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Anawrahta
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Anawrahta Minsaw (Burmese: အနော်ရထာ မင်းစော, pronounced [ʔənɔ̀jətʰà mɪ́ɰ̃ sɔ́]; 11 May 1014 – 11 April 1077) was the founder of the Pagan Empire. Considered the father of the Burmese nation, Anawrahta turned a small principality in the dry zone of Upper Burma into the first Burmese Empire that formed the basis of modern-day Burma (Myanmar).[2][3] Historically verifiable Burmese history begins with his accession to the Pagan throne in 1044.[4]
Anawrahta unified the entire Irrawaddy valley for the first time in history, and placed peripheral regions such as the Shan States and Arakan (Rakhine) under Pagan's suzerainty. He successfully stopped the advance of the Khmer Empire into the Tenasserim coastline and into the Upper Menam valley, making Pagan one of the two great kingdoms in mainland Southeast Asia.
A strict disciplinarian, Anawrahta implemented a series of key social, religious and economic reforms that would have a lasting impact in Burmese history. His social and religious reforms later developed into the modern-day Burmese culture. By building a series of weirs, he turned parched, arid regions around Pagan into the main rice granaries of Upper Burma, giving Upper Burma an enduring economic base from which to dominate the Irrawaddy valley and its periphery in the following centuries. He bequeathed a strong administrative system that all later Pagan kings followed until the dynasty's fall in 1287. The success and longevity of Pagan's dominance over the Irrawaddy valley laid the foundation for the ascent of Burmese language and culture, the spread of Burman ethnicity in Upper Burma.
Anawrahta's legacy went far beyond the borders of modern Burma. His embrace of Theravada Buddhism and his success in stopping the advance of Khmer Empire, a Mahayana state, provided the Buddhist school, which had been in retreat elsewhere in South and Southeast Asia, a much needed reprieve and a safe shelter. The success of Pagan dynasty made Theravada Buddhism's later growth in Lan Na (northern Thailand), Siam (central Thailand), Lan Xang (Laos), and Khmer Empire (Cambodia) in the 13th and 14th centuries possible.
Anawrahta is one of the most famous kings in Burmese history. His life stories (legends) are a staple of Burmese folklore and retold in popular literature and theater.
Early life
[edit]Prior to Anawrahta, of all the early Pagan kings, only Nyaung-u Sawrahan's reign can be verified independently by stone inscriptions. Anawrahta is the first historical king in that the events during his reign can be verified by stone inscriptions. However, Anawrahta's youth, like much of early Pagan history, is still shrouded in legend, and should be treated as such.[5][6]
Anawrahta was born Min Saw (မင်းစော, IPA: [mɪ́ɰ̃ sɔ́]) to King Kunhsaw Kyaunghpyu and Queen Myauk Pyinthe on 11 May 1044.[note 1] The Burmese chronicles do not agree on the dates regarding his life and reign.[7] The table below lists the dates given by the four main chronicles. Among the chronicles, scholarship usually accepts Zata's dates, which are considered to be the most accurate for the Pagan period.[note 2] Scholarship's dates for Anawrahta's birth, death and reign dates are closest to Zata's dates.
| Chronicles | Birth–Death | Age | Reign | Length of reign |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Zatadawbon Yazawin | 1014/15–1077/78[note 3] | 62 | 1044/45–1077/78 | 33 |
| Maha Yazawin | 970/71–1035/36 | 65 | 1002/03–1035/36 | 33 |
| Yazawin Thit and Hmannan Yazawin | 985/86–March 1060 | 74 | 13 January 1018 – March 1060[note 4] | 42 |
| Scholarship | 11 May 1014 – 11 April 1077 | 62 | 11 August 1044 – 11 April 1077 | 32 |
In 1021, when Min Saw was about six years old, his father was deposed by his step-sons Kyiso and Sokkate.[note 5] His father had been a usurper of the Pagan throne, who overthrew King Nyaung-u Sawrahan two decades earlier.[note 6] Kunhsaw then married three of Nyaung-u's chief queens, two of whom were pregnant at the time, and subsequently gave birth to Kyiso and Sokkate. Kunhsaw had raised Sokkate and Kyiso as his own sons. After the putsch, Kyiso became king and Sokkate became heir-apparent. They forced their step-father to a local monastery, where Kunhsaw would live as a monk for the remainder of his life.[8]
Min Saw grew up in the shadow of his two step-brothers, who viewed Min Saw as their youngest brother and allowed him to retain his princely status at the court. Min Saw and his mother attended Kunhsaw, and lived nearby the monastery.[8] In 1038, Kyiso died, and was succeeded by Sokkate.[note 7] Min Saw was loyal to the new king. He took wives, and had at least two sons (Saw Lu and Kyansittha) by the early 1040s.
Accession
[edit]In 1044 however, Min Saw raised a rebellion at nearby Mount Popa, and challenged Sokkate to single combat. According to the chronicles, the reason for his uprising was that Sokkate had just raised Min Saw's mother as queen. Sokkate is said to have addressed Min Saw as brother-son, which the latter took great offense. Sokkate accepted the challenge to single combat on horseback. On 11 August 1044, Min Saw slew Sokkate at Myinkaba, near Pagan.[note 8] The king and his horse both fell into the river nearby.[9]
Min Saw first offered the throne to his father. The former king, who had long been a monk, refused. On 16 December 1044, Min Saw ascended the throne with the title of Anawrahta, a Burmanized form of Sanskrit name Aniruddha (अनिरुद्ध).[note 9] His full royal style was Maha Yaza Thiri Aniruddha Dewa (မဟာ ရာဇာ သီရိ အနိရုဒ္ဓ ဒေဝ; Sanskrit: Mahā Rājā Śrī Aniruddha Devá). Burmese history now begins to be less conjectural.[10][11]
Early reign: Consolidation of Central Burma
[edit]In the beginning, Anawrahta's principality was a small area—barely 200 miles north to south and about 80 miles from east to west, comprising roughly the present districts of Mandalay, Meiktila, Myingyan, Kyaukse, Yamethin, Magwe, Sagaing and Katha east of the Irrawaddy, and the riverine portions of Minbu and Pakkoku. To the north lay Nanzhao Kingdom, and to the east still largely uninhibited Shan Hills, to the south and the west the Pyus, and farther south still, the Mons.[12]
Economic reforms
[edit]Anawrahta's first acts as king were to organize his kingdom. He graded every town and village according to the levy it could raise. He made great efforts to turn the arid parched lands of central Burma into a rice granary. He constructed the irrigation system,[13] which is still used in Upper Burma today. He repaired the Meiktila Lake, and successfully built four weirs and canals (Kinda, Nga Laingzin, Pyaungbya, Kume) on the Panlaung river, and three weirs (Nwadet, Kunhse, Nga Pyaung) on the Zawgyi. (He also tried to control the Myitnge river but failed despite all his efforts. The work lasted three years and there were many casualties from fever.) He peopled the newly developed areas with villages, which under royal officers served the canals. The region, known as Ledwin (lit. the rice country) became the granary, the economic key of the north country. History shows that one who gained control of Kyaukse became kingmaker in Upper Burma.[12]
Military organization
[edit]Anawrahta organized Pagan's military. His key men—known as the Four Great Paladins in Burmese history—were:[14]
- Kyansittha, his son and lead general
- Nyaung-U Hpi, known as the great swimmer from Nyaung-U
- Nga Htwe Yu, former toddy tree climber from Myinmu (near Sagaing)
- Nga Lon Letpe, former farmer from near Mount Popa
Also at his service were Byatta (ဗျတ္တ), a Muslim (likely an Arab seaman) shipwrecked at Thaton, and his sons Shwe Hpyin Gyi and Shwe Hpyin Nge, (who later entered the pantheon of Burmese folk deities as Shwe Hpyin Brothers ရွှေဖျဉ်းညီနောင်).
