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Family First Party
Family First Party
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The Family First Party was a conservative political party in Australia which existed from 2002 to 2017. It was founded in South Australia where it enjoyed its greatest electoral support. Since the demise of the Australian Conservatives into which it merged, it has been refounded in that state as the Family First Party (2021).[2]

Family First had three candidates elected to the Senate during its existence—Steve Fielding (2005–2011), Bob Day (2014–2016), and Lucy Gichuhi (2017; elected on a countback following Day being declared ineligible). At state level, the party won a seat in the South Australian Legislative Council across four consecutive state elections (2002, 2006, 2010, and 2014). It also briefly had representatives in the New South Wales Legislative Council and Western Australian Legislative Council, as a result of defections from other parties.

The party was generally considered to be part of the Christian right. Though it had no formal affiliation with any particular religious organisation, Family First was strongly linked to the Pentecostal church in South Australia, and nationally from smaller Christian denominations. Family First in South Australia was viewed as an infusion of ex-Liberals via Robert Brokenshire and Day. Originally advocating a moral and family values agenda, Day, who would become Family First's major donor, later reoriented Family First to begin to emphasise issues such as industrial relations reform, free speech and smaller government, which brought Family First closer to Cory Bernardi's Australian Conservatives. Family First and its two state parliamentarians Dennis Hood and Brokenshire joined and merged with Bernardi's Australian Conservatives on 25 April 2017.[3]

Newly appointed Family First senator Lucy Gichuhi did not join the Conservatives, and became an independent senator when Family First was disbanded.[4] Gichuhi was invited to join the Australian Conservatives' voting bloc in the Senate,[5] but ultimately chose to join the Liberal Party.[6] Brokenshire was not re-elected at the 2018 state election, and Hood left the Conservatives to join the Liberal Party on 26 March 2018.[7]

History

[edit]

The party was founded 2002 in South Australia, in time to contest the 2002 state election, when former Assemblies of God pastor Andrew Evans became its first elected member, winning a seat in the South Australian Legislative Council. A second party member, pharmaceutical executive Dennis Hood, was elected to the Legislative Council at the 2006 state election. Robert Brokenshire replaced Evans following the latter's retirement in 2008.[8]

At the 2004 federal election, Family First contested seats all over Australia, generally exchanging preferences with Liberal candidates, although in some seats it exchanged preferences with the Australian Labor Party. In Queensland, the party refused to direct preferences to Liberal candidate Ingrid Tall on the grounds she was openly gay, also refusing to preference Liberal candidate Warren Entsch for his support for same-sex marriage.[9] At that election, Steve Fielding was elected as a senator for Victoria for the party. Fielding, along with independent Nick Xenophon and the five Australian Greens, shared the balance of power in the Senate from July 2008 to July 2011. He lost his seat at the 2010 federal election.

In June 2008, sitting MP and former Liberal Party member, Dan Sullivan, joined the Western Australian state branch of Family First as an executive member. When three former One Nation MPs attended the public launch of the branch, it fuelled media speculation that they might try to influence the West Australian branch.[10][11]

During the 2009/10 financial year, party chairman Bob Day made two loans totalling $405,000 to Family First. After gaining 4% of the vote in several House of Representatives seats in the 2010 federal election, the party also received around $400,000 in Commonwealth election funding.[12]

Family First returned to the Australian Senate at the 2013 federal election, when Day was elected as a senator for South Australia.[13] He was re-elected at the 2016 double dissolution federal election. A few months later, his family-owned building company, Home Australia Group, ran into financial difficulties and was wound up. Day announced immediately that he would resign from the senate as a consequence, however he did not resign immediately, allowing time for the party to develop a process for selecting a replacement.[14] He resigned on 1 November 2016 creating a vacancy in the senate. In April 2017 the high court ruled that he was invalidly elected in July 2016 and had been ineligible to sit in the senate since February 2016.[15]

The vacancy created by Day's resignation was filled by another Family First senate candidate, Lucy Gichuhi. Gichuhi was declared by the court of disputed returns on 13 April 2017 to be elected instead of Day, after a special recount of South Australian senate votes.[16][17] She became Australia's first African Senator.

Merger with the Australian Conservatives

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On 26 April 2017, a merger between the Australian Conservatives and the Family First Party was announced, with Family First to be absorbed into the Conservatives.[18] Newly appointed Family First senator Lucy Gichuhi did not join the Conservatives, and became an independent senator when the Family First Party was disbanded.[19] The party formally relinquished its registration with the Australian Electoral Commission on 30 August 2017.[20]

Psephologist Antony Green suggested the merger could in part be attributed to the abolition of group voting tickets, which makes it more difficult for like-minded parties to swap preferences without a certain amount of "leakage" to other parties.[3]

According to John Macaulay, an executive of the Australian Conservatives Board, and the dissolution document of Family First, the Party did not merge with the Australian Conservatives. The Family First executive voted to dissolve the party, and in accordance with Australian law, they donated all their assets to the Australian Conservative Party.[21]

Religious affiliation

[edit]

Although officially eschewing religious labels, many of its candidates and members were from conservative Christian backgrounds. Family First co-founder Pastor Andrew Evans was the General Superintendent of the Assemblies of God in Australia for twenty years.[22] In the 2002 South Australian election and the 2004 federal election, a number of Family First candidates were church members. In New South Wales, 11 of their 23 candidates for the 2004 federal election were from an Assemblies of God church, the Hawkesbury Church in Windsor.[23]

South Australian Family First Member of the Legislative Council Dennis Hood, the party's state parliamentary leader, is a member of the Rostrevor Baptist Church. When Sunday Mail columnist Peter Goers stated that Hood was an anti-evolution Creationist,[24] Hood did not deny this in his response, while he did attempt to set the record straight on issues of policy.[25]

Family First's preferencing agreement with the Coalition in the 2004 federal election led Barnaby Joyce, the National senate candidate for Queensland, to publicly slam the party the day before the election, calling them "the lunatic Right", and stating that "these are not the sort of people you do preference deals with".[26] Joyce's comments came in response to a pamphlet published by one of the party's Victorian Senate candidates, Danny Nalliah who in his capacity as a church pastor had criticised other religions and homosexuality.

In September 2004, party leader Andrea Mason said that Family First is not a Christian party[27] and Family First Federal Secretary Dr Matt Burnet issued a press release stating:

The party is not a church party or an Assembly of God party, nor is it funded by AOG churches. It does see itself as socially conservative, with Family Values based on Christian ethics. Like any mainstream party we do not have on record the religious affiliations of any of our members. The Board of Reference in South Australia includes business-people, members of the medical profession, as well as ministers and people from Catholic, Baptist, Lutheran, Uniting and other church groups. The rapid national growth of the party leading into this election and the late decision to contest in all seats possible, has meant that in some states there are candidates, with strong family values, who have been introduced to the party through the personal relationships they have from their involvement in community/church networks.

A 60-minute documentary was made for the ABC-TV Compass program in 2005 and called "Family First – A Federal Crusade".[28] It was produced by Dr Bruce Redman from The University of Queensland.

