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Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi
Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi
Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi
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Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi (1796/1797 – 19 August 1861) was a Hanafi mufti, Kalam scholar, Maturidi theologian, and poet. He was an activist of the Indian independence movement and campaigned against British colonialism. He issued an early religious edict in favour of doing military jihad against British colonialism during 1857 and inspired various others to participate in the 1857 rebellion. He wrote Tahqeeq al-Fatwa Fi Abtal al-Taghwa in refutation of Ismail Dehlvi's Taqwiyat al-Iman and authored books such as al-Thawra al-Hindiyya.

Key Information

Early life and education

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Fazl-e-Haq was born in 1796 or 1797 in Khairabad, Sitapur (now Uttar Pradesh, India).[a 1][1][2] His father Fazl-e-Imam Khairabadi was Sadr al-Sadur, the chief advisor to the Mughals regarding religious matters. He was known for his expertise in the intellectual and rational sciences, for which he was given the title Imam-i Maqulat (“leader in the intellectual sciences”). He was well acquainted with the teachings of the Shiraz School of philosophy in its specific tradition. Fazl-e-Imam wrote a number of scholarly works, many of which survive only in manuscript form, including a commentary on Mir Damad’s al-Ufuq al-Mubin. His work Mirqat remains part of the Dars-i Nizami curriculum in South Asia, especially in the study of logic.[3]

Fazl-e-Haq began his scholarly education under the tutelage of his father Fazl-e-Imam. He studied Hadith with Shah Abd al-Qadir Muhaddith Delhawi and Shah Abd al-Aziz. In Sufism, he was a student of Hafiz Muhammad Ali Khairabadi. He also studied Ibn 'Arabi's Fusus al-Hikam with Hafiz Khairabadi, who was a spiritual representative of Shah Sulaiman Tonswi. The latter was a leading Chishti Sufi of the Indian subcontinent and a teacher of the Akbarian scholar Pir Mihr Ali Shah Golrawi.[4]

Career

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Fazl-e-Haq became a teacher by the age of 13. In 1828, he was appointed to the position of mufti in the Department of Qaza.[2] Besides being a scholar of Islamic studies and theology, he was also a literary persona, especially of Urdu, Arabic and Persian literature. More than 400 couplets in Arabic are attributed to him. He edited the first diwan of Mirza Ghalib on his request.[citation needed] He followed the Hanafi school of thought and was a theologian of the Maturidi school, he was also a poet.[5][6]

On account of his deep knowledge and erudition, he was bestowed with the title of "Allama" and later was venerated as a great Sufi. He was also called the Imam of logic, philosophy and literature. He was considered by scholars to be the final authority on issuing fatwas or religious rulings.[7]

He possessed a great presence of mind and was very intelligent. There are many stories about his repartee with Mirza Ghalib and other contemporary eminent poets, writers and intellectuals. He and his son Abdul al-Haq Khairabadi established Madrasa Khairabad in northern India, where many scholars got educated. He wrote Risala al-Thawra al-Hindiyya in Arabic language and wrote an account of the rebellion called al-Thawra al-Hindiyya.[2]

Fatwas against Wahhabi and Deobandi beliefs

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Khairabadi, in his career, had written various Masnavis against Wahhabis.[8] In 1825, Khairabadi issued fatwas against Ismail Dehlvi for his doctrine of God's alleged ability to lie (Imkan al-Kidhb).[9] Ismail is considered as an intellectual ancestor of Deobandis.[10] Darul Uloom Deoband, founder Rashid Ahmad Gangohi later accepted Dehlvi's doctrines of Imkan al-Kidhb by stating that God has the ability to lie.[11] This doctrine is called Imkan al-Kidhb.[12][11] According to this doctrine, because God is omnipotent, God is capable of lying.[12] Gangohi supported the doctrine that God has the ability to make additional prophets after Muhammad (Imkan al-Nazir) and other prophets equal to Muhammad.[12][11]

Allama Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi refuted these theories and wrote that, according to the Qur'an and Hadith, Muhammad is the final prophet, and there can be no other prophet or "messenger" after him. To believe that there can be another Muhammad would necessitate that Allah did something apart from what he has stated in the Qur'an, that is, that Allah has lied. Lying is a flaw, and it is impossible for Allah to have a flaw.[13][14]

Jihad against British governance

[edit]