Founding of Pagan Empire
[edit]
By the mid-1050s, Anawrahta's reforms had turned Pagan into a regional power, and he looked to expand. Over the next ten years, he founded the Pagan Empire, the Irrawaddy valley at the core, surrounded by tributary kingdoms.[15]
Estimates of the extent of his empire vary greatly. The Burmese and Thai chronicles report an empire which covered present-day Myanmar and northern Thailand. The Thai chronicles assert that Anawrahta conquered the entire Menam valley, and received tribute from the Khmer king. One states that Anawrahta's armies invaded the Khmer kingdom and sacked the city of Angkor, and another one goes so far as to say that Anawrahta even visited Java to receive his tribute.[15] However, Western historians (Harvey, Hall, et al) present a much smaller empire, consisted of the Irrawaddy valley and nearer periphery. His victory terracotta votive tablets (emblazoned with his name in Sanskrit) have been found along the Tenasserim coastline in the south, Katha in the north, Thazi in the east and Minbu in the west.[16]
Shan Hills
[edit]His first efforts were in then lightly inhabited Shan Hills in the east and the north. He acquired allegiance of Shan Hills in two waves. In the early to mid-1050s, Anawrahta first visited the nearer Shan Hills in the east, and received tribute. He founded the Bawrithat Pagoda in Nyaungshwe. The second wave came in the late 1050s and early 1060s after his march to Nanzhao Kingdom. After his return from Nanzhao expedition, Shan chiefs along the route presented Anawrahta with tributes. Still, their allegiance was nominal and he had to establish 43 forts along the eastern foothills of which the following 33 still exist as villages.[17]
| Bhamo | Katha | Kyaukse | Meiktila | Mogok | Mandalay | Toungoo | Yamethin |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
The 43 forts were established per the royal order issued 7 February 1061 (12th waxing of Tabaung 422 ME).[18]
Lower Burma
[edit]After his first Shan campaign, Anawrahta turned to the Mon-speaking kingdoms in the south, which like Pagan were merely large city-states in reality. He first received submission of the ruler of Pegu (Bago). But the Thaton Kingdom refused to submit. Anawrahta's armies, led by the "Four Paladins", invaded the southern kingdom in early 1057. After a 3-months' siege of the city of Thaton, on 17 May 1057, (11th waxing of Nayon, 419 ME), the Pagan forces conquered the city.[19]
According to Burmese and Mon traditions, Anawrahta's main reason for the invasion was Thaton king Manuha's refusal to give him a copy of the Theravada Buddhist Canon. (Anawrahta had been converted to Theravada Buddhism from his native Ari Buddhism by Shin Arahan, a monk originally from Thaton.) In reality, it was merely a demand for submission couched in diplomatic language,[20] and the real aim of his conquest of Thaton was to check the Khmer Empire's conquests in the Chao Phraya basin and encroachment into the Tenasserim coast.[21][22]
The conquest of Thaton is seen as the turning point in Burmese history. Still according to traditional reconstruction, Anawrahta brought back over 30,000 people, many of them artisans and craftsmen to Pagan. These captives formed a community that later helped build thousands of monuments at Pagan, the remains of which today rival the splendors of Angkor Wat.[23]
More recent research by historian Michael Aung-Thwin[24] has argued forcefully that Thaton's contributions to the cultural transformation of Upper Burma are a post-Pagan legend without contemporary evidence, that Lower Burma in fact lacked a substantial independent polity prior to Pagan's expansion, and that Mon influence on the interior is greatly exaggerated. Possibly in this period, the delta sedimentation—which now extends the coastline by three miles a century—remained insufficient, and the sea still reached too far inland, to support a population even as large as the modest population of the late precolonial era.[21]
At any rate, during the 11th century, Pagan established its Lower Burma and this conquest facilitated growing cultural exchange, if not with local Mons, then with India and with Theravada stronghold Ceylon (Sri Lanka).[21][22]
Arakan
[edit]Anawrahta's next conquest was north Arakan (Rakhine). He marched over the pass from Ngape near Minbu to An in Kyaukphyu, and then laid siege to Pyinsa, then the capital of Arakan. He reportedly tried to bring home the giant Mahamuni Buddha but could not. He did take away the gold and silver vessels of the shrine.[25]
There is no single unified Arakanese account to corroborate the event. Surviving Arakanese chronicles (from the 18th and 19th centuries) mention at least two separate raids from the east, as well as "visits" by Anawrahta and Kyansittha. According to the Arakanese accounts, the attacks from the east ousted kings Pe Byu and Nga Ton in succession. However, the dates are off by centuries with the ousted kings having reigned in the late 8th to early 9th centuries, 10th to 11th, or 11th to 12th centuries.[note 10]
At any rate, as was the case with the Shan Hills, Anawrahta's suzerainty over north Arakan (separated by the Arakan Yoma range) was nominal. The "conquest" may have been more of a raid to prevent Arakanese raids into Burma,[25] and some historians (Lieberman, Charney) do not believe he (or any other Pagan kings) had any "effective authority" over Arakan.[26] If Pagan never established an administrative system to govern Arakan, it continued to foster a vassal relationship for the remainder of Pagan dynasty, occasionally placing its nominees to the Arakanese throne. Moreover, the Burmese language and script came to dominate the Arakan littoral over the next centuries. With Burmese influence came ties to Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and the gradual prominence of Theravada Buddhism.[27]
Pateikkaya
[edit]Anawrahta also received tribute from the Buddhist kingdom of Pateikkaya (ပဋိက္ခယား, IPA: [bədeiʔ kʰəjá]). The location of the small kingdom remains in dispute. The Burmese chronicles report the location as northwest of Arakan and its kings Indian.[28] But British historian GE Harvey reckoned that it was more likely nearer to the eastern Chin Hills.[29] The Tripura State was described as "Patikara" in Maharajoang, an ancient historical book of Bramhadesh.[30]
External relations
[edit]As his kingdom expanded, Anawrahta came into contact with the Dali Kingdom (the erstwhile home of the Burmans) in the northeast, and in the southeast, the Khmer Empire, the main power of mainland Southeast Asia at the time. He assisted fellow Theravada Buddhist Ceylon in its war against Hindu Chola invaders.
Khmer Empire
[edit]Pagan's conquest of Thaton shook the Mon world. Anawrahta also demanded tribute from other neighboring Mon Kingdoms, Haripunjaya and Dvaravati (in present-day northern and central Thailand). Haripunjaya reportedly sent in tribute but Dvaravati's overlord Khmer Empire instead invaded Tenasserim. Anawrahta sent his armies, again led by the four paladins, who repulsed the invaders. The Burmese chronicles referred to the Kingdom of Cambodia as the southeastern limit of the Pagan Empire.[20]
Dali Kingdom
[edit]After the Khmer advance was checked, Anawrahta turned his attention toward Dali. Anawrahta led a campaign against the kingdom in the northeast. (According to a mid-17th century source, he began the march on 16 December 1057.)[note 11] He advanced to Dali, the capital of Dali Kingdom, ostensibly to seek a Buddha's tooth relic. As in the case of the request for the scriptures from Thaton, it was really a demand for tribute. The ruler of Dali shut the gates, and would not give up the relic. After a long pause, two kings exchanged presents and conversed amicably. The Dali ruler gave Anawrahta a jade image which had come into contact with the tooth.[28]
Ceylon
[edit]In 1069, Vijayabahu I of Ceylon asked Anawrahta for aid against the Chola invaders from Tamil country. Anawrahta sent ships of supplies in aid of Buddhist Ceylon.[28][31] In 1071, Vijayabahu who had defeated the Cholas asked Anawrahta for Buddhist scriptures and Buddhist monks. The Chola invasions had left the original home of Theravada Buddhism with so few monks that it was hard to convene a chapter and make valid ordinations. Anawrahta sent the monks and scriptures, and a white elephant as a present for Vijayabahu. The Burmese monks ordained or re-ordained the entire clergy of the island. In return, the Ceylonese king gave a replica of the Buddha Tooth of which Ceylon was the proud possessor. The replica was then enshrined in the Lawkananda Pagoda in Pagan.[28][32]
Administration
[edit]Nation-building
[edit]The greatest achievement of Anawrahta was his consolidation of various ethnic groups into a single nation. He was careful that his own people, the Burmans, not flaunt themselves before other peoples. He continued to show regard for the Pyus, who had recently fallen from greatness. He retained the name Pyu for his kingdom although it was under the leadership of the Burmans. He showed regard for the Mons, and encouraged his people to learn from the Mons.[28]
Anawrahta replaced the kings of Lower Burma (Pegu and Thaton) with governors. At Pegu, he allowed the king of Pegu to remain as a vassal king in appreciation of the latter's help in Anawrahta's conquest of Thaton. But after the vassal king's death, he appointed a governor. Due to geographical distances, other tributary areas such as Arakan and Shan Hills were allowed to retain hereditary chieftainships.[28]
Religious reforms
[edit]
In 1056, a Mon Theravada Buddhist monk named Shin Arahan made a fateful visit to Pagan, and converted its king Anawrahta to Theravada Buddhism from his native Ari Buddhism. The king had been dissatisfied with the enormous power of Ari monks over the people, and considered the monks, who ate evening meals, drank liquor, presided over animal sacrifices, and enjoyed a form of ius primae noctis,[33] depraved. In Theravada Buddhism he found a substitute to break the power of the clergy.[34]
From 1056 onwards, Anawrahta implemented a series of religious reforms throughout his kingdom. His reforms gained steam after his conquest of Thaton, which brought much needed scriptures and clergy from the vanquished kingdom.[35] He broke the power of the Ari monks first by declaring that his court would no longer heed if people ceased to yield their children to the priests. Those who were in bondage of the priests gained freedom. Some of the monks simply disrobed or followed the new way. However, the majority of the monks who had wielded power for so long would not go away easily.