By August 2010, the party maintained its non-denominational stance and affirmed its affinity towards Christianity in stating "Family First in 2010 is independent of any church or denomination...like so many other Australian institutions, at Family First our Christian heritage is something we are both proud of and grateful for."[29]

Church and state

[edit]

Church and State (CAS) is a conservative non-denominational Christian "political education ministry" founded in 2016 by David Pellowe, who was a candidate for FFA in the 2015 Queensland state election and 2016 Australian federal election, but since 2016 has no affiliation to the party.[30][31]

Elections and results

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Federal elections

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2004 federal election

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The party agreed to share House of Representatives preferences with the LiberalNational Coalition at the 2004 election[32] (with some exceptions discussed below).

Family First picked up 1.76% of the vote nationally. Steve Fielding, the lead candidate in Victoria, was successful in picking up the last Senate seat. Although he received a primary vote of only 1.88% (56,376 votes), he achieved the 14.3% quota required by a run of preferences including those from the Australian Labor Party. The typically apolitical psephologist Malcolm Mackerras stated "The outlandish result occurred in Victoria in 2004 where the Family First party was able to gather tickets from just about everywhere... this is a fluke. And I’ve always referred to Senator Steve Fielding as the Fluke Senator".[33]

The party also came close to picking up other Senate seats in Tasmania (largely due to preferences from surplus Liberal votes) and in South Australia where the then party leader Andrea Mason narrowly missed out (polling 3.98% and receiving Liberal preferences).

2007 federal election

[edit]

Family First contested the 2007 federal election, in particular seeking to increase its Senate representation. Nationwide, the party received 1.62% of the primary vote in the Senate, and 1.99% in the House of Representatives, both down slightly on the 2004 result. In Victoria, however, both the lower and upper house vote increased by 0.64%, to 2.52 and 3.02% respectively. No Family First candidates were elected. Sitting senator Steve Fielding's term did not expire until 2011.

Before the 2007 federal election, Fred Nile criticized Family First for giving preferences (in some states) to the Liberty and Democracy Party, a libertarian political party one of whose policies was to legalize recreational drug use, stating "They gave their preferences to the enemy, the anti-Christian party."[34] This was suggested as a reason for their poor election result.[35] Fred Nile's own Christian Democratic Party had also preferenced the Liberty and Democracy Party before any other major party in the Senate.[36]

In 2008, some newspapers claimed that Fielding wanted to "relaunch himself as a mainstream political player, beyond Family First's ultra-conservative evangelical Christian support base." The reports indicated that Fielding had tried to recruit Tim Costello and others around the beginning of 2008 with a view to forming a new party, but had failed to convince them.[37] The revelations came after Fielding changed his position on abortion, after being rebuffed by his party for taking a softer approach.[38] Fielding denied the claims.

2010 federal election

[edit]

At the 2010 federal election, Family First contested the Senate in all states, but were not successful, with the national vote remaining at around 2%. Fielding's term ended on 30 June 2011, after which the Family First Party no longer had federal parliamentary representation.[39][40][41]

The Queensland Family First Senate candidate Wendy Francis created controversy when she compared allowing same-sex marriage to the stolen generations and to "legalising child abuse".[42]

2013 federal election

[edit]

Bob Day ran as a Family First Party South Australia Senate candidate at the 2013 federal election and was successful. The South Australian Senate Family First vote was 3.8% (down 0.3%),[43] getting to the 14.3% quota through Glenn Druery's Minor Party Alliance from 19 group voting ticket party preferences: Australian Independents Party, Australian Stable Population Party, Liberal Democratic Party, Smokers' Rights Party, No Carbon Tax Climate Sceptics, Building Australia Party, Rise Up Australia Party, Katter's Australian Party, One Nation, Australian Fishing and Lifestyle Party, Australian Christians, Shooters and Fishers, Australian Motoring Enthusiast Party, Democratic Labour Party, Animal Justice Party, Australian Greens, Palmer United Party, HEMP Party, Australian Labor Party.[44][45] The nationwide Family First Senate vote was 1.1% (down 1.0%).[46] Day assumed his seat on 1 July 2014.

2016 federal election

[edit]

As Family First's sole incumbent, Bob Day was unexpectedly[47] successful at the 2016 federal election, despite having unsuccessfully mounted a High Court challenge against newly implemented Senate voting reforms which included the removal of group voting tickets, a feature which was crucial to the election of Day at the previous election.[48] Though the South Australian Senate Family First vote was reduced to just 2.9% (down 0.9%),[49] as the election was a double dissolution, the quota to be elected was halved. Day got to the 7.7% quota largely from Liberal preferences when the Liberal's 5th candidate Sean Edwards was eliminated from the count, largely due to the fact the Liberal how-to-vote card recommended Liberal voters to preference Family First.[50] Electing only six Senators per state at a non-double dissolution election, the 12th and last spot in South Australia at this election came down to a race between Day and Labor's 4th candidate Anne McEwen. McEwen solidly led Day for the overwhelming majority of the count, until count 445 of a total 457. However, upon Edwards and then One Nation candidate Steven Burgess being eliminated at count 445 and 455 respectively, leaving only McEwen and Day remaining, Day had collected enough preferences to overtake and narrowly defeat McEwen − by just a couple of thousand preference votes.[51][52][53]

The nationwide Family First Senate vote was 1.4% (up 0.3%).[54] Elected to the 12th and final South Australian Senate spot, he was entitled to a three-year term.[55]

Due to the failure of his home construction business, Day resigned from the Senate on 1 November 2016 and a replacement was expected to be selected in the following two to three weeks[needs update].[17] In April 2017, the High Court found that he had been invalidly elected to the Senate at the 2016 election because the leasing arrangements for his electoral office had breached section 44 of the Constitution making him ineligible for the Senate, leading to a special recount of South Australian senate ballots to find a replacement.[15]

On 13 April 2017 Lucy Gichuhi was declared the new South Australian senator in place of Day, following a recount of ballots.[16] Her appointment was challenged by the Australian Labor Party but the High Court rejected the challenge as to whether she has renounced her Kenyan citizenship or retained a dual Kenyan and Australian citizenship.[56] She became Australia's first African Senator.

Federal by-elections since 2004

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Following the resignation of Mark Latham and their acquisition of a Senate seat in 2004, Family First contested the 2005 Werriwa by-election and in the absence of a Liberal candidate received 2,890 first preference votes. They had not contested Werriwa in 2004.

As a result of their relatively poor form in the 2007 election, Family First did not contest the 2008 Gippsland by-election, but in a later by-election for the seat of Mayo they won 11.40% of the vote but only ran fourth in the absence of a Labor candidate, a total that was only 4% above their vote in the 2007 general election.

Family First did not stand a candidate in any of the 2008 Lyne, 2009 Bradfield or 2009 Higgins by-elections.

State elections

[edit]

2002 South Australian election

[edit]

The first election Family First contested was the 2002 South Australian state election. Dr Andrew Evans received a primary vote of 4.02% which, along with preferences from other parties, was sufficient to obtain the 8.3% quota and get elected to one of the 11 seats in the South Australian Legislative Council.