As the Indians started to struggle against British occupation, Khairabadi conducted several private meetings with the Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah Zafar, which continued until May 1857. On June 26, 1857, when General Bakht Khan along with his army of 14000, reached Delhi from Bareilly, Khairabadi gave a Friday sermon, attended by a plethora of Muslim scholars and issued a religious edict supporting jihad against the colonial government. The fatwa was signed by Sadruddin Azurda, Abdul Qadir, Faizullah Dehalvi, Faiz Ahmed Badayuni, Wazir Khan, and Syed Mubarak Shah Rampuri. Through this edict, he inspired people to participate in 1857 rebellion.[15][16] Subsequently, the Britishers deployed an army of some 90,000 around Delhi to protect its interests and to curb spread of jihad, following the issuance of Khairabadi's edict.[17][18] Later, he was sent into exile to Kalapani jail in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.[19][20][21][13]

He was arrested by the British authorities on January 30, 1859, at Khairabad for inciting violence.[22] He was tried and found guilty of encouraging murder and role in the rebellion.[22] The authorities considered him "extraordinary intelligence and acumen who should be reckoned as the most dangerous threat to the British presence in India, and therefore must be evicted from the Indian mainland. He was accused of being the major force behind the mutiny, persuading masses to rise in revolt against the authority of the Company, campaigning and motivating masses to join the mutiny by calling it war of independence and issuing Fatwas inciting violence and making provocative speeches.[17][18]

He had chosen to be his own counsel and defended himself utilizing arguments and a manner in which he defended his case that was so convincing that the presiding magistrate was writing a judgement to exonerate him, when he confessed to giving the fatwa, declaring that he could not lie. He was sentenced to life in prison in the Andaman Islands, and his property was confiscated by the judicial commissioner of Awadh court. He reached Andaman Island on October 8th, 1859, aboard the steam frigate Fire Queen. He would remain imprisoned there until his death in 1861. One of the major reasons for the outbreak of war was the fear among the people that the Christian British government was going to destroy their religions and convert Indians to Christianity.[17]

Literary works

[edit]

Khairabadi wrote Tahqeeq al-Fatwa Fi Abtal al-Taghwa refuting Ismail Dehlvi's Taqwiyat al-Iman.[23] His other works include:[23]

  • al-Hidayah al-Sayyidiyya
  • al-Raudh al-Majud : Maslahi Wahdat al-Wujud Ki Buland Payah Takhliq
  • al-Ḥashiyya lil-Mawlawi Fazl e Haq Khairabadi ʻala Sharh al-Salam lil-Qadi Mubarak
  • al-Thawra al-Hindiyya

Personal life

[edit]

He was Farooqui. His father was Imam Fazl-e-Iman. One of his sons, Abdul Haq, was also a leading and respected scholar and was given the title of Shams al-Ulama. His grandson was Muztar Khairabadi. Renowned poet and lyricist Jan Nisar Akhtar was his great-grandson and Javed Akhtar, Farhan Akhtar and Zoya Akhtar all are his descendants.[24]

Among his sons, Abdul Haq Khairabadi was a rational scholar and a teacher of Majid Ali Jaunpuri.[25][1]

Death

[edit]

He stayed for 22 months in captivity at Andaman, Allama wrote a number of eyewitness accounts in the form of verses in Arabic (Qaseeda), apart from a book al-Thawra al-Hindiyya which is an analysis of the war and events of 1857. This is also the first ever book on the events of 1857.[17] Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi died on August 19, 1861, in exile on the Andaman Islands.[1]

Notes

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See also

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References

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Further reading

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi

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Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi (1797–19 August 1861) was an Indian Hanafi mujtahid, Maturidi theologian, Sufi , , and renowned for his mastery of Islamic , , logic, and , as well as his pivotal role in issuing a declaring against British colonial rule during the , which led to his capture, trial for , and lifelong exile to the . Born into a scholarly in Khairabad near , , Khairabadi completed his early education by age 13 under tutors including his father Fazl Imam Khairabadi and later studied in Delhi, where he immersed himself in Hanafi , rational theology, and , emerging as a prolific and who established a school of logic and influenced subsequent generations of . His works, such as Tahqiq al-Fatwa fi Ibtal al-Taghut, demonstrated rigorous dialectical reasoning against perceived religious innovations and colonial impositions, reflecting a commitment to orthodox Sunni-Maturidi principles amid the socio-political upheavals of Mughal decline. As the erupted in , Khairabadi relocated to , aligned with , and authored the influential framing British authority as illegitimate usurpation warranting armed resistance, mobilizing clerical support and coordinating with rebel forces until the city's fall, after which British tribunals sentenced him to penal servitude in the remote Andamans, where harsh conditions precipitated his death at age 64. His scholarly stature and unyielding opposition to colonial rule positioned him as a symbol of resistance, though post-revolt British accounts and some modern historiographies have variably emphasized or marginalized his contributions to underscore narratives of disorder rather than principled revolt.

