release monitoring arrangements, including security service oversight to mitigate any residual concerns, even as some internal assessments acknowledged Aamer's past associations in as warranting caution. This diplomatic strategy emphasized bilateral assurances over unilateral U.S. reservations, which centered on unresolved intelligence about Aamer's pre-capture ties to figures and potential for influence upon return. Persistent UK pressure, including endorsements of parliamentary motions calling for his , ultimately contributed to U.S. approval in September 2015, though earlier clearances for transfer under both Bush and Obama had been stalled by these persistent bilateral divergences.

International and Domestic Advocacy Efforts

Non-governmental organizations led sustained campaigns for Shaker Aamer's release from , focusing on legal challenges, public petitions, and media amplification of his detention without . Reprieve, a legal charity directed by , represented Aamer since the mid-2000s, filing petitions and publicizing his allegations of and health deterioration to pressure U.S. authorities. , an challenging counter-terrorism policies, coordinated the "We Stand with Shaker" initiative, which highlighted Aamer's separation from his British and framed his case as emblematic of abuses, though the organization has faced criticism for minimizing security threats posed by former detainees. The Save Shaker Aamer Campaign, initiated in 2009 via a public meeting in , , mobilized grassroots support through protests, family testimonies, and alliances with former Guantánamo detainees, amassing endorsements from networks. petitions amplified these efforts, including a 2014 Change.org drive urging his transfer to the that collected thousands of signatures, and a Parliament e-petition demanding his repatriation, which triggered formal responses from officials. contributed by integrating Aamer's case into broader closure appeals, staging vigils and reports on his 13-year uncharged confinement as of 2015. Media portrayals in outlets like emphasized Aamer's presumed innocence, family plight, and repeated clearances for release—first in and reaffirmed in and 2013—often attributing his continued hold to bureaucratic inertia rather than evidential concerns. These narratives, disseminated through op-eds and interviews with advocates, fostered sympathy but drew counterarguments from security experts who contended that advocacy overlooked U.S. intelligence on Aamer's alleged ties and potential risks, as evidenced in summaries and leaked assessments. Domestic advocacy intersected with parliamentary scrutiny, prompting debates such as the April 24, 2013, session led by MP Jane Ellison, which probed barriers to , and the March 17, 2015, motion—backed by over 100 MPs—explicitly calling for U.S. release to the , crediting NGO campaigns for heightened urgency. These non-official pressures, including MP-led all-party groups formed in late 2014, empirically influenced timelines by sustaining public and legislative momentum that paralleled U.S. transfer deliberations culminating in October 2015.

Release and Repatriation

Transfer to the United Kingdom in 2015

In September 2015, U.S. Defense Secretary Ashton Carter approved the transfer of Shaker Aamer from detention facility to the , following multiple prior clearances dating back to 2007 and affirming that continued detention was no longer necessary based on available intelligence assessments. This decision aligned with the Periodic Review Board's process, which had repeatedly determined that Aamer posed no significant threat warranting indefinite holding, despite earlier U.S. intelligence files—leaked via in 2011—describing him as a potential associate capable of influencing other detainees and organizing protests. Those files, derived partly from interrogations of other detainees subjected to coercive methods, highlighted persistent concerns over his alleged leadership role, though U.S. officials cited a lack of actionable justifying further detention at the time of final approval. On October 30, 2015, after 13 years and eight months in U.S. custody, Aamer was repatriated via military flight to the , landing at Airport near ; the transfer included medical accompaniment due to his documented health deterioration, including , organ damage, and mobility issues from prolonged and hunger strikes. The U.S. Department of Defense stated that the move was executed in coordination with British authorities to meet security protocols and humane standards, with no criminal charges ever filed against Aamer during his detention. The government accepted Aamer without intent to prosecute, treating the as a resolution to long-standing diplomatic efforts, though U.S. reviews had balanced release recommendations against residual risks noted in classified assessments.

Immediate Post-Release Adjustments

Upon repatriation to the on October 30, 2015, Shaker Aamer underwent initial medical evaluations to assess the physical and psychological toll of his 13-year detention at Guantanamo Bay, with reports indicating he required urgent testing for conditions including before reuniting with family members. These assessments, conducted in the days following his arrival, confirmed long-term health impairments exacerbated by prolonged isolation and during hunger strikes, necessitating extended rehabilitation. British authorities imposed restrictions on immediate public engagement, including a period of limited media access to facilitate debriefings, during which detectives prepared to Aamer about allegations of mistreatment witnessed by a British agent in and potential intelligence complicity in his rendition. Security services also planned ongoing monitoring due to concerns over his associations, though no formal charges ensued from these early inquiries. In his first public statement upon landing, Aamer expressed gratitude to supporters, his family, and legal team for advocating his release, while condemning the conditions at Guantanamo as unjust and calling for its closure, emphasizing that "without their devotion to I would not be here." This initial commentary highlighted transition challenges, including adjustment to freedom after years of , but avoided detailed allegations pending official reviews.