State elections from 2004 until 2017

[edit]

In the 2005 Western Australian election, Family First polled 21,701 votes in the Legislative Council where it contested 34 candidates[57] compared to 57 candidates in major parties.[58]

In the 2006 South Australian election, Family First's vote increased to 4.98% in the Legislative Council, and a second Member of the Legislative Council was elected – former pharmaceutical executive Dennis Hood. In several rural and outer metropolitan seats, Family First's vote approached 10% – and in the seat of Kavel, Tom Playford, a descendant of former premier Tom Playford, achieved a vote of 15.7%.[59] In the Legislative Council, Family First shares the balance of power with the other minor parties and independents.

In the 2006 Queensland state election, Family First received a primary vote of 7% in contested seats (many seats were not contested), with a high of 14.5% and several other seats posting results of 10%.[60][61] Queensland does not have an upper house, and these results were insufficient for any candidates to be elected.

In the 2006 Victorian state election, Family First's vote increased from 1.9% to 4.3% of first preferences.[62] However, no candidates were elected.

In the 2012 Queensland state election the party unsuccessfully contested 38 seats.

In the 2017 Western Australian state election, Family First fielded 2 candidates in each of the six Legislative Council regions, and three candidates for Legislative Assembly seats.[63] Voting for the Legislative Council uses group voting tickets. At the 2017 election, Family First participated with four other parties in a set of preference deals orchestrated by Glenn Druery. The other parties were Fluoride Free WA, Liberal Democrats, Flux the System and the Daylight Saving Party. The deals were arranged so that the ticket votes for these five parties would roll up to a different party in each region. The system collected votes so that Family First's best chance was in the North Metropolitan region.[64] However, the party did not gain any seats at the election.

Defections from other parties

[edit]

The party has benefited from a series of high-profile defections.

  • Former South Australian state Liberal minister Robert Brokenshire contested the 2007 federal election for the party, and subsequently won preselection to replace retiring founder Evans in the state Legislative Council. At the 2010 South Australian Election, Robert Brokenshire was re-elected as a Family First candidate for a Legislative Council seat.
  • In June 2008, former Western Australian deputy Liberal leader Dan Sullivan announced that he would become the parliamentary leader of the state branch of the party.[65] Three former One Nation MPs also expressed support for the new party.[10] On 14 August 2008, independent (former Liberal) Western Australian MP Anthony Fels joined the Party.[66] At the 2008 Western Australian state election both Sullivan and Fels stood for seats in the Western Australian Legislative Council, but neither was successful. Fels remained a member of the Legislative Council until his term expired in May 2009.
  • Also in June 2008, Bob Randall, a former South Australian Liberal MP and party president joined the party, complaining that the Liberal Party had drifted too far to the "left", and that "Family First is the only truly conservative political force now left in Australia".[67]
  • On 3 August 2008 Bob Day, a prominent Coalition fundraiser and Liberal candidate for Makin in the 2007 federal election announced that he was joining Family First.[68] He contested the 2008 Mayo by-election for the party, gaining 11.4 percent of the primary vote, but was not elected.
  • In New South Wales, former Christian Democratic Party MLC Gordon Moyes became an independent in 2009 for a few months before joining Family First. He was defeated at the 2011 state election.
  • In June 2013, former Katter's Australian Party candidate and national director Aidan McLindon joined Family First[69] and was the lead Senate candidate for Family First in Queensland in the 2013 federal election.[70]

Political ideology

[edit]

Environment and climate change

[edit]
  • Opposition to any emissions trading scheme or 'carbon tax' and government subsidies to renewable energy.
  • Support for an independent enquiry which is prepared to hear scientists who disagree with climate change.[71]

Education

[edit]
  • Support for independent (private) school funding.
  • Allow principals and school councils to choose staff based on 'values'.
  • Allow schools to direct their own building improvement works, rather than relying on governments.[72][73]

Bioethics and family policy

[edit]
  • Opposition to late term abortion in most cases.
  • Opposition to voluntary euthanasia.[74][75]
  • Support for retention of the definition of marriage as between a man and a woman to the exclusion of all others (i.e opposition to same-sex marriage).
  • Opposition to surrogacy in all forms (including altruistic surrogacy).
  • Support for programs which encourage families to be 'self-reliant' and reduce the need for government assistance.[76][77]

Economy

[edit]
  • Support for a 20/20/20 tax system ($20,000 tax-free threshold, 20 percent flat income tax and 20 percent flat company tax).
  • Opposition to payroll and mining taxes.
  • Abolition of the Commonwealth Grants Commission.[78][79]
  • Support for lowering small business taxes.[80][81]

Employment and workplace relations

[edit]
  • Belief in workplace deregulation and that legislation designed to protect workers rights is bad for the economy and morally wrong.
  • Removal of workplace regulations and awards to combat the "welfare reliance" of Australians.
  • Support for the freedom of those who choose to work differently by moving out of the regulated world of 'traditional employment'.[82][83]
  • Family First was opposed to some aspects of the Howard government's Australian Workplace Agreement measures.[84] In his maiden speech, Senator Steve Fielding argued for a fairer work, rest and 'family time' (or leisure balance) in opposing the measures.[85]

Immigration

[edit]

Indigenous affairs

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  • Opposition to the Native Title Act as it currently stands, as Native Title rights do not confer the right to sell, lease, develop or offer the land as security for economic development.[87][88]
  • Belief that 'the only long-term solution is for Aboriginal Australians to move into the modern world and connect with the modern economy'.
  • Repeal of any law which distinguishes between any Australian on the basis of race or colour.[89][90]

Housing and property development

[edit]
  • Support removal of urban growth boundaries and zoning restrictions.
  • Privatisation of planning approvals and removal of up-front infrastructure charges.[91][92]
  • Opposition to the 'progressive erosion' of property owners' rights through legislation, heritage listing, water restrictions, native vegetation, rising sea levels, zoning and court decisions.[87][88]

Poverty

[edit]
  • Support for education and training to take people out of poverty.
  • Support for foreign aid.[93][94]

Drugs

[edit]
  • Support for rehabilitation and recovery programs and for prison-based programs to address drug use.
  • Opposition to injecting rooms as 'expensive and ineffective'.[95]

Structure

[edit]

Family First was incorporated as a company limited by guarantee and managed by an executive committee comprising the board of directors. Decision making was tightly held within the executive group, including the capacity to elect new members to the executive, determine party policy and ratify candidate pre-selection.[96]

A National Conference occurred every two years, with delegates from state party licensees. Federal and State branches held Annual General Meetings that were open to all members.[96]

Political relations

[edit]

David Leyonhjelm of the Liberal Democratic Party and Day announced their intention to vote as a bloc in the Senate on economic issues, but separately on social issues.[97]

Family First and the Australian Greens were often at odds, with Family First often referring to the Greens as "extreme" in their media statements. The two parties were in competition for Senate preferences, particularly from the Labor Party, and were ideologically opposed on many issues.[98][99]

Former members

[edit]

Church and state

[edit]

Church and State (CAS) is a conservative non-denominational Christian "political education ministry" founded in 2016 by David Pellowe, who was a candidate for FFA in the 2015 Queensland state election and 2016 Australian federal election, but since 2016 has no affiliation to the party.[100][101]

See also

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References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Family First Party is a conservative Australian that prioritizes policies reinforcing traditional family structures and ethical foundations in . Originating in , it gained federal representation through the election of Senator Steve Fielding for Victoria in 2004 via preference flows. The party later secured another Senate seat with Bob Day for in 2013, amplifying its influence on issues like and protections despite modest primary vote shares. Core to its platform are commitments to defining as between one man and one woman, affirming biological sex distinctions, and safeguarding human from conception to natural death, positions it maintains against prevailing secular policy shifts. After the original party's deregistration in 2017, a successor entity revived the name around 2021, continuing grassroots efforts to elevate family primacy in while contesting recent elections. Its parliamentary tenures highlighted tensions with mainstream parties on cultural matters, often positioning it as a countervoice to progressive agendas in areas such as and religious freedoms.