Early Life and Education

Birth and Family Background

Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi was born in 1797 (1212 Hijri) in Khairabad, a town in the of , corresponding to modern-day , . This region, under nominal Mughal amid growing British influence, fostered a milieu of traditional Islamic learning amid the socio-political transitions of late 18th-century northern . He hailed from a prominent lineage of Hanafi scholars and Sufis, with his family tracing descent from ibn al-Khattab, the second caliph, through the Farooqui line. His father, Fazl Imam Khairabadi, was a renowned scholar, philosopher, and who served as Sadr-us-Sudur (chief ecclesiastical advisor) to the Mughal court in , embodying the continuity of orthodox Sunni jurisprudential traditions. This familial heritage immersed Khairabadi from infancy in a scholarly environment steeped in Hanafi , Maturidi , and Sufi praxis, distinct from emerging reformist currents. The Khairabadi household exemplified the ulema class's role in preserving pre-colonial Islamic intellectual networks, with ancestral forebears contributing to education and issuance in Awadh's cultural heartland. Such roots underscored a commitment to established Sunni , contrasting with later 19th-century heterodoxies, and positioned young Khairabadi within the waning yet resilient Mughal-era patronage of religious scholarship.

Scholarly Training and Influences

Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi received his foundational scholarly training under his father, Allama Fazle Imam Khayrabadi, dubbed bahr al-uloom (ocean of knowledge), who imparted advanced in their family milieu at Khayrabad. As a young boy, he studied in under the tutelage of Shah Abdul Qadir and Shah Abdul Aziz, sons of , who commended his precocious command of pre-Islamic Arabic poetry and skills in refuting Shia arguments. His curriculum spanned , , , and , fostering a rationalist-traditionalist synthesis through engagement with deductive methodologies alongside mystical doctrines. Khairabadi adopted the Farangi Mahali emphasis on ma'qulat—rational disciplines like logic and philosophy—contrasting the manqulat (transmitted texts) priority of some Delhi , which honed his aptitude for theological debate and intellectual rigor. He attained proficiency in Arabic, Persian, and Urdu, producing poetry and treatises therein, including explorations of Sufi concepts like wahdat al-wujud. Early acclaim as a mufti and poet marked his emergence, culminating in leadership of the Khayrabadi approach to logic and philosophy, priming his autonomous scholarly endeavors.

Theological Positions and Writings

Opposition to Wahhabism and Early Reform Movements

In 1825, Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi issued fatwas denouncing the doctrines of Ismail Dehlvi, a proponent of reformist ideas influenced by Wahhabi puritanism, as deviations from the empirical Sunni consensus on divine attributes and orthodoxy. Dehlvi's assertions, including claims permitting divine capacity for falsehood (imkan al-kadhib), were critiqued by Khairabadi as incompatible with established Hanafi-Maturidi theology, which upholds God's necessary truthfulness based on Quranic and hadith exegesis. He emphasized that such innovations disrupted communal harmony by fostering takfir (declarations of unbelief) against adherents of traditional practices, while dismissing Wahhabi-style accusations of superstition against Sufi rituals as unsubstantiated and contrary to historical ijma (consensus). Khairabadi's opposition extended to literary critiques, where he composed masnavis targeting the literalist tendencies of early Indian reform movements akin to , privileging contextual interpretation of and principles over rigid that rejected established customs. These works argued from first-principles reasoning that puritanical rejection of intercessory practices () and shrine veneration ignored causal linkages in prophetic traditions, which empirically supported social cohesion in Muslim communities rather than eroding it through upheaval. As a defender of Hanafi-Sufi , Khairabadi positioned himself against these movements' potential to destabilize societal structures, drawing on verifiable texts that invoked classical authorities like Shah Waliullah's lineage while refuting reformist overreach. His arguments highlighted the reformists' failure to account for real-world outcomes, such as increased sectarian strife post-1825, underscoring traditional rituals' role in maintaining empirical stability over abstract purism.