Post-Release Life and Statements

Family Reunification and Health Recovery

Upon his release from on October 30, 2015, Shaker Aamer was repatriated to the , where he reunited with his wife, Zinneera, and their four children after nearly 14 years of separation. The youngest child, Faris, was born on the day Aamer was transferred to in 2002, meaning Aamer had never met him prior to release. Initially, Aamer met his wife privately in a friend's flat following a medical examination, before joining his children at a secret rendezvous arranged by his lawyer. The family reunion was emotionally challenging, with Aamer describing his children viewing him as a stranger, which caused him significant distress. He broke down in tears during the meeting, highlighting the strain from his prolonged absence during their formative years, as the children were now teenagers. Efforts to rebuild family bonds involved gradual adjustment, with Aamer focusing on low-profile living in to facilitate this process without immediate public exposure. Aamer's health recovery required extensive medical and therapeutic intervention due to conditions developed during detention, including (PTSD) and severe headaches. Experts anticipated years of specialist counseling, potentially lifelong, to address his , with physical reintegration into family life recommended as part of treatment. He underwent testing for possible and pursued therapies for ongoing ailments, maintaining a focus on private recovery rather than public activities.

Public Advocacy and Media Appearances

Following his release on October 30, 2015, Shaker Aamer conducted several media interviews in December 2015, including with the BBC's program and , where he described Guantanamo Bay as a site of systematic involving beatings, , and forced feeding during hunger strikes. In these appearances, Aamer emphasized the facility's role in abuses and reiterated calls for its immediate closure, stating he felt "obliged" to campaign against it on behalf of other detainees, without addressing U.S. claims of security risks posed by some prisoners. Aamer's post-release advocacy aligned with organizations like , a group that supported his and has featured him prominently in its campaigns against counter-terrorism policies; , formerly known as Cageprisoners, has faced criticism from U.K. authorities and analysts for defending individuals linked to and downplaying threats from jihadist networks, such as in its portrayal of executioner Mohammed Emwazi as a "victim" of Western policies. While Aamer publicly condemned violence against civilians in these contexts—stating in 2015 interviews that perpetrators of such acts were not true Muslims—his affiliations did not involve documented participation in initiatives, and his rhetoric maintained a focus on Western accountability over jihadist ideologies. Public activity tapered off after 2015, with no major media appearances or advocacy events recorded between 2020 and 2025, reflecting a shift toward private life amid ongoing health issues from his detention. Speeches and statements during his initial post-release period exhibited continuity with Salafi-jihadist interpretations of Islamic governance and resistance to non-Muslim authority, as noted in prior U.S. assessments of his writings from Guantanamo, without evidence of moderation through formal rehabilitation programs. This consistency raised concerns among security observers about recidivism risks, though Aamer has not been charged with any offenses since repatriation.

Evaluation of Terrorism Allegations

U.S. Intelligence Assessments and CSRT Findings

In November 2004, Shaker Aamer's (CSRT) convened at Guantanamo Bay and determined that he satisfied the criteria to be designated an , defined as an individual who was part of or supporting the or al-Qaida forces, or associated forces engaged in hostilities against the or its co-belligerents, captured outside the . The tribunal's findings relied on multiple intelligence sources alleging Aamer's active role as a fighter in , his service as an English-Arabic translator for , and his recruitment efforts for , including connections to UK-based networks. These assessments were corroborated by detainee statements and indicating Aamer's presence in -controlled areas during the U.S. invasion in October 2001, which U.S. authorities treated as evidence of support for hostilities absent exculpatory proof. Declassified Joint Task Force Guantanamo (JTF-GTMO) detainee assessment briefs, compiled from interrogations, captured documents, and allied intelligence, portrayed Aamer as a senior operative with extensive militant experience. Specific claims included his completion of basic and advanced training at al-Qaeda-affiliated camps, such as instruction in use, rocket-propelled grenades, and explosives in Bosnia and the during the 1990s; his role as a sub-commander leading fighters against U.S. and Coalition forces at under Ibn al-Shaykh al-Libi's command; and bodyguard duties for bin Laden, leveraging his language skills for sensitive translations. Additional allegations linked him to financing and facilitating al-Qaeda operations, associations with figures like Abu Musab al-Suri, , Abu Qatada, and , and ties to plots involving shoe bomber and 9/11 conspirator through the network. JTF-GTMO rated Aamer a high threat to U.S. interests, citing his unaccounted travels on false passports, potential knowledge of attacks like the 1996 , and expressed martyrdom aspirations that could inspire targeting U.S. infrastructure, such as mail-based explosives. The assessments emphasized his non-cooperation during interrogations, 137 disciplinary infractions by —including assaults on guards—and influence over other detainees, justifying continued detention under Department of Defense control despite clearance reviews. These evaluations drew from cross-referenced detainee reporting and electronic intercepts, though reliant on the post-9/11 context of Aamer's unexplained presence in amid Taliban-al-Qaeda alliances.