History

Founding and Early Development (2002–2006)

The Family First Party was co-founded in in 2001 by Andrew Evans, a Pentecostal church leader who had previously served as national president of the in from 1977 to 1997 and as senior pastor of Paradise Community Church (now Futures Church) for three decades. Evans established the party to promote policies centered on traditional family structures, , and opposition to , drawing from his religious background while positioning it as a secular entity open to broader conservative support. The party was registered in time for the South Australian state election on 9 February 2002, marking its debut in electoral politics. In the 2002 election, Family First achieved immediate parliamentary representation by electing Evans to the Legislative Council on preferences from minor parties and independents, becoming the first MP from the new party in South Australian history. This outcome reflected the party's appeal to voters seeking alternatives to the major parties on issues like family policy and moral values, with Evans subsequently using his position to advocate against euthanasia legislation and for protections around marriage and child welfare. The success in South Australia prompted organizational expansion, including establishment of state divisions in other jurisdictions and preparation for federal contests. By the 2004 federal election, Family First had grown to field candidates nationwide, securing a significant breakthrough with the election of Steve Fielding to the Senate in Victoria, where he attained office via preference flows exceeding one quota despite modest primary support. Fielding's victory highlighted the party's strategy of leveraging optional preferential voting and conservative voter mobilization, though it drew scrutiny for the role of church networks in directing preferences. Nationally, the party polled around 1-2% in key seats but established a foothold for future campaigns. In parallel, internal development focused on policy formulation emphasizing family primacy over state intervention. The 2006 South Australian state election on 18 March further consolidated early gains, with Family First increasing its representation to two seats—retaining Evans and electing Dennis Hood—on a primary vote of approximately 5%, up from prior levels. This result positioned the party as a crossbench influence in the , where it negotiated on bills related to , , and to align with its core principles. Through these years, the party maintained funding and volunteer-driven operations, avoiding reliance on major donor influences while critiquing both Labor's social policies and Liberal inconsistencies on family issues.

Growth and Federal Breakthroughs (2007–2013)

During Steve Fielding's Senate term for Victoria (2005–2011), Family First consolidated its federal foothold as the party's sole parliamentary representative, with Fielding acting as its leader in Canberra. The party contested the 2007 federal election nationwide, launching its campaign in Melbourne on November 11, where Fielding positioned Family First as a proponent of "common sense" policies prioritizing family welfare over market-driven agendas critiqued in major parties. Fielding's presence amplified the party's voice on social conservatism, including opposition to expansions in government intervention on family matters. Fielding exerted influence in the crossbench amid the Rudd Labor government's (2007–2010) legislative agenda, notably blocking aspects of the proposed emissions trading scheme through climate skepticism, which contributed to delays alongside opposition from the Liberal-National Coalition. This period saw Family First's federal visibility grow through Fielding's committee roles and public stances, though primary vote shares remained modest at under 2% nationally in contests, reflecting niche appeal among voters disillusioned with major parties on moral issues. The 2010 federal election marked a setback, with Fielding defeated in Victoria, temporarily ending Family First's seats as the party garnered around 1% of the national House first preferences. Recovery followed in state arenas, bolstering organizational capacity. A key federal breakthrough occurred in the election, when Bob Day secured a seat for on September 7, leveraging preferences in a fragmented crossbench to represent Family First until 2014. Day's win, amid Liberal gains under , underscored the party's strategic preference deals and appeal in conservative states, restoring federal leverage on and family policy.

Challenges and Merger with Australian Conservatives (2014–2017)

Following the 2013 federal election success, where Family First secured one seat held by Bob Day, the party encountered significant setbacks in subsequent state elections. In the held on November 29, Family First received approximately 1.8% of the upper house vote statewide but failed to secure any seats, narrowly missing out in several regions due to flows favoring major parties and competitors like the . Similarly, in the March 15, 2014, South Australian state election, Family First's primary vote in the Legislative Council fell to 2.4%, down from previous highs, though Robert Brokenshire retained his seat amid tight multi-member contests dominated by Labor and Liberal . These results highlighted the party's vulnerability to vote fragmentation on the conservative right, exacerbated by the rise of micro-parties and the Liberal Party's consolidation of traditionalist support. The 2016 federal election compounded these difficulties, with Family First's national Senate vote dropping to 1.29%, insufficient for quota in most states except a recount in following Day's departure. Bob Day, the party's sole federal parliamentarian, resigned from the on November 1, 2016, after his construction firm Home Australia entered in , amid allegations of financial mismanagement and conflicts of interest involving government-subsidized housing projects. Day's exit triggered a special count, elevating Lucy Gichuhi to the vacancy on November 9, but it damaged the party's reputation and finances, as Day had personally funded much of its operations. Internal disarray followed, with debates over Day's ongoing influence and the party's direction, further eroding donor confidence and grassroots momentum. Facing existential threats from declining polls and competition from Senator Cory Bernardi's newly formed —launched February 2017 after his defection from the Liberal Party—Family First opted for merger to consolidate the socially conservative vote. On April 25, 2017, party leaders announced the integration into , dissolving Family First as a distinct entity effective April 26, while transferring assets, membership, and state parliamentarians like Brokenshire. Gichuhi declined to join, sitting as an independent, citing policy alignment concerns. The move aimed to pool resources for the 2018 South Australian election but reflected Family First's inability to sustain independent viability amid a polarized right-wing spectrum.

Post-Merger Revival and Recent Activities (2018–2025)

Following the 2017 merger into the Australian Conservatives, which yielded limited electoral success including no seats in the 2019 federal election, the Family First Party re-emerged as an independent conservative entity in the early , reclaiming its focus on family primacy, , and opposition to progressive social policies. The revival gained organizational momentum with the party's first national conference held on September 7, 2023, where delegates emphasized grassroots mobilization to advance policies prioritizing structures over state intervention. In state-level engagements, Family First contested the 2024 Queensland election, nominating candidates in 59 of 93 legislative seats to promote platforms centered on traditional ethics and . It also fielded candidates in the Australian Capital Territory ahead of the 2024 election, incorporating figures like Elizabeth Kikkert after her expulsion from the Liberal Party. The party's federal re-entry culminated in the May 3, 2025, election, where it nominated 100 candidates across and races, achieving visibility as a "green shoot" amid broader conservative setbacks despite securing no parliamentary seats. This marked the end of a nine-year absence from national contests, with the party attributing its persistence to voter dissatisfaction with major parties on family-related issues. Additional activities included adopting a formal in 2025 urging federal recognition of the , reflecting alliances with diaspora communities aligned with the party's emphasis on historical truth and national moral clarity. Ongoing advocacy through the party website and targeted economic pressures on families, such as rising power bills under Labor policies, positioning Family First as a voice for conservative resurgence.