Anawrahta banished them in numbers; many of them fled to Popa Hill and the Shan Hills.[17] He used traditional nat spirits to attract people to his new religion. Asked why he allowed the nats to be placed in Buddhist temples and pagodas, Anawrahta answered "Men will not come for the sake of new faith. Let them come for their old gods, and gradually they will be won over."[36]
Urged on by Shin Arahan, Anawrahta tried to reform the very Theravada Buddhism he received from Thaton, which by most accounts, was in a state of decay, and increasingly influenced by Hinduism. (The Mon chronicles hint that Manuha was reprehensible for making a compromise with Hinduism. Shin Arahan left Thaton because he was unhappy with the decaying of Buddhism there.) He made Pagan a center of Theravada learning by inviting scholars from the Mon lands, Ceylon as well as from India where a dying Buddhism was being given a coup de grace by Hindu Forces. The scholarship helped revitalize a more orthodox form of Theravada Buddhism.[37]
To be sure, his reforms could not and did not achieve everything overnight. The spread of Theravada Buddhism in Upper Burma was gradual; it took over three centuries. Its monastic system did not achieve widespread village level penetration in more remote areas until as late as the 19th century. Nor did the Aris die out. Their descendants, known as forest dwelling monks, remained a powerful force patronized by the royalty down to the Ava period in the 16th century. Likewise, the nat worship continued (down to the present day). Even the Theravada Buddhism of Anawrahta, Kyansittha and Manuha was one still strongly influenced by Hinduism when compared to later more orthodox (18th and 19th century) standards. Tantric, Saivite, and Vaishnava elements enjoyed greater elite influence than they would later do, reflecting both the relative immaturity of early Burmese literacy culture and its indiscriminate receptivity to non-Burman traditions. Indeed, even today's Burmese Buddhism contains many animist, Mahayana Buddhist and Hindu elements.[33]
He was the first of the "Temple Builders" of Pagan. His chief monument was the Shwezigon Pagoda. The work began in 1059 but was still unfinished at his death 18 years later. He also built the Shwesandaw Pagoda south of Pagan to house the hair relics presented by Pegu. Farther afield, he built other pagodas such as Shweyinhmyaw, Shwegu and Shwezigon near Meiktila.[36]
Invention of Burmese alphabet
[edit]Scholarship believed until recently that Anawrahta commissioned the invention of the Burmese alphabet based on the Mon script, c. 1058, a year after the Thaton conquest.[38] However, recent research finds that the Burmese alphabet had been in use at least since 1035, and if an 18th-century recast inscription is permissible as evidence, since 984 CE.[39]
Governing style
[edit]Anawrahta was an energetic king who implemented many profound enduring political, socioeconomic and cultural changes. He was admired and feared but not loved by his subjects.[40]
Historian Htin Aung writes:
Anawrahta was ruthless and stern not to any particular ethnic group but to all his subjects, for he felt that harsh measures were needed in building up a new nation. He never accepted the cult of the god-king, and he was impatient even with gods that his people worshipped; men came to say that he beat up gods with the flat of his lance. He achieved his aims but only at the price of his own popularity. His subjects admired and feared him, but did not love him. His execution of two young heroes for a trifling breach of discipline after the conclusion of his Nanzhao campaign angered people, and to appease them he declared that the two dead heroes were now gods who could be worshipped. His forcing of Kyansittha to become fugitive increased his popularity although this action at least was justified for the great paladin, like the Lancelot of the Round Table, was in love with one of his queens.[41]
(The queen in love with Kyansittha was Manisanda Khin U. The two young heroes executed were Shwe Hpyin Gyi and Shwe Hpyin Nge, who later entered the pantheon of Burmese nat spirits).
But people admired and feared him, and he was able to implement many of his ambitious multifaceted reforms.
Death
[edit]Anawrahta died on 11 April 1077 in the outskirts of Pagan.[note 12] The chronicles hint that his enemies ambushed and killed him and then disposed of the body in such a way that it was never found. The chronicles state that a nat (spirit) appeared in the guise of wild buffalo and gored him to death, and then demons took away his body.[41]
Legacy
[edit]Anawrahta is considered one of the greatest, if not the greatest, king of Burmese history for he founded first "charter polity" of what would later become modern Burma. Not only did he greatly expand the Pagan Kingdom but he also implemented a series of political and administrative reforms that enabled his empire to dominate the Irrawaddy valley and its periphery for another 250 years.
Anawrahta's legacy went far beyond the borders of modern Burma. The success and longevity of Pagan's dominance over the Irrawaddy valley laid the foundation for the ascent of Burmese language and culture, the spread of Burman ethnicity in Upper Burma. His embrace of Theravada Buddhism and his success in stopping the advance of Khmer Empire, a Hindu kingdom, provided the Buddhist school, which had been in retreat elsewhere in South and Southeast Asia, a much-needed reprieve and a safe shelter. He helped restart Theravada Buddhism in Ceylon, the Buddhist school's original home.[42] The success of Pagan dynasty made Theravada Buddhism's later growth in Lan Na, Siam, Lan Xang, and Cambodia, also due in a large part to Ceylon's interactions with those lands, in the 13th and 14th centuries possible.[note 13]
In popular culture
[edit]
Anawrahta's life stories and legends remain a popular subject of Burmese folklore. The love triangle involving Anawrahta, Kyansittha and Manisanda as well as the sad story of Saw Mon Hla, one of his queens, are a staple of Burmese theater. Due to his reputation as a stern father figure, he is not the central character in these stories where the main protagonist invariably is the romantic soldier-king Kyansittha.[note 14]
Commemorations
[edit]- Anawrahta Road, a main avenue in Yangon
- UMS Anawrahta, Myanmar Navy Corvette
- Team Anawrahta, one of the five student teams in Burmese schools
Notes
[edit]- ^ (Yazawin Thit 2012: 95, footnote #2) which cites (Bo Lay 1990: 25–28) states that Anawrahta was born on 11 May 1014.
- ^ (Maha Yazawin 2006: 346–349): Among the four major chronicles, only Zatadawbon Yazawin's dates line up with Anawrahta's inscriptionally verified accession date of 1044 CE. (Aung-Thwin 2005: 121–123): In general, Zata is considered "the most accurate of all Burmese chronicles, particularly with regard to the best-known Pagan and Ava kings, many of whose dates have been corroborated by epigraphy."
- ^ The Burmese calendar straddles the Western calendar year. In Anawrahta's time, each Burmese year began and ended in late March of the Julian calendar. For example, the Burmese year 376 spanned from 25 March 1014 to 25 March 1015. Scholarship usually simplifies by reporting just the leading year, e.g., 376 ME as 1014.
- ^ (Hmannan Vol. 1 2003: 230) on Monday, 8th waning of Pyatho, 379 ME (13 January 1018). (Hmannan Vol. 1 2003: 274) says Anawrahta died in 421 ME (1059–1060 CE) right before the Burmese new year (March 1060).
- ^ (Maha Yazawin Vol. 1 2006: 347): The overthrow of Kunhsaw took place in 1021 per Zata, 971 per Maha Yazawin and 986 per Hmannan and Yazawin Thit.
- ^ (Maha Yazawin Vol. 1 2006: 347): The overthrow of Nyaung-u Sawrahan took place in 1001 per Zata, 950 per Maha Yazawin and 964 per Hmannan and Yazawin Thit.