Aamer's Denials and Claims of Innocence

Shaker Aamer has consistently maintained that he traveled to in June 2001 with his family to engage in humanitarian work for an Islamic charity, specifically to build a for girls and mosques, rather than to participate in any military activities. He asserts that he was captured by bounty hunters affiliated with the amid the post-9/11 chaos, sold to U.S. forces for a reward, and that he never engaged in combat or associated with figures like . Aamer denies all terrorism-related allegations, describing himself as an innocent charity worker who fled the escalating conflict with his family but stayed behind to aid others before his detention. In post-release statements, he has emphasized his non-violent intent, claiming any purported confessions were extracted under , including beatings, , threats of against his family, and prolonged , rendering them unreliable and coerced. His legal representative, of the NGO Reprieve, has echoed these denials, arguing that U.S. allegations rely on fabricated or torture-induced statements lacking credible evidence, and that no occurred due to the unreliability of the used against him. Aamer's family has supported his narrative through public appeals highlighting his role as a devoted father absent from his children's lives, though these accounts stem from personal testimony without independent corroboration from contemporaneous witnesses or documentation of his charitable activities in . NGOs such as have similarly advocated for his innocence based on his prolonged detention without charges, but this advocacy relies primarily on Aamer's self-reported experiences rather than external verification.

Skepticism, Recidivism Concerns, and Broader Implications

Analysts associated with the have expressed skepticism regarding Shaker Aamer's claims of innocence, citing U.S. intelligence assessments that portray him as a trained combatant who attended the and participated in fighting at , rather than a mere charity worker. These assessments further highlight Aamer's alleged associations with figures including and Abu Musab al-Zarqawi's mentor Abu Musab al-Suri, as corroborated by statements from seven fellow detainees. His purported charitable activities in were linked to the Revival of Islamic Heritage Society, designated by the as an financial supporter. Concerns about recidivism were amplified by Aamer's demonstrated influence within Guantánamo, where he reportedly functioned as a charismatic leader—described by guards as a "Svengali" figure with "hypnotic power"—capable of directing unrest, including orders for suicide attempts among over half of Camp Delta's detainees. U.K. parliamentary discussions prior to his release underscored broader recidivism risks for repatriated detainees, noting U.S. reservations about potential reengagement in terrorism despite clearance processes. Official U.S. intelligence summaries indicate that approximately 28% of the 599 Guantánamo detainees released by 2016 had confirmed or suspected involvement in terrorist activities post-release, with rates estimated as high as 30% in unclassified congressional predictions. Aamer's case exemplifies the subset of cleared detainees where incomplete intelligence—due to reliance on coerced or fragmentary evidence—may overlook enduring threats, as his pre-release leadership suggested unchanged radical inclinations and potential for ideological influence upon repatriation. These elements raise broader policy implications for balancing imperatives against advocacy for releases. Empirical data supports the causal rationale for prolonged holds in cases of evidentiary ambiguity, as unchecked repatriations to sympathetic environments like the U.K.—where Aamer's ties to figures such as Abu Hamza and Abu Qatada could facilitate radicalization networks—pose verifiable risks that outweigh absolutist demands absent prosecutable evidence. Monitoring lapses in host nations, compounded by Aamer's interpersonal sway, underscore the necessity of prioritizing intelligence-driven threat assessments over diplomatic pressures for closure, particularly when post-release oversight proves inadequate against ideologically resilient individuals. This approach favors empirical security outcomes, as evidenced by patterns, over narratives minimizing detainee agency in perpetuating conflict.

References

  1. https://www.[politico](/page/Politico).com/story/2017/10/12/guantanamo-bay-camp-echo-five-demolish-243703
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