Key Literary and Philosophical Works

Khairabadi produced scholarly treatises in and Persian that engaged with theological , , and philosophical inquiry, often synthesizing Maturidi —characterized by its affirmation of secondary causality and rational defenses of divine attributes—with traditional . His works emphasized adherence to established interpretive traditions () in deriving legal and doctrinal rulings, countering tendencies toward unqualified independent reasoning () that risked departing from textual and rational precedents. These contributions, disseminated through his teaching at Madrasa Khairabad prior to , influenced regional scholars by providing rigorous, evidence-based frameworks for understanding divine creation and human cognition. A prominent philosophical text is Al-Rawd al-Majud, an Arabic treatise exploring wahdat al-wujud (unity of being), which reconciles Sufi ontological insights with kalam rationalism to argue for a coherent view of existence as grounded in divine causation rather than mere occasionalism. In Al-Itqan al-Irfan fi Mahiyya al-Zaman, also in Arabic, Khairabadi examines the nature of time through a lens blending physical observation and theological principles, positing time as a structured dimension of created reality consistent with empirical patterns and scriptural causality. These treatises exemplify his commitment to causal realism, wherein natural events proceed through habitual divine ordering rather than arbitrary intervention, a hallmark of Maturidi thought that prioritizes observable mechanisms in theological explanation. In , Al-Hadiya al-Sadiyya () offers guidance on Hanafi principles, reinforcing as a safeguard for doctrinal stability by drawing on authoritative sources to resolve interpretive ambiguities without venturing into speculative reinterpretations. Complementing his prose, Khairabadi composed compiled in a Diwan, featuring over 400 couplets that interweave philosophical reflections on , divine unity, and ethical conduct with classical poetic forms, serving as both literary art and subtle vehicles for theological ideas. His marginal glosses (hashiyya) on key texts further advanced jurisprudential precision, applying rational analysis to classical commentaries while upholding the integrity of transmitted knowledge.
Khairabadi's intellectual output thus bridged poetry, philosophy, and fiqh, fostering a pre-1857 scholarly environment that valued empirical alignment with revelation over innovation, with his madrasa amplifying these texts' reach among Hanafi-Maturidi circles in northern India.

Role in the Indian Rebellion of 1857

Fatwa Declaring Jihad Against British Rule

In May 1857, amid the outbreak of the Indian Rebellion, Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi issued a fatwa from Delhi declaring jihad against British rule obligatory for Muslims, framing it as a defensive response to the colonial administration's abrogation of Islamic legal protections for subjects under non-Muslim governance. The edict argued that the British had forfeited legitimacy by systematically violating treaties and customary safeguards akin to dhimmi status, including guarantees of religious autonomy, mosque administration, and waqf endowments, thereby transforming their authority into unprovoked aggression warranting collective self-defense under sharia. Empirical triggers cited included the recent annexation of Muslim-ruled states like Awadh in February 1856 under pretexts of misgovernance, which disrupted sovereignty without adherence to prior diplomatic pacts, alongside documented encroachments on Islamic courts and practices that eroded Muslim communal security. Khairabadi's reasoning emphasized causal breaches—such as the British failure to uphold non-interference in matters as stipulated in historical accords with Mughal authorities—rendering passivity impermissible and fard ayn (individually incumbent) to restore order against existential threats, rather than abstract doctrinal purity. This positioned the call as pragmatic resistance grounded in observable harms, including policies that prioritized colonial expansion over protected , contrasting sharply with ideological or unsubstantiated . The fatwa's text, as preserved in historical records, prioritized these tangible violations over speculative , urging mobilization based on the British shift from tolerated rulers to overt oppressors who nullified reciprocal obligations. Endorsed by over 30 ulema spanning Hanafi traditionalists and other sects, the bore signatures including those of Mufti Sadruddin Azurda, Maulvi Abdul Qadir, Qazi Faizullah Dehlvi, Maulana Faiz Ahmed Badayuni, and Maulvi Wazir Khan, forging rare clerical consensus amid sectarian divides and countering edicts from British-aligned scholars who deemed unlawful. This unity stemmed from shared recognition of empirical causality: unchecked annexations and cultural impositions had escalated from administrative overreach to direct threats against Islamic continuity, compelling armed reclamation of agency. Khairabadi's prior anti-reformist stance against Wahhabi further underscored the fatwa's realism, rejecting both collaborationist quietism and puritan detachment in favor of context-driven obligation.