- ^ (Maha Yazawin Vol. 1 2006: 347): Kyiso died in 1038 per Zata, 977 per Maha Yazawin and 992 per Hmannan and Yazawin Thit.
- ^ Per Zata's horoscope section (Zata 1960: 83) as translated by the editors of (Yazawin Thit 2012: 95, footnote #1).
- ^ (Hmannan Vol. 1 2003: 230) says he came to power on Monday, 8th waning of Pyatho, 379 ME (13 January 1018). But the Myazedi inscription and Zatadawbon Yazawin both say Anawrahta came to power in 406 ME (1044/1045 CE). Assuming that 8th waning of Pyatho is correct, he ascended the throne on 16 December 1044 (8th waning of Pyatho 406 ME).
- ^ (Sandamala Linkara 1931: 148–151): King Pe Byu was ousted by the "king of Pyus" in 976 CE per Saya Mi's Razawin, 1076 per Razawin Haung, or 776 per Razawin Thit. Razawin Linka also mentions the raid. Rakhine Razawin Thit, the last Arakanese chronicle written in 1931, rejects the Anawrahta's "visit", and says the raid that ousted Pe Byu took place in 776 CE, three centuries before Anawrahta.
The second raid occurred in 828, 1018 or 1103, either overthrowing King Nga Ton or installing King Letya Minnan. - ^ (Maha Yazawin Vol. 1 2006: 166 footnote #2): The date was given by the monk Taunghpila Sayadaw as part of his answers to a set questions posed by King Pindale (r. 1648–1661).
- ^ According to Dr. Bo Lay per (Bo Lay 1990: 24–28) as cited in (Yazawin Thit 2012: 108, footnote #1). Chronicles say he died right before the Burmese new year, which means March 1078. According to Maha Yazawin (Maha Yazawin Vol. 1 2006: 180) and Hmannan (Hmannan Vol. 1 2003: 274), he died right before the Burmese new year's day, on the day of a particular astrological event called "Dein-Net" that occurs five to six times a year. In the footnotes of (Maha Yazawin Vol. 1 2006: 180), the editors note that the Dein-Net event occurred on the Thingyan Akya day that year. Since the Burmese New Year's Day fell on 26 March 1078 per (Eade 1989: 81), he died on 23 March 1078.
- ^ (Ricklefs et al 2010: 45–48): The spread of Theravada Buddhism in Siam, Lan Xang, and Cambodia was also aided by the interaction with Ceylon. However, the Ceylonese interaction was possible only because the Theravada monk order was restarted in 1071–1072 by the monks from Pagan per (Harvey 1925: 32–33) and (Htin Aung 1967: 35).
- ^ For Anawrahta's life as portrayed in popular fiction in English, see (Khin Myo Chit 1970). The work has also been translated into Burmese by Thawda Swe, and reprinted several times; see (Thawda Swe 2001, 4th printing). Subdued versions of chronicle stories about Anawrahta, Kyansittha, Manisanda and Saw Mon Hla can also be seen in scholarly works such as (Harvey 1925: 30–32) and (Htin Aung 1967: 32, 37–38).
References
[edit]- ^ Yazawin Thit Vol. 1 2012: 108, footnote #2
- ^ Harvey 1925: 34
- ^ Htin Aung 1967: 38
- ^ Coedès 1968: 133, 148–149, 155
- ^ Kyaw Thet 1962: 40
- ^ Aung-Thwin 1985: 21–22
- ^ Maha Yazawin Vol. 1 2006: 347
- ^ a b Hmannan Vol. 1 2003: 227–228
- ^ Hmannan Vol. 1 2003: 228–229
- ^ Harvey 1925: 19
- ^ Htin Aung 1967: 31
- ^ a b Harvey 1925: 24–25
- ^ Coedès 1968: 149
- ^ Harvey 1925: 24
- ^ a b Htin Aung 1967: 34
- ^ Kyaw Thet 1962: 41–42
- ^ a b Harvey 1925: 26–31
- ^ Hmannan Vol. 1 2003: 269–270
- ^ Kyaw Thet 1962: 45
- ^ a b Htin Aung 1967: 33
- ^ a b c Lieberman 2003: 91
- ^ a b Tarling 1999: 165
- ^ South 2003: 419
- ^ Aung-Thwin 2005: 433
- ^ a b Harvey 1925: 29
- ^ Lieberman 2003: 92
- ^ Myint-U 2006: 72–73
- ^ a b c d e f Htin Aung 1967: 35
- ^ Harvey 1925: 326
- ^ Bibhas Kanti Kiliadar (March 1995). Tripura of Eighteenth Century with Saivisher Gazi Against Feudalism. Chhapa Kuthi, Agartala: Tripura State Tribal Cultural Research Institute & Museum, Govt. of Tripura. p. 3.
- ^ Kyaw Thet 1962: 46–47
- ^ Harvey 1925: 32
- ^ a b Lieberman 2003: 115–116
- ^ Htin Aung 1967: 32
- ^ Coedès 1968: 149–150
- ^ a b Harvey 1925: 33
- ^ Htin Aung 1967: 36–37
- ^ Harvey 1925: 307
- ^ Aung-Thwin (2005): 167–178, 197–200
- ^ Htin Aung 1967: 37
- ^ a b Htin Aung 1967: 37–38
- ^ Ricklefs et al 2010: 43–45
Bibliography
[edit]- Aung-Thwin, Michael (1985). Pagan: The Origins of Modern Burma. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN 0-8248-0960-2.
- Aung-Thwin, Michael A. (2005). The Mists of Rāmañña: The Legend that was Lower Burma (illustrated ed.). Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-2886-8.
- Bo Lay, Dr. Meitthalat Lettwei Thutethana Kyan (in Burmese). Yangon: Su Paung.
- Coedès, George (1968). Walter F. Vella (ed.). The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. trans.Susan Brown Cowing. University of Hawaii Press. ISBN 978-0-8248-0368-1.
- Eade, J.C. (1989). Southeast Asian Ephemeris: Solar and Planetary Positions, A.D. 638–2000. Cornell University Press. ISBN 0-87727-704-4.
- Hall, D.G.E. (1960). Burma (3rd ed.). Hutchinson University Library. ISBN 978-1-4067-3503-1.
{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Harvey, G. E. (1925). History of Burma: From the Earliest Times to 10 March 1824. London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd.
- Htin Aung, Maung (1967). A History of Burma. New York and London: Cambridge University Press.
- Kala, U (1724). Maha Yazawin (in Burmese). Vol. 1–3 (2006, 4th printing ed.). Yangon: Ya-Pyei Publishing.
- Khin Myo Chit (1970). Anawrahta of Burma (1 ed.). Yangon: Sarpay Beikman.
- Khin Myo Chit (2001). Bagan Thuyegaung Mya (in Burmese). Translated by Thawda Swe (4 ed.). Yangon: Win Myint Aung Sarpay.
- Kyaw Thet (1962). History of Burma (in Burmese). Yangon: Yangon University Press.
- Lieberman, Victor B. (2003). Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c. 800–1830, volume 1, Integration on the Mainland. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-80496-7.
- Maha Sithu (1798). Myint Swe (; Kyaw Win; Thein Hlaing (eds.). Yazawin Thit (in Burmese). Vol. 1–3 (2012, 2nd printing ed.). Yangon: Ya-Pyei Publishing.
- Myint-U, Thant (2006). The River of Lost Footsteps—Histories of Burma. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN 978-0-374-16342-6.
- Pe Maung Tin; G.H. Luce (1923). The Glass Palace Chronicle of the Kings of Burma (1960 ed.). Rangoon University Press.
- Phayre, Lt. Gen. Sir Arthur P. (1883). History of Burma (1967 ed.). London: Susil Gupta.
- Ricklefs, M.C.; Bruce McFarland Lockhart; Albert Lau; Portia Reyes; Maitrii Aung-Thwin; Bruce Lockhart (2010). A New History of Southeast Asia. Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0230212145.
- Royal Historians of Burma (c. 1680). U Hla Tin (ed.). Zatadawbon Yazawin (1960 ed.). Historical Research Directorate of the Union of Burma.
- Royal Historical Commission of Burma (1832). Hmannan Yazawin (in Burmese). Vol. 1–3 (2003 ed.). Yangon: Ministry of Information, Myanmar.
- Sandamala Linkara, Ashin (1931). Rakhine Yazawinthit Kyan (in Burmese). Vol. 1–2 (1997 ed.). Yangon: Tetlan Sarpay.