Religious and Philosophical Foundations

Christian Roots and Influences

The Family First Party traces its origins to Pentecostal Christian circles in , where co-founder Pastor Andrew Evans, who served as National Superintendent of the Assemblies of God in from 1977 to 1997, established the party in 2002 following his retirement from church leadership in 2000. Evans, who pastored Paradise Community Church (later renamed Influencers Church) for 30 years, drew upon charismatic and evangelical networks to launch the party as a vehicle for advancing conservative social policies rooted in biblical principles. These roots provided early organizational support, including volunteer bases and ideological framing from Pentecostal congregations emphasizing moral absolutes on family and life issues. While lacking formal denominational affiliation, the party's foundational influences remain evident in its explicit endorsement of the ethic as the bedrock of Australian freedoms, tolerance, and democratic values—applicable to believers and non-believers alike. This ethic informs core policy pillars of faith, life, and freedom, aligning with Christian doctrines that uphold human dignity from conception to natural , traditional marriage as between one man and one woman, and religious against state encroachments. Evangelical emphases on personal responsibility, forgiveness, and further shape the party's vision of virtues enabling true , distinct from secular . The Pentecostal heritage manifests in practical advocacy, such as prioritizing family —empowering households over centralized government—which echoes Christian social teachings on community self-governance and echoes priorities for holistic societal renewal. Evans's tenure as a South Australian Legislative Councillor from exemplified this fusion, where religious convictions translated into parliamentary defenses of unborn and parental rights, though the party frames its platform as broadly principled rather than . This approach sustained influence despite mergers and electoral shifts, maintaining Christian-inspired stances amid Australia's secularizing trends.

Emphasis on Family Primacy and First-Principles Values

The Family First Party posits the —comprising a married , , and their children—as the foundational unit of , advocating for public policies that prioritize and strengthen this structure over alternative arrangements. This emphasis stems from the party's view that healthy families underpin community stability and national prosperity, with networks also recognized for support roles. Policies proposed include incentives for monogamous heterosexual marriages, splitting for families, and measures to enhance housing affordability and a benchmarked to support a family of five, such as the historical Harvester Judgment standard. These positions derive from foundational principles rooted in , which the party identifies as the ethical framework most conducive to individual freedoms, tolerance, and by , applicable to Australians of all faiths or none. The party upholds biological realities, such as the binary nature of human sex (), as objective truths informing policy on , child-rearing, and , rejecting ideologies that conflate with subjective identity. is a key principle, empowering families and local communities to address issues before escalating to government intervention, thereby minimizing state overreach while fostering and virtue-based freedoms like speech and . In practice, this manifests in uncompromising stances on life issues, asserting that human life begins at conception and merits protection until natural death, opposing (especially late-term), , , and puberty blockers for minors. Parental primacy is defended through demands for transparency in schools regarding exposure and bans on access for children via age verification. The party critiques both leftist anti-family agendas and libertarian excesses, arguing that policies must align with empirical outcomes favoring in stable, biological-parent households to ensure societal flourishing.

Political Ideology and Policy Positions

Family, Bioethics, and Social Values

The Family First Party advocates for policies that prioritize the traditional as the foundational unit of society, emphasizing incentives for monogamous heterosexual marriage and parenthood through tax reforms and financial support. The party supports measures to protect children, including banning blockers, cross-sex hormones, and gender affirmation surgeries for minors, as well as removing materials promoting LGBTQA+ gender fluid ideology from and curricula. It also seeks to restore parental authority by imposing penalties on educators or social workers who conceal a child's from parents and by eliminating compulsory and mandatory use of preferred pronouns in employment. On , the party maintains a pro-life position, calling for bans on late-term abortions, sex-selective abortions, and , while criminalizing coercion of women into abortions. It opposes and advocates repealing existing euthanasia laws across Australian jurisdictions, redirecting resources instead toward enhanced to support end-of-life dignity without hastening death. In the realm of social values, Family First promotes protections for women and girls by endorsing the to criminalize the purchase of while decriminalizing sellers, and by barring biological males from female-only , prisons, and private facilities. The party opposes the expansion of gender ideology in public institutions, including age verification for online pornography to shield minors, and has pledged to withhold public funding from events like the that it views as contrary to family-oriented values. These positions align with the party's core commitment to , empowering families and communities over centralized state intervention in personal and ethical matters.

Economic and Employment Policies

The Family First Party advocates for an economy structured to prioritize family prosperity, emphasizing free enterprise, reduced government intervention, and policies enabling single-income households to afford home ownership and child-rearing. Drawing from principles like the 1907 Harvester Judgement, the party supports wages sufficient to sustain a family of five on one income, while promoting business freedom to foster job creation and growth. Government intervention is viewed as necessary to curb corporate excesses but primarily to steward resources sustainably for the , rejecting excessive regulation that stifles small and family businesses. Fiscal policies focus on responsibility and reduction, critiquing major parties' spending—such as projections of $1 in and ballooning state deficits in Victoria and —as ary and unsustainable, particularly in areas like NDIS and aged care. The party proposes shrinking government size, defunding non-essential programs, and cutting to combat , alongside boosting production and supply. Tax reforms aim to lighten burdens, including income splitting between parents and exploring incentives like Hungarian-style breaks for mothers of three or more children. In and resource sectors, Family First emphasizes job generation through expanded gas exploration and supply to drive industry, while maintaining coal-fired power for baseload reliability until viable alternatives emerge. It calls for pausing net zero commitments and exiting the pending rigorous cost-benefit analysis, arguing these policies inflate energy costs—evident in electricity bills rising by approximately $1,000 despite government promises of relief—and hinder economic competitiveness. Nuclear energy pursuit and regulatory easing are prioritized to ensure affordable, reliable power supporting in resource-dependent regions. affordability ties into by advocating land release and to lower prices, enabling stability and participation.

Environment, Climate Change, and Resource Management

The Family First Party prioritizes affordability, reliability, and economic in its environmental and policies, advocating a pause on net zero emissions targets until a rigorous cost-benefit evaluates their and economic feasibility. The party calls for to exit the Climate Agreement, viewing such international obligations as detrimental to domestic and household costs. This stance reflects skepticism toward policies perceived as ideologically driven, with the party arguing that net zero pursuits by major parties have resulted in skyrocketing prices and risks to the national grid as of 2025. On and production, Family First supports retaining coal-fired power stations for baseload until viable alternatives emerge, while promoting expanded gas utilization to prevent blackouts, firm up supply, and lower retail prices. They propose lifting exploration restrictions to access untapped gas reserves, thereby boosting industry, manufacturing, and employment opportunities. Nuclear energy development is endorsed as a future-oriented option for sustainable, dispatchable power generation. In broader , the party favors streamlined land release and reduced regulatory barriers to enhance housing supply and affordability, balancing development with practical . Family First also backs controlled to manage invasive animal pests, citing its role in protecting ecosystems, supporting , and improving outcomes. These positions underscore a commitment to evidence-based interventions over expansive regulatory frameworks, with criticisms directed at net zero's potential to encroach on prime and exacerbate energy vulnerabilities.