Mobilization, Leadership, and Governance Efforts

During the , Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi traveled repeatedly from to , conducting private meetings with to coordinate resistance efforts and rally support among local leaders and the populace. These consultations, beginning in May 1857, emphasized unified action against British forces, drawing on his scholarly authority to persuade hesitant elites and mobilize fighters from , , and surrounding regions. His efforts countered British divide-and-rule tactics by promoting intercommunal solidarity, recognizing that sectarian divisions would undermine the revolt's viability. In , Khairabadi assumed a key advisory role to , effectively taking charge of administrative reorganization amid the uprising's chaos. At the emperor's behest, he purged inefficient officials, streamlined for rebel forces, and integrated civil and into a provisional cabinet to enhance efficacy. This leadership extended to establishing an elected administrative council, comprising two representatives each from , , and units, which operated on majority vote to advise on operational decisions and ethical conduct in warfare. Khairabadi's most notable governance innovation was drafting a provisional in to structure a post-colonial Mughal administration, limiting Bahadur Zafar's authority to that of a constitutional and allowing amendments via majority consensus. The document's first provision banned cow slaughter as a penal offense, a pragmatic measure to accommodate Hindu sensitivities and solidify Hindu-Muslim alliances essential for sustained , reflecting a strategic prioritization of unity over religious particularism. While the ban was enforced during the revolt, broader implementation was curtailed by the British recapture of in September 1857.

Arrest, Trial, and Exile

Following the British recapture of on September 20, 1857, Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi evaded immediate capture by relocating to Khairabad, but British tracked rebel leaders amid ongoing reprisals. He surrendered to the at Sabiha on , 1858, and was transferred to in January 1859 for processing under provisions enacted after the rebellion's suppression. Formal followed on January 30, 1859, with charges centered on , to , and for his role in issuing a declaring against British rule, which was signed by approximately 35 ulema and mobilized support during the uprising. The trial proceeded under martial law courts established via emergency ordinances, such as those suspending and enabling summary judgments to expedite retribution against perceived insurgents. Evidence presented included the document, testimonies linking Khairabadi to administrative and propagandistic efforts in , and associations with other rebels, despite his lack of documented direct combat participation. British records, drawn from intelligence reports and captured materials, emphasized the fatwa's role in legitimizing violence against colonial authorities, while some Indian accounts later contested the proceedings' fairness, noting Khairabadi's claims of non-authorship for certain attributed actions and the expedited nature of hearings that limited defense opportunities. On February 22, 1859, the court convicted Khairabadi of treasonous incitement and sentenced him to life transportation beyond the seas to the , bypassing reserved for more prominent figures like . This penalty reflected colonial policy to remove influential ideologues without public executions, amid a broader application of that processed thousands of cases rapidly, often with discrepancies between official transcripts and oral histories regarding evidence admissibility and coerced confessions.

Life and Hardships in the Andaman Islands

Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi arrived at the Andaman Islands penal colony on October 8, 1859, aboard the steam frigate Fire Queen, and was initially confined to Viper Island, the primary site for early convict processing and punishment in the British settlement. The colony functioned as a remote deterrent for Indian rebels, enforcing lifelong transportation without remission, where convicts faced systemic isolation designed to sever ties to homeland and kin, amplifying psychological strain through indefinite separation. Convicts, including political prisoners like Khairabadi, endured forced labor regimes involving forest clearance, road-building, and agricultural development under overseer supervision, often in chain gangs amid Andaman's dense jungles and floods. These tasks, prioritized for colonial expansion over welfare, exposed inmates to tropical pathogens, with British medical logs from the 1850s–1860s recording rampant morbidity from , dysentery, and , exacerbated by and inadequate shelter, yielding mortality rates exceeding 10% annually in early years. Floggings and enforced discipline, as Viper Island's rudimentary jails—constructed partly by convicts themselves—lacked ventilation or , fostering epidemics that British officials attributed to convict "habits" while underreporting labor-induced exhaustion. Despite physical decline from these impositions, Khairabadi persisted in scholarly activities, composing letters and sketches that engaged theological debates, including critiques of reformist ideologies, and autobiographical reflections on his experiences. These outputs, preserved through limited correspondence channels, demonstrate resilience against deprivation, though isolation curtailed dissemination until after his tenure. British oversight restricted materials, yet his writings sustained intellectual continuity amid eroding health from prolonged exposure to penal rigors.