- South, Ashley (2003). Mon nationalism and civil war in Burma: the golden sheldrake. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-7007-1609-8.
- Tarling, Nicholas (1999). The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia: Early Times to c. 1500. ISBN 978-0-521-66369-4.
Anawrahta
View on GrokipediaAnawrahta (c. 1044–1077) was the king of Pagan whose reign marked the transition of the kingdom from a regional polity to the first expansive Burmese empire, unifying polities along the Irrawaddy River valley through conquest and centralization.[1]
His pivotal conquest of the Mon kingdom of Thaton in 1057 not only expanded territorial control and secured access to trade routes but also facilitated the importation of Theravada Buddhist texts and monks, which he leveraged to reform and elevate Theravada over prevalent Mahayana and tantric traditions.[2][3]
Anawrahta's patronage of monumental architecture, including early temples like the Shwezigon Pagoda, and hydraulic engineering projects for irrigation underscored his efforts to consolidate power and legitimize rule via Buddhist merit-making, laying foundations for Pagan's cultural and religious dominance that endured for centuries.[4][5]
While later chronicles embellish his biography with legendary feats, epigraphic and archaeological evidence affirms his role as a transformative ruler who halted external threats, such as Khmer incursions, and fostered a synthesis of Burman military prowess with Mon scholarly heritage.[6][7]
Origins and Early Reign
Early Life and Family Background
According to the Glass Palace Chronicle (Hmannan Yazawin), the primary historical record of early Burmese kings, Anawrahta—originally named Min Saw—was the son of King Kunhsaw Kyaunghpyu and his chief queen, Myauk Pyinthe.[8] The chronicle dates his birth to 11 May 1014 CE in Pagan (modern Bagan), though such regnal and personal chronologies in Burmese court literature often reflect later compilations prone to anachronisms and symbolic adjustments rather than precise records.[8] Myauk Pyinthe served as consort to multiple rulers, including Saw Rahan II before Kunhsaw and later Sokkate, reflecting the polygamous and politically fluid marriages common among Pagan's elite to secure alliances and legitimacy.[9] Details of Anawrahta's childhood and family dynamics remain sparse, with the chronicles emphasizing legendary omens of his destined greatness amid a backdrop of dynastic turbulence—Kunhsaw's brief reign ended in usurpation, and Sokkate's rule involved familial intrigues, including tensions over queens shared across kings.[2] No siblings are explicitly detailed in surviving accounts, though the era's short-lived monarchies suggest possible half-siblings from Kunhsaw's other consorts or Myauk Pyinthe's prior unions. Historians regard much of this narrative as semi-mythical, derived from 18th-19th century syntheses of oral traditions and inscriptions, with limited corroboration from contemporary epigraphy or archaeology.[10] The family's royal lineage traced to earlier Burman migrants from the north, positioning Anawrahta within Pagan's nascent aristocracy before its imperial phase.[10]Ascension to the Throne and Initial Challenges
Anawrahta ascended to the throne of Pagan in 1044 by defeating and killing the incumbent king Sokkate in single combat. As the youngest son of the deposed king Kunhsaw Kyaunghpyu (also known as Kyaughpyu), Anawrahta acted after Sokkate, one of his elder half-brothers, expressed intent to consort with their mother following the death of another brother, Kyizo, who had been killed by a hunter's arrow.[4] Burmese chronicles, such as the Glass Palace Chronicle, record that Anawrahta then offered to return the throne to his father, who refused, thereby confirming Anawrahta's rule.[4] This event ended a period of dynastic instability marked by short reigns and fraternal conflicts among Burman rulers.[4] Initial challenges included consolidating authority over a fragmented principality that had previously been limited in scope, spanning roughly 320 kilometers north to south and vulnerable to external pressures.[11] Prior disruptions, such as the Nanzhao invasions of the Pyu realms between 823 and 835, had left the region with a religious landscape blending animist, Brahmanic, Mahayana Buddhist, and eclectic practices, complicating cultural unification.[4] Anawrahta addressed this by promoting Theravada Buddhism as a unifying force, though early monumental construction remained limited, reflecting a formative phase where he spent considerable time away from the capital on campaigns.[4] The scarcity of contemporaneous stone inscriptions—relying instead on later chronicles like the Glass Palace Chronicle compiled in the 19th century—introduces potential embellishments, yet Anawrahta's 33-year reign (1044–1077) initiated the era of historically verifiable Burmese records through epigraphic and archaeological evidence.[4] His consolidation efforts laid the groundwork for Pagan's expansion, transforming it from a local settlement into a regional power amid ongoing threats from Shan groups to the east and Mon polities to the south.[11]Internal Consolidation
Economic Reforms and Infrastructure
Anawrahta's economic policies focused on strengthening the administrative and fiscal foundations of the Pagan kingdom, primarily through systematic organization of taxation and labor levies. Upon ascending the throne in 1044, he classified towns and villages based on their capacity to provide levies, ensuring a structured revenue system that supported military and infrastructural projects.[11] This reform centralized resource extraction, with able-bodied males obligated to perform corvée labor for public works, thereby enhancing state control over economic output.[11] Agriculture formed the backbone of Pagan's economy, and Anawrahta prioritized its expansion via irrigation infrastructure to mitigate reliance on rain-fed cultivation. During his reign (1044–1077), he initiated the construction of weirs, dams, lakes, and canals, introducing irrigated rice farming in regions such as the Kyaukse valley and the Eleven Districts of Myittha.[12] These systems transformed arid and semi-arid areas into productive rice-growing zones, boosting agricultural yields and enabling surplus production that sustained urban growth in Bagan and funded religious patronage.[12] The irrigation networks, diverging from major rivers like the Samon, facilitated year-round farming and contributed to economic stability, as evidenced by the long-term dominance of agriculture in these districts since Anawrahta's era. While trade existed, particularly in rice and forest products, the reforms emphasized self-sufficiency through agrarian development rather than extensive mercantile policies, aligning with the kingdom's inland orientation.[13] Historical chronicles attribute these initiatives to direct royal oversight, though archaeological confirmation of specific structures remains limited, relying on textual accounts like those of U Kala.[12]Military Reorganization
Anawrahta reorganized the Pagan military by centralizing command under a select group of trusted generals, known as the Four Great Paladins, to enhance coordination and loyalty during campaigns. These commanders included Kyansittha, his chief general and eventual successor; Nyaung-u Hpi, noted for prowess in aquatic maneuvers that facilitated riverine advances; and two others, Bo Hne and Yaza, drawn from capable warriors within the kingdom. This structure marked a shift from ad hoc tribal levies toward a more hierarchical force reliant on professional leadership, enabling sustained operations across diverse terrains. To support offensive logistics, Anawrahta emphasized the use of war elephants, deploying 30 such animals in 1057 to haul captives, artisans, and spoils following the sack of Thaton.[11] Captives from Mon territories, numbering around 30,000 including blacksmiths and bow makers, were integrated to improve armament production, bolstering infantry effectiveness with superior bows and edged weapons.[11] Defensive capabilities were fortified through the construction of 43 strategic outposts along the eastern Shan foothills by the mid-11th century, many evolving into permanent villages that secured supply lines and borders.[11] Anawrahta further refined mobilization by classifying towns and villages according to their levy potential, ensuring predictable recruitment of infantry and auxiliaries for expeditions.[11] These measures, implemented during his reign from 1044 to 1077, professionalized the army sufficiently to unify the Irrawaddy valley and project power regionally by the 1050s.[14] Burmese chronicles attribute this efficiency to Anawrahta's disciplinarian approach, though later historians caution that accounts may amplify feats for legitimacy.Territorial Expansion
Campaigns in the Shan Hills
Anawrahta began his eastward expansion by targeting the nearer Shan Hills in the early to mid-1050s, conducting expeditions that resulted in tribute from local principalities rather than outright annexation. These efforts focused on securing allegiance from Shan rulers in the cis-Salween regions, consolidating Pagan's control over Upper Burma's eastern periphery without extensive military occupation.[11] To bolster defenses against northern threats—described as Myanmar's "front door"—Anawrahta forged marriage alliances with neighboring Shan groups, integrating them into Pagan's sphere of influence through diplomatic ties rather than conquest alone. This approach extended Pagan's dominion eastward toward northern Thailand, though the Shan Hills remained semi-autonomous tributaries.[14] Archaeological remnants, including a network of approximately 43 forts along the eastern foothills (with 33 persisting as villages today), attest to the strategic infrastructure established to maintain oversight, supported by votive tablets indicating Pagan authority. Historians debate the full extent of Anawrahta's direct control, with some attributing deeper penetration into peripheral Shan areas to his successors like Narapatisithu, emphasizing the campaigns' role in fortifying borders amid ongoing Tai migrations.[11]Conquest of Lower Burma and Thaton