Education and Youth Policy

The Family First Party advocates for an education system that prioritizes foundational academic skills, parental authority, and the exclusion of what it terms ideologically driven content. Its policy platform calls for centering school curricula on "," while restoring emphasis on "Western Civilisation and the Australian achievement" and eliminating teachings associated with and gender queer theory. The party supports the continuation of school chaplaincy programs to provide aligned with traditional values. In line with its commitment to parental rights, Family First opposes interventions that undermine family-directed , including any restrictions on or private schooling. It pledges to defend "at every opportunity" and resist moves to limit or ban non- education options, particularly in response to perceived threats from state Labor policies. The party also seeks to protect religious schools' autonomy, advocating for their to hire staff and operate according to their without federal overreach, such as proposed changes. This stance extends to critiquing initiatives that discourage binary gender terms like "boys" and "girls" in schools, with commitments to defund activist groups promoting such shifts. On youth policy, Family First emphasizes shielding children and adolescents from influences it views as harmful, particularly in educational and early childhood settings. It proposes removing "LGBTQA+ fluid " from school and preschool curricula, alongside banning puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and affirmation surgeries for minors. To enforce transparency, the party would criminalize teachers or social workers concealing a child's -related decisions from parents. Additional measures include mandating online age-verification to block youth access to and reviewing programs like Victoria's " and Respectful Relationships" to excise , framing these as protective against psychological and social risks. These positions reflect the party's broader prioritization of family primacy over state or institutional ideologies in shaping young people's development.

Immigration, Indigenous Affairs, and National Identity

The advocates for controlled levels to ensure sustainable integration with Australia's and capacity. It proposes slowing immigration intake to prevent strain on resources, emphasizing planned migration that aligns with national needs rather than mass inflows. The party critiques reliance on immigration to offset low birth rates (currently 1.4 children per woman, below the replacement level of 2.1), arguing instead for policies that bolster family formation, such as reducing living costs through cheaper energy and easing restrictions. This approach prioritizes "a future that’s built on Australian families, not permanent dependence on ," viewing high immigration as a symptom of failing domestic population policies rather than a primary solution. On indigenous affairs, the party supports practical measures focused on personal responsibility, education, and economic self-reliance over symbolic or racially differentiated policies. It endorses Senator Jacinta Nampijinpa Price's vision, which rejects a "black armband" view of history and critiques romanticized pre-colonial narratives, acknowledging colonisation's introduction of , , and alongside past injustices like the , where British authorities prosecuted and executed seven perpetrators. Family First opposes the "racism of low expectations" that excuses dysfunction through victimhood, advocating instead for equal standards, local employment initiatives, and an "advancement movement" for true reconciliation without guilt-driven politics. The party rejects indigenous sovereignty claims, citing legal precedents like Coe v Commonwealth that affirm no pre-existing Aboriginal nations held sovereignty, and views practices like "" as divisive rituals implying perpetual separatism rather than promoting equality under law. Regarding , Family First seeks to reinforce a unified Australian ethos rooted in Western civilisation and shared , countering trends of erosion through . It calls for restoring the "primacy of Western Civilisation and the Australian achievement" in , eliminating divisive ideologies like to focus on foundational skills and historical contributions. The party promotes unity by defining national belonging through equal rather than race or , opposing narratives that fracture along group lines and erode collective identity. This stance aligns with broader conservative emphasis on cultural cohesion, where respect for indigenous heritage coexists with rejection of to foster a singular Australian .

Housing, Poverty Alleviation, and Drug Policy

The Family First Party proposes addressing housing unaffordability by releasing additional land for development and slashing regulatory "red tape" to boost supply and reduce prices, viewing these as essential to counter where median home prices in cities like exceed $1 million and affordability has deteriorated from 2.8 years of average income in 1960 to 10.4 years in 2021. It identifies high levels as a key driver exacerbating supply shortages alongside inadequate planning, advocating reduced to ease demand pressures on stock. Further, the party calls for expediting approvals, minimizing environmental and bureaucratic hurdles ("green tape"), and incentivizing higher-density options like townhouses to enable young families to achieve home ownership, which it links to broader social benefits including family formation and birth rates. For poverty alleviation, Family First emphasizes a generous welfare safety net paired with mechanisms to promote and escape dependency, such as tax reductions, family income splitting to benefit parents (especially mothers) staying home with children, and to foster small and family-owned businesses. These measures aim to combat and elevate living standards without expanding intervention, critiquing over-reliance on welfare as counterproductive to long-term upliftment. The party also supports initiatives like phasing out poker machines and providing nightly communal shelters for the homeless tied to long-term housing services, framing as intertwined with family stability and . On drug policy, the party pledges unwavering opposition to illicit substances, demanding closure of supervised injecting centres and stricter enforcement against supply and possession to deter use. It favors diverting users, particularly facing first offenses, into mandatory rehabilitation over incarceration, while rejecting legalization of or other drugs on grounds that it escalates , consumption, and societal costs. Family First has praised state-level bans on pill testing at events, arguing such harm-reduction approaches undermine deterrence and enable risky behavior.

Electoral Performance

Federal Elections and By-Elections

The Family First Party first contested the , fielding candidates in the and across multiple states. Its most notable success came in the Victorian Senate race, where candidate Steve Fielding secured the sixth seat through a combination of primary votes and preferences, marking the party's entry into federal parliament. Fielding, a manufacturing business owner, served from July 1, 2005, to June 30, 2011. The party did not win any House seats nationwide. In the 2007 federal election, Family First retained visibility by contesting seats but failed to secure additional parliamentary representation beyond Fielding's ongoing term. The party emphasized family policy issues in its platform, though primary vote shares remained modest, typically under 2% nationally. No House seats were won, and no new Senate positions were gained. Fielding's Senate term ended following defeat in the 2010 federal election, where Family First's Victorian Senate primary vote proved insufficient to retain the seat amid stronger competition from major parties and Greens preferences. The party again contested House divisions without success, receiving scattered support in conservative-leaning electorates but falling short of quotas. Family First achieved a second federal Senate victory in the 2013 election when Bob Day, a South Australian businessman and party financier, was elected for a term beginning , 2014. Day's campaign benefited from over $1 million in personal funding, bolstering the party's Senate quota in . However, Day resigned in November 2016 amid financial controversies involving his construction firm, leading to a countback that elected Lucy Gichuhi as his replacement; she later joined the Liberal Party. No House seats were secured. The party did not contest the 2016 federal election effectively and deregistered federally in 2017. After an absence from federal contests, Family First re-entered the 2025 federal election on May 3, registering candidates in select divisions and the . It garnered localized support, such as 4.75% primary votes in Holt (Victoria) and 3.74% in Hawke (Victoria), but won no seats amid dominance by Labor and . The resurgence highlighted persistent minor-party appeal on family-centric issues, though insufficient for parliamentary breakthrough. The party had negligible involvement in federal by-elections, contesting few and achieving no victories or significant vote shares that altered outcomes.
Federal Election YearHouse Seats WonSenate Seats WonNotable Outcomes
200401 (VIC: Fielding)Breakthrough Senate win via preferences
200700Retained visibility; no gains
201000Fielding defeated
201301 (SA: Day)Day elected; later resigned
202500Re-emergence; minor vote shares

State and Territory Elections

The Family First Party has contested state elections in multiple jurisdictions, primarily achieving modest primary vote shares without securing seats in lower or upper houses outside its foundational success in South Australia prior to 2017. In the 2022 Victorian state election, the party fielded candidates but received insufficient support to win Legislative Council seats, attributing lower upper house performance to competition from other minor conservative parties like One Nation and the Democratic Labour Party. In , Family First expanded its presence for the state election, nominating candidates in 59 of 93 seats, yet won zero seats amid a contest dominated by Labor and the Liberal National Party. The party's state conference in early featured prominent conservative figures, signaling intent to build support on family policy issues. In , Family First registered as a party and announced candidates for the 2027 state election across districts including , Auburn, and Manly, but legal restrictions barred new parties from contesting by-elections in 2025. In , the party was active in the 2017 state general election under its WA branch but did not secure representation. Territory elections have seen minimal involvement; in the Australian Capital Territory, Family First sought candidates for the upcoming poll and updated its party registration in 2025. No verified contests or seats were achieved in the or , reflecting the party's focus on federal and select state races where conservative voter bases align with its platform.