Death and Immediate Aftermath

Final Days and Cause of Death

Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi died on 19 August 1861 in the , approximately 22 months after his arrival on 8 October 1859 aboard the Fire Queen. He was around 64 years old at the time, having been sentenced to for his role in issuing a supporting rebellion against British rule during the uprising. The specific medical cause of his death remains undocumented in accessible colonial or contemporary records, though the penal settlement's conditions—marked by forced labor in malarial swamps, inadequate sanitation, and exposure to tropical pathogens—contributed to elevated mortality rates among convicts, often from , , or exhaustion. In the early years of the colony's operation, such environmental and punitive factors routinely led to rapid decline for elderly or weakened prisoners, with overall death rates exceeding 40 per 1,000 inmates annually due to infectious diseases and overwork. Khairabadi's final period involved documented intellectual output, including letters and sketches produced in captivity, reflecting sustained engagement amid physical deterioration.

Burial and Family Impact

Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi died on August 19, 1861, in the , where his burial was conducted without formal ceremonies amid the harsh conditions of exile. His grave, initially unmarked, was later identified and developed into a mazar at South Point, , maintained by the Andaman and Nicobar Board, which now hosts annual observances drawing pilgrims. This site reflects later efforts by descendants and local communities to honor his memory, transforming a site of colonial punishment into one of veneration. The immediate aftermath of his death compounded the family's pre-existing hardships from British reprisals following the 1857 rebellion, including the confiscation of properties in Khairabad and as part of punitive measures against rebel leaders. Colonial policies systematically seized lands and assets from families associated with the uprising, leading to economic ruin and forced migrations for Khairabadi's kin, who dispersed from urban centers to rural areas in . Despite this scattering, immediate relatives preserved elements of his scholarly legacy through oral traditions and modest religious instruction, with descendants eventually reestablishing lines of theological education in and surrounding districts. No records indicate of remains or formal family-led funerals, underscoring the enduring isolation imposed by penal .

Legacy and Historical Assessment

Recognition as Freedom Fighter and Scholar

In post-independence Indian historiography, Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi has been elevated from a colonial-era portrayal as a "scholarly rebel" to an unsung hero of the uprising, credited with issuing a that galvanized resistance against British rule. Nationalist narratives, particularly in works emphasizing Muslim contributions to , highlight his role in mobilizing scholars and issuing religious sanction for , framing it as prescient anti-colonial foresight rather than mere . This shift aligns with broader reinterpretations of as India's first war of , where Khairabadi's in Delhi's provisional governance is cited as evidence of organized nationalist intent, though British records dismissed such efforts as fanatical . As a , Khairabadi's polymathy in Hanafi , Maturidi , and has garnered acclaim in modern South Asian academic circles, with his Arabic and treatises—such as defenses against reformist critiques—republished to underscore his intellectual resistance to colonial cultural erosion. Post-1947 editions and biographical studies, including those tracing his influence on Sufi traditions, portray his not only as a political act but as a theologically grounded call for , influencing later assessments of involvement in anti-colonial movements. Pakistani scholarship similarly honors him as a subcontinental , balancing Indian tributes with emphasis on his Khairabadi scholarly lineage, though without overstating his prescience amid the rebellion's ultimate failure. This historiographical evolution reflects a deliberate pivot from British dismissals—where Khairabadi was tried as a principal agitator for his fatwa's role in escalating violence—to a freedom fighter archetype, evidenced in family commemorations and rather than widespread monuments. While colonial accounts, such as proceedings, labeled him a threat warranting to the Andamans, contemporary views substantiate his legacy through verifiable archival fatwas and memoirs, avoiding romanticization by noting the fatwa's limited strategic success.