According to traditional Burmese chronicles, Anawrahta dispatched his monk advisor Shin Arahan to the Mon kingdom of Thaton in Lower Burma to request copies of the Pāli Canon, the foundational Theravāda Buddhist scriptures, but King Manuha refused, prompting Anawrahta to launch an invasion in 1057 as a pretext for conquest. [6] [15] These accounts, compiled in later royal histories like the Hmannan Yazawin, portray the refusal as rooted in Manuha's reluctance to share sacred texts, though geopolitical motives—such as securing maritime trade routes through Mon ports and countering Khmer incursions along the Tenasserim coast—likely played a central role, as inferred from the strategic value of Lower Burma's delta regions. [6] [11] The campaign culminated in the rapid subjugation of Thaton after a brief siege, with Anawrahta's forces reportedly overwhelming the Mon defenders; chronicles claim he captured Manuha, his family, and thousands of captives, including artisans, monks, and scholars, while transporting back thirty elephant loads of scriptures and relics to Pagan. [6] [3] This victory extended Pagan's authority over the Irrawaddy Delta and Salween Valley, integrating Mon administrative practices, hydraulic engineering expertise for rice cultivation, and Theravāda orthodoxy into Upper Burma's emerging polity. [11] [14] Modern scholarship, however, debates the historicity and scale of the event, with epigrapher Michael Aung-Thwin arguing in The Mists of Ramanna (2005) that contemporary inscriptions provide no direct evidence of a grand conquest of a prosperous Thaton kingdom, suggesting instead that the narrative emerged later to legitimize Pagan's cultural claims over a peripheral Mon-speaking region, possibly inflating a limited military foray into a foundational myth. [16] Critics of this revisionist view, including some Mon chronicle analyses, contend that earlier textual memories of an invasion persist, indicating Anawrahta did assert dominance southward, albeit through tribute extraction rather than total annexation. [6] [17] Regardless of interpretive disputes, the episode marked a pivotal expansion, enabling Pagan's economic base via delta agriculture and trade, while suppressing local Ari and Mahāyāna influences in favor of imported Mon Theravāda lineages. [3]Expeditions to Arakan and Pateikkaya
Anawrahta launched an expedition into northern Arakan (Rakhine State), marching his forces over mountain passes from the Irrawaddy valley, such as from Ngape near Minbu, to besiege key settlements including Pyinsa, the contemporary capital. The campaign resulted in Arakan becoming a feudatory to Pagan, though Anawrahta permitted the Arakanese king to maintain semi-independence owing to the natural barrier posed by the Arakan Mountains, which complicated full administrative control and sustained occupation. [18] The expedition to Pateikkaya, a small Buddhist kingdom situated northwest of Arakan along the Indian border—possibly in the vicinity of eastern Bengal—aimed at asserting Pagan's influence over peripheral regions. Historical chronicles record that Anawrahta secured tribute from Pateikkaya's rulers, establishing nominal suzerainty without evidence of prolonged conquest or direct governance, consistent with his strategy toward remote vassals. These actions extended Pagan's reach westward, bolstering its prestige and resources amid broader imperial consolidation during the mid-11th century, though primary epigraphic evidence remains limited to general references in later inscriptions rather than detailed campaign records.Foreign Relations
Diplomatic and Military Ties with the Khmer Empire
No direct diplomatic or military engagements between Anawrahta's Pagan Kingdom and the Khmer Empire are attested in contemporary Burmese or Khmer sources from the 11th century. Anawrahta's recorded military campaigns focused on unifying Upper Burma, subduing the Shan hills, conquering the Mon kingdom of Thaton in 1057, and expeditions to Arakan and Pateikkaya, without extension into Khmer-controlled territories east of the Mon regions.[14] The Khmer Empire, under Suryavarman I (r. 1006–1050) and Udayadityavarman II (r. 1050–1066), was preoccupied with internal consolidation and conflicts with Champa, showing no epigraphic references to Pagan.[19] Some later Siamese chronicles allege that Anawrahta's forces invaded Khmer lands and sacked Angkor, portraying him as a conqueror who humbled the empire. These accounts, however, emerged centuries after the events and conflict with the absence of supporting evidence in Pagan's royal inscriptions—which detail temple dedications and local victories—or Khmer records, leading historians to view them as mythological accretions possibly inspired by Pagan's broader southern influence post-Thaton. No archaeological finds, such as Burmese-style artifacts in Angkor or vice versa, substantiate military contact during Anawrahta's reign (1044–1077).[11] The two empires coexisted as parallel powers in mainland Southeast Asia, with Pagan emerging as a Theravada Buddhist center after importing scriptures from Thaton, while the Khmer remained predominantly Hindu-Mahayana until later shifts. Indirect cultural exchanges via trade routes or shared Indian influences may have occurred, but no diplomatic missions, alliances, or tribute relations are verified. Anawrahta's foreign policy emphasized ties with Ceylon, sending monks in response to King Vijayabahu I's 1071 request to revive Buddhism there, rather than engagement with the Khmer.[14]Interactions with the Dali Kingdom
Burmese royal chronicles, such as the Hmannan Yazawin, assert that Anawrahta launched a military expedition northeastward against the Dali Kingdom around 1055, purportedly reaching its capital at Dali and compelling tribute or the surrender of sacred relics, including a Buddha's tooth relic, before withdrawing.[20] These accounts frame the campaign as an assertion of Pagan's imperial reach toward the ancestral homeland of the Burman people in the former Nanzhao territories, now under Dali rule, and as a means to acquire Theravada Buddhist artifacts to bolster Anawrahta's religious reforms against local Ari traditions.[21] However, such chronicles, compiled centuries later by court scholars, prioritize dynastic legitimacy and symbolic grandeur over empirical accuracy, often exaggerating conquests to link rulers to mythic origins and divine favor.[20] No contemporary records from Dali, the Song dynasty, or archaeological evidence corroborate a full-scale Pagan invasion of Dali's core territories during Anawrahta's reign (1044–1077). Dali, a stable Bai-led state with Tantric-Mahayana Buddhist influences and tributary ties to the Song court, maintained independence and focused southward trade routes rather than clashing with emerging powers like Pagan. Modern historiography views the alleged campaign as likely apocryphal or confined to border raids against Shan intermediaries, reflecting Pagan's consolidation of northern highlands rather than transmontane conquest.[21] Anawrahta's verifiable expansions prioritized the Irrawaddy valley southward, with northern efforts limited to subduing Shan saophas for tribute and security, not penetrating Yunnan's fortified basins. Cultural and religious exchanges, rather than military confrontation, better characterize potential ties. Both realms shared Buddhist networks, with Dali's esoteric practices possibly influencing early Pagan iconography, though Anawrahta's Theravada puritanism rejected such elements. Trade via overland routes through Shan territories facilitated indirect contact, involving horses, salt, and precious goods, but no diplomatic missions or alliances are documented beyond chronicle lore.[20] The absence of mutual recognition in Dali's stelae or Song annals underscores the limited scope of interactions, shaped more by geographic barriers and divergent political priorities than by direct engagement.[21]Relations with Ceylon
Anawrahta maintained diplomatic relations with Vijayabahu I, king of Ceylon (r. 1055–1110), fostering ties centered on the mutual promotion of Theravada Buddhism amid regional disruptions from Chola invasions.[14][23] In the late 1060s, following Vijayabahu's expulsion of Chola forces around 1070, which had interrupted Ceylon's monastic ordination lineages, the Sinhalese king sought Burmese assistance to revive the Buddhist sangha.[23][11] By 1071, Anawrahta responded by dispatching ordained monks from Pagan to Ceylon, enabling the reestablishment of upasampada ordinations and restoring institutional Buddhism there after nearly two decades of decline.[14][23] This exchange reciprocated earlier influences, as Anawrahta had previously invited Sinhalese monks to Burma to bolster Theravada orthodoxy following his conquest of Thaton in 1057, though primary lineages in Pagan derived from Mon traditions ultimately tracing to Ceylon. Anawrahta also initiated a mission to Ceylon bearing gifts, including a white elephant, to request the sacred Tooth Relic from Vijayabahu, symbolizing deepened religious solidarity between the two kingdoms. Burmese chronicles record Anawrahta's personal journey to obtain reliquary items, such as a replica Tooth Relic enshrined at the Shwezigon Pagoda by 1059, though archaeological attribution often links the structure's completion to his successor Kyanzittha (r. 1084–1112).[24] These interactions underscored a pattern of bidirectional support against heterodox pressures, including Saivite incursions in Ceylon, without evidence of direct military engagements between Pagan and Sinhalese forces.Administrative and Cultural Reforms