Organizational Structure and Key Figures

Leadership and Internal Governance

The Family First Party was established in July 2021 in by former state Labor ministers Jack Snelling and Tom Kenyon, who positioned it as a revival emphasizing family-centric conservative values. Tom Kenyon has served as national chairman since the party's inception, overseeing strategic direction and public announcements. In May 2022, the party appointed Lyle Shelton, a former director of the Australian Christian Lobby, as national director, a role he continues to hold as of October 2025; Shelton has been active in candidate recruitment, policy advocacy, and contesting seats such as the . Internal governance operates through a federated structure with federal and state levels, as outlined in the party's constitution registered with electoral authorities. The national conference serves as the highest authority for policy and major decisions, supplemented by a federal executive committee that manages overarching operations. State associations, such as in , maintain executive committees of 5-15 members elected biannually at general meetings, including roles like president, , , and treasurer; these committees appoint state directors and regional coordinators, with decisions requiring quorums and, for significant actions like expulsions or amendments, supermajorities of 75%. Membership is open to eligible voters upon payment of an annual fee and approval by the relevant executive committee, fostering a base aligned with the party's emphasis on primacy in . Disputes are resolved through , and positions emphasize alignment with core principles of , , and , though the party's small size limits formal hierarchies compared to major parties. The structure supports decentralized selection and input, as evidenced by the first national conference in September 2023, which focused on building a broader conservative movement. No major internal upheavals have been publicly documented, with transitions appearing consensus-driven rather than contentious.

Notable Members, Defections, and Candidate Selection

The Family First Party's most prominent federal representatives included Steve Fielding, who was elected to the for Victoria in 2007 and served until 2011, focusing on family policy advocacy. Bob Day, serving as federal chairman from 2008 to 2016, secured a seat for in the 2013 election but resigned in November 2016 amid bankruptcy proceedings affecting his housing businesses. At the state level, the party achieved representation in the , with members like Robert Brokenshire holding seats from 2006 to 2014. In April 2017, the party merged with Cory Bernardi's , leading to the deregistration of Family First federally and the transition of most members and resources to the new entity, which aimed to consolidate conservative votes. This effectively constituted a mass defection, though Senator-elect Lucy Gichuhi, who won on the Family First ticket in the 2016 election, opted not to join and initially sat as an independent. Bob Day later distanced himself by founding the Australian Family Party in 2020. Candidate selection occurred through state divisions, with executives responsible for nominating individuals aligned with the party's emphasis on traditional , often via application processes and member votes as outlined in state constitutions. For instance, in , the state executive nominated candidates for local, state, and federal contests, prioritizing those committed to the party's platform. The process favored grassroots conservatives, though it faced challenges in attracting high-profile defectors from major parties.

Political Relationships and Alliances

Interactions with Major Parties

The Family First Party has maintained an independent stance toward Australia's major parties, the Australian Labor Party (ALP) and the Liberal-National , while aligning its preferences more favorably with the due to shared conservative emphases on and . In federal election guidance, the party advises voters to rank the above Labor in preferential voting, positioning it as a strategic alternative to direct major-party support without formal alliances. Relations with the have included both cooperation and friction, particularly when Liberal policies diverge from Family First's stances on issues like and vaccine mandates. For instance, during the , the party announced it would direct preferences away from incumbent Liberal MPs in targeted seats to pressure the government on perceived shortcomings. Tensions escalated when Liberal figures accused Family First of misleading preference flows, prompting rebuttals from party candidates labeling such claims as "desperate ." Interactions with Labor have been predominantly adversarial, rooted in opposition to ALP-backed social policies such as expanded access, which Family First has publicly condemned as "reckless." Despite the party's 2021 revival by former Labor MPs Jack Snelling and Tom Kenyon, it has distanced itself from the ALP, critiquing both major parties for insufficient commitment to traditional family priorities. No flows to Labor are recommended, reflecting ideological incompatibility on cultural and economic fronts.

Coalitions, Rivalries, and Broader Conservative Movement

The Family First Party maintained pragmatic alliances with the Liberal-National through electoral preference flows, directing votes to Coalition candidates in key contests to amplify conservative influence while positioning itself as a purer voice on family and moral issues. This cooperation stemmed from overlapping priorities on and , though Family First often criticized the Coalition for insufficient firmness against social progressivism, such as on and reforms. Rivalries arose primarily with competing minor parties fragmenting the right-wing vote, including tensions over branding and voter loyalty in states like and Victoria, where multiple groups vied for "Family First" registration amid the party's national decline. These disputes highlighted the challenges of niche conservative mobilization, as Family First accused rivals of diluting its platform or poaching members, exacerbating vote splits that benefited Labor in tight races. Within the broader Australian conservative movement, Family First contributed to efforts to counter perceived liberal drift in major parties by merging with Cory Bernardi's on April 26, 2017, creating a unified bloc advocating traditional values and skepticism toward and . The merger, driven by Bernardi's February 2017 defection from the Liberals over safe schools programs and deals, absorbed Family First's infrastructure to poll nearly 1.2% nationally in subsequent by-elections, though it struggled against One Nation's populist surge. This consolidation reflected causal pressures from voter disillusionment—evident in the Coalition's 2016 election near-loss—and aimed to enforce stricter , yet internal fractures and low funding limited enduring impact before the entity's deregistration in 2021.