Influence on Islamic Thought, Sufism, and Indian Nationalism

Khairabadi's scholarly output defended the Maturidi tradition of rational kalam (theological discourse), emphasizing empirical reasoning and causal analysis within Hanafi orthodoxy against literalist puritanism. His treatises, such as those critiquing anthropomorphic interpretations of divine attributes, promoted a balanced approach that integrated philosophical inquiry with scriptural fidelity, influencing subsequent ulama in maintaining intellectual rigor amid colonial disruptions. These works were cited by 20th-century scholars navigating modernity, underscoring the endurance of traditionalist frameworks over reformist reductions. In , Khairabadi embodied Chishti spiritual discipline fused with anti-puritan resistance, issuing fatwas as early as 1825 against Wahhabi-influenced doctrines that rejected saint and . This stance fortified Sufi-Hanafi bulwarks against Deobandi and Wahhabi strains, indirectly shaping the Barelvi movement's defense of mystical practices and popular devotion as bulwarks of cultural continuity. His example of scholarly militancy—combining esoteric piety with public fatwas—modeled resilience for later traditionalists confronting iconoclastic ideologies. Khairabadi's role in the 1857 rebellion advanced pragmatic through intercommunal governance, notably by drafting elements of the rebel under that banned cow slaughter to honor Hindu sentiments and secure joint anti-British mobilization. Implemented on May 31, 1857, this decree exemplified causal realism in unity-building, prioritizing shared over sectarian rituals to sustain the uprising's broad base. Such measures prefigured 20th-century alliances, like the Khilafat-Non-Cooperation pact of 1920, where again leveraged Hindu-Muslim concord for .

Criticisms and Debates Over Theological Stances

Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi's adherence to the Maturidi theological school and Hanafi jurisprudence, coupled with his defense of Sufi-influenced practices, elicited sharp rebukes from reformist currents in Indian , particularly those drawing from Wahhabi literalism. Proponents of a stricter, text-centric approach—such as Shah Ismail Dehlawi and later Deobandi scholars—contended that Khairabadi's positions exemplified a dilution of scriptural purity, permitting innovations () like at saints' graves and () through the deceased, which they classified as superstitious accretions verging on (). These critics argued that such customs lacked explicit warrant in the Qur'an and authentic , prioritizing instead unmediated adherence to the salaf's (pious predecessors') methodology over rationalist interpretations favored by Maturidis. In response to reformist assertions of divine encompassing logical impossibilities—such as the hypothetical ability of prophets to lie (imkan al-kadhib)—Khairabadi issued fatwas and treatises, including Tahqiq al-Fatwa fi Ibtal al-Taghwa around 1825, condemning these as heretical deviations that undermined prophetic and divine wisdom. Wahhabi-aligned thinkers, conversely, dismissed Khairabadi's rational constraints on as anthropomorphic impositions, accusing traditionalists of compromising (monotheism's unity) through over-reliance on philosophical tools rather than literal prophetic reports. This exchange, rooted in early 19th-century polemics, highlighted a broader : reformists' emphasis on unyielding scripturalism versus traditionalists' integration of established creedal frameworks to preserve against perceived excesses. Modern Salafi analysts extend these critiques, portraying Khairabadi's Sufi leanings as emblematic of post-salaf corruption, where empirical textual analysis reveals grave-related rituals as causal diversions from direct to alone, unsupported by verifiable prophetic precedent. Debates surrounding Khairabadi's 1857 declaring obligatory against British rule further underscore theological tensions, with its invocation of religious duty to resist infidel occupation praised by traditionalists as a legitimate application of defensive principles amid grievances like annexations and cultural encroachments. British colonial records, however, framed the edict—co-signed by over 30 —as emblematic of Muslim , alleging it transformed a sepoy mutiny into protracted holy war, inciting indiscriminate violence against civilians and prolonging the conflict beyond May-October 1857's military collapse, thereby exacerbating reprisals like mass executions. Indian revisionist historians counter that the addressed real causal factors—economic exploitation and religious desecrations, including greased cartridges offending Muslim sensibilities—rather than baseless zeal, though some acknowledge its religious escalation may have hindered pragmatic alliances with non-Muslims, favoring doctrinal purity over strategic efficacy. Salafi-leaning critiques today question the 's textual grounding, arguing it conflated political with perpetual mandates, potentially endorsing violence without proportionate prospects of success as per classical juristic conditions like qital al-baghy (fighting rebels) or darura (necessity).