Governance Structure and Nation-Building
Anawrahta centralized power in a monarchical system, exercising direct rule over the Pagan core while appointing officials to govern peripheral provinces and integrate newly conquered territories into the empire's administrative framework. This structure emphasized loyalty to the crown, with revenues from agriculture and tribute sustaining royal authority and military obligations. His reforms laid the groundwork for a durable governance model that subsequent Pagan kings maintained until the dynasty's collapse in 1287.[25] A cornerstone of his administration was the development of hydraulic infrastructure to transform arid Upper Burma into a productive rice basin, supporting population growth and economic stability essential for imperial cohesion. Between 1044 and 1077, Anawrahta oversaw the construction of weirs, dams, and canals along the Zawgyi, Panlaung, and Samon rivers, as well as the restoration of Meiktila Lake, creating the foundational "West Bank Rice Granary" encompassing six districts known as Salin Chauk Khayaing. These projects, verified through epigraphic and hydrological records, generated surpluses that funded temple construction, urbanization around Pagan, and a professional army, thereby enabling sustained control over diverse ethnic groups from the Irrawaddy valley to the Shan hills.[26] Nation-building under Anawrahta involved forging a proto-Burmese identity through administrative standardization and economic interdependence, marking the first unification of the Irrawaddy basin's core regions. By linking northern Burman principalities with southern Mon-influenced areas via improved waterways and royal oversight, he established precedents for territorial administration that influenced later Burmese states, though chronicles exaggerate the scope of direct control in favor of legendary narratives. This pragmatic approach prioritized causal factors like agricultural productivity over ideological uniformity, fostering resilience against fragmentation.[2]Religious Policies and Suppression of Ari Buddhism
Anawrahta's religious policies marked a pivotal shift toward Theravada Buddhism as the state religion of the Pagan Kingdom, initiated by his conversion in the mid-11th century under the influence of the Mon monk Shin Arahan.[14] Shin Arahan, originating from the Thaton Kingdom, criticized the prevailing Ari Buddhism—a syncretic Mahayana tantric tradition incorporating local animist and esoteric practices—as doctrinally impure and conducive to moral laxity, including non-celibate clergy and ritual indulgences.[27] [28] Anawrahta, embracing Theravada's emphasis on monastic discipline and Pali canonical texts, sought to eradicate these elements to align Pagan with orthodox Sinhalese-derived Buddhism.[29] The suppression of Ari Buddhism involved targeted measures against its adherents, whom chronicles depict as heretical priests engaging in tantric rites, martial training, and spirit worship incompatible with Theravada purity.[28] Traditional accounts in Burmese chronicles, such as those compiled centuries later, claim Anawrahta expelled or executed Ari leaders, burned their texts, and dismantled their influence, framing the purge as essential for Buddhism's revival; however, these narratives, first elaborated in the 18th century, blend hagiographic exaggeration with historical kernel, as earlier records lack such dramatic details.[6] [30] This campaign effectively marginalized Ari practices, which had dominated central Myanmar from the 7th to 11th centuries, displacing them in favor of Theravada monastic orthodoxy.[31] Complementing suppression, Anawrahta promoted Theravada through institutional patronage, exemplified by his 1057 conquest of Thaton, which yielded 30 elephants laden with Pali scriptures, relics, and monks transported to Pagan for dissemination.[11] He established reformed monasteries under Shin Arahan's oversight and commissioned foundational monuments like the Shwezigon Pagoda (ca. 1070s), enshrining Buddha relics to legitimize the new faith and integrate Mon cultural influences.[3] These actions not only centralized religious authority but also embedded Theravada ethics into governance, mandating adherence among elites while tolerating subdued nat spirit cults under Buddhist oversight.[32] The reforms endured, shaping Myanmar's Buddhist identity for centuries despite chronicle embellishments questioning their full historicity.[6]Promotion of Literacy and the Burmese Script
Anawrahta's conquest of the Mon kingdom of Thaton in 1057 CE facilitated the integration of Mon scribal practices into Pagan society, providing a key impetus for the adaptation of the Mon script—itself derived from southern Indian Brahmic models—into an early form of the Burmese writing system suited to the tonal phonology of the Burmese language.[33][34] This adaptation marked the onset of written Burmese during his reign (1044–1077 CE), as evidenced by the linguistic modifications in early Pagan inscriptions attempting to denote tones, though full orthographic consistency emerged later.[33] Prior to this, Pagan elites likely relied on Pyu or Mon scripts for administrative and religious purposes, but the influx of Mon monks, scholars, and texts—reportedly including the Tripitaka on 18 carts in chronicles, though epigraphic evidence confirms increased Mon-influenced donative records—accelerated the shift toward a vernacular Burmese script.[33][35] No comprehensive "Myanmar alphabet" existed at the start of Anawrahta's rule, with Mon script dominating Bagan-era inscriptions, but the period saw foundational adaptations that enabled broader recording of Burmese-language Buddhist and royal documents.[35] Literacy, primarily confined to the monastic sangha and royal court, received indirect promotion through Anawrahta's Theravada reforms, which emphasized scriptural study and copying; the brought Mon literati trained Burmese scribes, fostering a scribal class essential for propagating Pali canon translations and vernacular commentaries.[33] Epigraphic proliferation under his successors, building on these foundations, underscores the era's role in elevating written culture, though direct attribution to Anawrahta relies on later chronicles prone to hagiographic inflation rather than solely on surviving stones.[33] Full standardization of Old Burmese orthography, however, postdated his reign, occurring after 1174 CE.[33]Death and Succession
Final Years and Death
In the later years of his reign, Anawrahta focused on consolidating the Pagan Empire's territorial gains while addressing external threats, including a reported Khmer incursion that prompted a defensive campaign.[11] Burmese historical records indicate he led expeditions to repel these advances, extending Pagan's influence along the frontiers without conclusive evidence of major conquests in his final decade.[8] Monumental construction projects, such as the Shwezigon Pagoda initiated earlier, continued under his oversight, reflecting ongoing efforts in religious patronage and infrastructure.[36] Anawrahta died in 1077 near Pagan, marking the end of his 33-year rule.[11] The primary accounts derive from Burmese chronicles, such as the Glass Palace Chronicle (a 19th-century compilation drawing from earlier royal records like the Hmannan Yazawin), which describe his death as occurring when a wild elephant gored him during an encounter, possibly while returning from an expedition or hunt.[8] Variant traditions in these sources and secondary analyses substitute a wild buffalo as the agent, emphasizing a sudden, ignominious end for a king otherwise portrayed as invincible.[2] These narratives, while the earliest available, incorporate legendary motifs typical of pre-modern Southeast Asian historiography, lacking corroboration from contemporary inscriptions and potentially serving to underscore themes of impermanence in Buddhist cosmology.[6] No archaeological or epigraphic evidence independently verifies the precise circumstances, rendering the chronicles the sole basis for details beyond the year of death.[37]Succession and Immediate Legacy
Anawrahta was succeeded by his son Saw Lu upon his death in 1077.[38] Saw Lu, designated as heir apparent in Burmese chronicles, inherited the unified Pagan Empire encompassing the Irrawaddy valley and peripheral regions.[39] His reign, lasting until 1084, maintained the empire's territorial extent but encountered early strains, including administrative pressures from integrating conquered Mon territories.[38] Saw Lu's rule faced a significant Mon uprising in Lower Burma, which chronicles attribute to lingering resentments from Anawrahta's 1057 conquest of Thaton; the rebellion culminated in Saw Lu's death during military suppression efforts.[40] This instability highlighted vulnerabilities in the empire's cohesion, yet the core structure of centralized governance and Theravada Buddhist orthodoxy established by Anawrahta endured, enabling a swift transition to Kyansittha—Anawrahta's former general—who ascended in 1084 and stabilized the realm.[38] Anawrahta's immediate legacy manifested in the empire's sustained expansion and cultural consolidation; his military unification prevented fragmentation, while religious reforms fostered a shared Burmese identity that successors leveraged for legitimacy and patronage of temple construction, with over 10,000 structures initiated in the Bagan zone during the dynasty's peak.[6] Burmese chronicles, though prone to hagiographic embellishment, consistently portray this period as one of continuity, crediting Anawrahta's foundations for the dynasty's longevity until the 13th century.[39]Historiography and Evaluation