Controversies and Criticisms

Public and Media Backlash

The Family First Party has faced significant public and media criticism primarily for its opposition to same-sex marriage, gender ideology in education, and abortion, with detractors often labeling its positions as discriminatory or outdated. In August 2010, Queensland Senate candidate Wendy Francis drew widespread condemnation after tweeting that children in homosexual relationships suffer emotional abuse and equating the legalization of gay marriage to legalizing child abuse; while Francis later apologized for the phrasing but maintained her view that children fare best with a mother and father, progressive media outlets and advocacy groups accused the party of homophobia, prompting calls for her disendorsement which the party rejected. Similar backlash occurred in June 2016 following the Orlando nightclub shooting, when Tasmanian Senate candidate Peter Madden posted online criticizing the "gay marriage agenda" amid the tragedy; Madden apologized, clarifying he did not link the attack to but was responding to a critic, yet outlets like and SBS highlighted the insensitivity, with his campaign materials featuring slogans such as "Homosexual marriage = gay sex-ed for children" fueling accusations of fearmongering on LGBT issues. More recently, in April 2025, the party disendorsed federal candidate Brogden Hearne after social media posts resurfaced in which he described lesbianism as "disgusting" and downplayed the relevance of Harvey Milk's to his ; although Hearne remained on the , the incident reignited media scrutiny from LGBT-focused publications and drew public ire on platforms like , portraying the party as harboring extreme views despite its vetting processes. Criticism has extended to the party's stances on abortion and drag queen story hours in libraries, with mainstream outlets like ABC News reporting on preference deals involving Family First as controversial due to its calls to repeal euthanasia laws and restrict late-term abortions, often framing such policies as regressive in a secularizing society. Public backlash, amplified by social media and advocacy groups, has occasionally led to internal disendorsements but rarely shifted the party's core platform, which defenders argue reflects empirical data on child outcomes in traditional families rather than prejudice.

Internal and Electoral Disputes

In 2016, Family First Senator Bob Day faced significant electoral scrutiny over potential ineligibility under Section 44(v) of the Australian Constitution, stemming from a lease arrangement for his electoral office owned by a company linked to him and rented to the federal for approximately $1,200 weekly. The controversy arose after Day's building firm, Hickory Group, collapsed into administration in October 2016, prompting his from the on October 18 amid $35 million in debts. The examined whether the lease constituted an "office of profit under the Crown," potentially invalidating his 2013 election; if deemed ineligible, Family First would forfeit the replacement spot to the next highest-polling candidate rather than their party list nominee. Day maintained no improper agreement existed with the , but the case highlighted tensions in candidate eligibility and funding ties. The party's candidate selection processes have periodically encountered disputes, exemplified by the April 2025 disendorsement of 19-year-old Brogden Hearne for the federal seat of in . Nominated prior to the close, Hearne's prior activity— including posts deemed racist, homophobic, and promoting white identity, such as labeling lesbianism "disgusting" and endorsing segregationist views—prompted Family First to withdraw endorsement on April 14, after nominations had finalized, leaving his name on the without official party support. Party national director Lyle Shelton acknowledged the posts did not align with the party's values, emphasizing improved vetting amid criticism that initial screening overlooked such content. Hearne expressed no regrets, framing his views as personal convictions. This incident underscored challenges in vetting for minor parties reliant on grassroots candidates, with media outlets like Out in Perth highlighting the posts' anti-LGBTQ+ nature, though such coverage reflects outlets' advocacy focus rather than neutral reporting. Administrative electoral hurdles have also arisen, such as the 2022 Australian Electoral Commission decision to register a South Australian Family First iteration led by former Labor MPs Jack Snelling and Tom Kenyon, rejecting a rival group's application for the name despite their prior association, thereby limiting competition under the party's banner at the state election. This followed internal Labor factional tensions that prompted Snelling and Kenyon's , illustrating how broader political migrations can precipitate naming and registration conflicts for minor conservative entities. No major leadership ousters or factional splits within Family First's core structure have been publicly documented, attributable in part to its decentralized, values-driven model prioritizing policy over internal power struggles.

Achievements and Policy Impacts

Legislative and Electoral Successes

The Family First Party achieved its most notable electoral successes in , where it originated. In the 2002 state election, the party secured its first seat with approximately 4% of the vote, marking the debut of a minor conservative party in the state's parliament. This breakthrough established Family First as a viable crossbench force focused on family policy priorities. The 2006 South Australian state election represented a peak, with the party winning two seats in the 11-member half-Senate equivalent for the , including Dennis Hood, who served from March 2006 onward. Family First captured sufficient primary support—around 4-5% statewide in the —to leverage preferences and secure representation amid a fragmented crossbench including independents and minor parties. These seats contributed to a balance-of-power dynamic in the , where Labor held government but required crossbench support for contentious legislation. At the federal level, the party's strongest outcome came in the , when Bob Day was elected as Senator for on a primary vote of 3.76%, bolstered by preference flows from other conservatives. Day's victory provided Family First with national parliamentary presence until his resignation in 2016 due to unrelated business issues. In subsequent state elections, such as 2010 in , the party retained influence through continued upper house representation, polling consistently in the 3-5% range and maintaining two members. Legislatively, Family First's crossbench positions in South Australia's Legislative Council enabled it to block or amend bills perceived as undermining traditional family structures, such as expansions in social liberalization. Party founder Andrea Mason credited these efforts with halting "Labor's left-wing charge" on issues like abortion and euthanasia during periods of minority government support requirements. Members like Dennis Hood actively dissented on family law reforms at the federal level, advocating shared parental responsibility over state-centric interventions. While no major bills were originated and passed solely by the party, its balance-of-power role amplified conservative vetoes, influencing outcomes in a chamber where Labor lacked a majority from 2006 to 2018. Federally, Day supported Senate amendments aligning with party priorities, though specific enactments were limited by the party's single-seat tenure. Overall, these successes underscored Family First's niche appeal in mobilizing socially conservative voters, achieving representation disproportionate to its vote share through preferential voting systems.

Influence on Public Discourse and Policy Debates

The Family First Party has exerted influence on Australian public discourse primarily through its advocacy for traditional family-centric policies, positioning itself as a voice for amid broader secular shifts. Founded in 2002 in , the party garnered attention during the 2004 federal election by securing nearly 3% of the national vote, emphasizing tax reforms to support family living costs and prompting major parties to address family policy in conservative terms. This electoral showing served as a "" to politicians on the role of religious and in national politics, according to political analyst John Warhurst, by demonstrating demand for platforms beyond the Liberal-National coalition. In policy debates on marriage and gender, the party consistently opposed same-sex marriage legalization, framing it as a threat to child welfare and biological definitions of family. During the 2017 postal plebiscite, Family First candidates, such as Queensland's Wendy Francis, drew media scrutiny by equating potential adoption reforms with historical injustices like the Stolen Generations, thereby amplifying conservative critiques and contributing to polarized national discussions on parental rights and religious freedoms post-legalization. The party's stance, reiterated in subsequent commentary on eroding freedoms for faith-based schools to teach binary gender views, sustained pressure on governments to balance equality laws with conscience protections. At the federal level, Family First's 2013 Senate victory for Bob Day enabled crossbench participation in debates on economic and social conservatism, including pushes for deregulatory land-use reforms to aid family housing affordability. Though Day's tenure ended amid controversy in , the seat underscored minor parties' preference-driven leverage in the , influencing conservative policy agendas by highlighting issues like family tax thresholds overlooked by majors. In , state parliamentary representation from 2002 onward, including a seat in , elevated local discourse on family violence prevention and ethical governance, fostering alliances within the broader conservative movement. The revived Family First Party, re-established in 2021, continues this role by critiquing government overreach in areas like misinformation legislation and transgender policies in schools, earning endorsements from groups like the Australian Christian Lobby for uncompromising family advocacy. Its persistence has fragmented yet invigorated right-wing discourse, compelling major conservatives to engage more explicitly with grassroots family priorities amid rising Christian populist influences. Overall, while lacking major legislative victories, the party's interventions have empirically sustained debate on causal links between family stability and societal outcomes, countering dominant progressive narratives in media and academia.

References

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