References

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  10. https://chakrafoundation.org/fazl-e-haq-khairabadi/
  11. https://sunniworld.wordpress.com/category/wahhabism-a-fitna/
  12. https://www.academia.edu/86533093/Wahhabis_without_Religion_or_A_Genealogy_of_Jihadis_in_Colonial_Law_1818_to_1857
  13. https://salafiaqeedah.blogspot.com/2010/08/wahhabi-fitnah-in-indian-subcontinent.html
  14. https://www.rekhta.org/ebooks/detail/al-hadiya-al-sadiya-fazle-haque-khairabadi-ebooks
  15. https://www.academia.edu/9791121/THE_REVOLT_OF_1857_AND_MAULVI_FAZLE_HAQ_KHAIRABADI
  16. http://islamicresearchmission.blogspot.com/2015/05/allama-fadle-haq-khairabadi-ra-hero-of.html
  17. https://www.awazthevoice.in/heritage-news/hero-fazl-e-haq-khairabadi-had-banned-cow-slaughter-13755.html
  18. https://lighteddream.wordpress.com/2016/01/17/1857-uprising-the-sigh-of-the-oppressed-exploring-kashmiri-gate/
  19. https://www.southasiatimes.com.au/south-asia/1857-war-of-independence-when-hindu-muslim-separatism-hatred-wasnt-an-issue/
  20. https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/144509423.pdf
  21. https://www.anindianmuslim.com/2020/08/revolutionary-freedom-fighter-fazl-e.html
  22. https://www.andamandiscover.com/sightseeing/port-blair/viper-island/
  23. https://www.academia.edu/4502013/Working_an_Island_Colony_Convict_Labour_Regime_in_Colonial_Andamans
  24. https://journals.openedition.org/chs/467
  25. http://pstorage-leicester-213265548798.s3.amazonaws.com/18210914/01JHGv9.pdf
  26. https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/convicts/medicine-criminality-and-race/D792072886BE2687778B39223F06011B
  27. https://ir.canterbury.ac.nz/bitstreams/3931a8b4-c5a5-4ad4-a6e3-5bee6f052086/download
  28. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/249766512_Letters_prison_sketches_and_autobiographical_literatureThe_case_of_Fadl-e_Haqq_Khairabadi_in_the_Andaman_Penal_Colony
  29. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/355486872_Allama_Fazle_Haq_Khairabadi_RA_Life_and_History
  30. https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC2657868/
  31. https://hansard.parliament.uk/Commons/1894-05-01/debates/c37cc993-6e31-4c52-b7a8-e1a22aba2a27/MortalityInEnglishPrisons
  32. https://www.scribd.com/document/704002207/10-Letters-Prison-Sketches-and-Autobiograpical-Literature-the-Case
  33. https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=459832141251633&id=434949833739864&set=a.435051103729737
  34. https://www.milligazette.com/news/Family-Kids/13752-this-allama-was-one-of-the-main-figures-of-the-1857-revolt-against-the-britishers/
  35. https://www.awazthevoice.in/heritage-news/today-akhtars-are-carrying-on-khairabadi-family-s-legacy-9078.html
  36. https://www.rediff.com/news/special/history-in-minutes-javed-akhtars-freedom-fighter-family/20250225.htm
  37. https://en.islamonweb.net/unsung-muslim-heroes-and-heroines-of-indias-independence
  38. https://www.facebook.com/bhindibazaar.asia/posts/a-great-freedom-fightertomb-of-great-sufi-scholar-poet-and-freedom-fighter-maula/1011100874390506/
  39. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/00856401.2023.2200085
  40. https://indoislamic.org/sufis-and-khanqahs-played-an-unremarkable-role-in-independence-movement/
  41. https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/1857-india-war-of-independence-hindu-muslim-6405053/
  42. https://dergipark.org.tr/en/download/article-file/3408890
  43. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/370669487_Writing_History_in_Deobandi-Barelvi_Polemics_Conflicting_Views_of_Shah_Ismail_and_Fazl-e-Haq_Khairabadi
  44. https://salafiaqeedah.blogspot.com/2012/07/fatwa-of-kufr-upon-ismail-dehlavi.html
  45. https://www.jstor.org/stable/23611115
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