Primary Sources and Chronicle Reliability
The historiography of Anawrahta relies on a sparse set of primary sources, dominated by epigraphic evidence from the 11th-century Pagan era. Stone inscriptions, often recording royal donations to Buddhist establishments, constitute the most direct contemporary records, with the earliest extant Burmese-language inscription—written in Mon script—dating to 1058 CE during his reign.[41] These inscriptions confirm Anawrahta's existence, his promotion of Theravāda Buddhism, and aspects of temple construction, but provide limited narrative detail on conquests or governance; for instance, no original epigraphic evidence corroborates the chronicle accounts of his campaign against Thaton.[38] Supplementary materials include clay votive tablets bearing his name found in early stupas, and potential foreign references in Mon or Chinese records alluding to Pagan's expansions, though these are indirect and require cross-verification.[4] Burmese chronicles form the core narrative framework, with the Zatadawbon Yazawin (early 16th century) offering the earliest systematic account of Pagan kings, followed by later compilations like the Maha Yazawin (1724) and Hmannan Yazawin (1829, also known as the Glass Palace Chronicle). These draw from lost earlier texts, oral traditions, and accessible inscriptions, detailing Anawrahta's unification of the Irrawaddy valley, religious reforms, and portrayal as a cakravartin (universal monarch). Sri Lankan chronicles, such as the Mahavamsa, provide corroborative details on Pagan-Ceylon Buddhist exchanges, while Thai and Mon sources occasionally reference regional interactions.[42] The reliability of these chronicles is contested among scholars due to their composition 400–800 years after Anawrahta's death (c. 1077 CE), incorporating hagiographic legends, supernatural feats, and retrospective legitimization of Burman kingship through Buddhist ideology. For example, accounts of divine omens or exaggerated conquests serve propagandistic ends, reflecting the agendas of later courts rather than empirical fidelity, and chroniclers' access to prior inscriptions does not preclude selective interpretation or fabrication.[20] Regnal chronologies and verifiable events, such as temple foundations cross-checked against inscriptions, demonstrate higher accuracy from the Pagan period onward, but narrative elements like the Thaton invasion remain debated, with some historians viewing them as mythic amplifications of smaller-scale raids.[43] Modern reassessments, prioritizing epigraphy and comparative regional sources over uncritical chronicle acceptance, emphasize Anawrahta's tangible achievements in state-building while discounting unsubstantiated heroic tropes.[6]Debates on Achievements versus Myths
Scholars have long debated the boundary between Anawrahta's documented accomplishments and the legendary accretions in Burmese chronicles such as the Hmannan Yazawin, composed in the 19th century, which portray him as a cakravartin (universal monarch) with supernatural attributes, including miraculous conquests and divine interventions. These texts, while valuable for cultural insights, suffer from retrospective bias and lack contemporary corroboration, often inflating rulers' exploits to align with Buddhist kingship ideals; modern historiography prioritizes epigraphic and archaeological evidence over such narratives, revealing a more pragmatic leader whose influence, though transformative, was incremental rather than singularly heroic.[6] A central contention concerns Anawrahta's purported conquest of the Mon kingdom of Thaton in 1057, depicted in chronicles as a dramatic raid yielding Buddhist scriptures, monks, and artisans that catalyzed Pagan's cultural ascent. This event, however, is widely regarded as a post hoc legend by historians like G.E. Harvey and Michael Aung-Thwin, who note the absence of archaeological traces of a prosperous, independent Thaton polity in Lower Burma prior to Pagan expansion; instead, evidence suggests Anawrahta's campaigns focused on consolidating Upper Burma's petty states and repelling incursions from the Khmer-influenced Chao Phraya basin, with any southern influence likely diplomatic or tributary rather than outright subjugation. Verifiable military successes include victories over the Shan and Pyu principalities by the 1050s, which expanded Pagan's control over the Irrawaddy valley and facilitated trade routes, as inferred from 11th-century inscriptions.[6][44] On religious reforms, Anawrahta's promotion of Theravada Buddhism—sparked by his conversion around 1056 under the monk Shin Arahan—is historically substantiated by temple dedications and the suppression of esoteric Ari practices, yet chronicles mythologize it as a wholesale importation from Thaton, ignoring pre-existing Theravada elements in the region traceable to Pyu and Sri Lankan contacts. Inscriptional records confirm his patronage of monasteries and destruction of Ari sites, aligning with a shift toward canonical orthodoxy that endured, but attribute exaggerated motives like atonement for familial murders, blending fact with hagiographic flair. Similarly, his irrigation initiatives, including dams along the Zawgyi River constructed post-1050s, supported agricultural surplus enabling temple-building booms—evidenced by enduring canal networks—but are romanticized in lore as divinely inspired penances rather than strategic engineering rooted in dry-zone necessities.[6][11] Ultimately, while mythic portrayals elevate Anawrahta to near-deific status, empirical assessment underscores his role in forging Pagan's imperial foundations through conquests that unified fractious highlands by 1077 and institutionalized Theravada as state orthodoxy, effects borne out in the era's proliferation of over 2,000 monuments and expanded wet-rice cultivation; debates persist on the degree of innovation versus continuity, with some arguing his "unification" amplified existing Pyu-Burman synergies rather than inventing them anew, cautioning against chronicle-driven exceptionalism.[6]Criticisms and Balanced Assessment of Impact
Anawrahta's religious reforms entailed the forceful suppression of the Ari sect, a tantric Mahayana Buddhist tradition prevalent in Pagan that incorporated local animist practices and rituals such as alcohol consumption and esoteric initiations. Under the influence of the monk Shin Arahan, he persecuted Ari leaders, executing some for rebellion and disrobing others, whom he then conscripted into military service.[28] Chronicles portray the Ari as moral degenerates practicing corruption and heresy, justifying their eradication as essential for Theravada purification, but this narrative likely reflects orthodox bias, as evidence suggests the Ari maintained Buddhist scriptural traditions and ordination halls predating Anawrahta.[28] Military unification efforts, including the 1057 conquest of the Mon kingdom at Thaton, involved subjugating resistant polities through warfare, resulting in the enslavement of approximately 30,000 artisans and the extraction of religious relics and scriptures to bolster Pagan's legitimacy.[11] These campaigns extended control over the Irrawaddy valley and adjacent regions, but relied on coercive integration of diverse ethnic groups, potentially exacerbating short-term instability and loss of life, though quantitative records of casualties remain absent from inscriptions or archaeology. A balanced evaluation credits Anawrahta with forging the first pan-Burman polity, centralizing authority via fortified outposts and hydraulic agriculture that generated surpluses supporting monumental architecture and monastic networks.[11] This infrastructure enabled the Pagan Empire's two-century dominance, checking external threats like Khmer incursions and synthesizing Mon cultural elements into Burmese norms, including script refinement and Theravada doctrinal standardization.[11] Yet, historiographical scrutiny indicates chronicles inflated his agency in Theravada's adoption—evidenced by pre-existing contacts—and prioritized mythic cakravartin ideals over verifiable military consolidation, which exerted the era's primary causal force.[6] The suppression's enduring outcome was Theravada hegemony, marginalizing syncretic variants to peripheral folk survivals and fostering religious uniformity that stabilized governance but curtailed pluralism.[28] Overall, his impact tilted toward constructive state-building, as fragmented pre-Pagan entities yielded to a resilient imperial model, though achieved via authoritarian means critiqued in modern reinterpretations for prioritizing orthodoxy over accommodation.[6]References
- https://handwiki.org/wiki/History:Thaton_Kingdom
- https://www.[cambridge](/page/Cambridge).org/core/journals/journal-of-southeast-asian-studies/article/question-of-china-in-burmese-chronicles/5846497A518C3FB816C1B4067EB3E9A1