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Social enterprise
Social enterprise
from Wikipedia

A social enterprise is an organization that applies commercial strategies to maximize improvements in financial, social and environmental well-being. This may include maximizing social impact alongside profits for co-owners.

Social enterprises have business, environmental and social goals. As a result, their social goals are embedded in their objective, which differentiates them from other organisations and companies.[1] A social enterprise's main purpose is to promote, encourage, and make social change.[2] Social enterprises are businesses created to further a social purpose in a financially sustainable way. Social enterprises can provide income generation opportunities that meet the basic needs of people who live in poverty. They are sustainable, and earned income from sales is reinvested in their mission. They do not depend on philanthropy and can sustain themselves over the long term. Attempting a comprehensive definition, social enterprises are market-oriented entities that aim to create social value while making a profit to sustain their activities. They uniquely combine financial goals with a mission for social impact.[3] Their models can be expanded or replicated to other communities to generate more impact.

A social enterprise can be more sustainable than a nonprofit organisation that may solely rely on grant money, donations or government policies alone.[4]

Types

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A social enterprises can be structured as a business, a partnership for profit or non-profit, and may take the form (depending on in which country the entity exists and the legal forms available) of a co-operative, mutual organisation, a disregarded entity (a form of business classification for income tax purposes in the United States),[5] a social business, a benefit corporation, a community interest company, a company limited by guarantee or a charity organisation. They can also take more conventional structures. Social enterprises are dynamic, requiring adaptation to ensure they meet the needs of communities and individuals in an ever-changing world. Their shared common thread is that they all operate to achieve a balanced financial, social and environmental set of objectives.

Trading enterprises

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Worker- and employee-owned trading enterprises, co-operatives, and collectives. These vary from very large enterprises such as John Lewis Partnership in the UK and the Mondragon Corporation in Spain to medium-sized enterprises owned by their staff with traditional management hierarchies and pay differentials to quite small worker cooperatives with only a few directors and employees who work in less hierarchical ways and practice wage parity. Within the trading enterprises, there are employee-owned enterprises and membership-owned enterprises.

Financial institutions

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Savings and loan organisations such as credit unions, microcredit organisations, cooperative banks, and revolving loan funds are membership-owned social enterprises. Credit unions were first established in the 1850s in Germany and spread internationally. Cooperative banks have likewise been around since the 1870s, owned as a subsidiary of a membership co-operative. In recent times, microcredit organisations have sprung up in many developing countries to great effect. Local currency exchanges and social value exchanges are also being established.

Community organisations

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Many community organisations are registered social enterprises: community enterprises, housing co-operatives, community interest companies with asset locks, community centres, pubs and shops, associations, housing associations, and football clubs. These are membership organisations that usually exist for a specific purpose and trade commercially. All operate to reinvest profits in the community. They have large memberships that are customers or supporters of the organisation's key purpose. There are village cooperatives in India and Pakistan that were established as far back as 1904.

Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and charities

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There are many NGOs and charities that operate commercial consulting and training enterprises or subsidiary trading enterprises, such as Oxfam International. The profits are used to provide salaries for people who provide free services to specific groups of people or to further the social or environmental aims of the organisation.

History

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Origins

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In 1978, at Beechwood College in the UK, the term and concept of Social Enterprise were developed by Freer Spreckley as an alternative commercial organisational model to private businesses, co-operatives, and public enterprises.[6] The concept, at that time, had five main principles [7] divided into three values and two paradigm shifts. The two paradigm shifts were:

  • A common ownership legal structure where members/owners have one voting share and different forms of investment
  • Democratic governance, where each worker/community resident is a member with one vote

The three principles, now referred to as the triple bottom line were:

  • Trading and financially viable independence
  • Creating social wealth
  • Operating in environmentally responsible ways

Furthermore, it was intended as part of the original concept that social enterprises should plan, measure and report on financial performance, social-wealth creation, and environmental responsibility by the use of a social accounting and audit system.[8]

The organisational and legal principles embedded in social enterprises are believed[by whom?] to have come from non-profit organisations. Originally, non-profit organisations relied on governmental and public support, but more recently[when?] they have started to rely on profits from their own social change operations. The Social Enterprise Alliance (SEA) defines the following as reasons for this transition:[9]

  • the increase in non-profit operating costs
  • the decline in government and public philanthropic support
  • increased competition due to growth in the charitable sector
  • the expansion in the demand for non-profit provided services

Social enterprises are viewed[by whom?] to have been created[by whom?] as a result of the evolution of non-profits.[citation needed] This formation process resulted in a type of hybrid organisation that does not have concrete organisational boundaries. Various scholars (e.g. Eikenberry & Kluver, Liu & Ko, and Mullins et al.) have argued that this may have come about due to the marketization of the non-profit sector, which resulted in many non-profit firms placing more focus on generating income.[10][need quotation to verify][11] Other scholars have used institutional theory to conclude that non-profits have adopted social enterprise models, because such models have become legitimized[by whom?] and widely accepted.[12] Some organizations have evolved into social enterprises, while some were established as social enterprises.[11]

The first description of a social enterprise as a democratically owned and run trading organisation that is financially independent, has social objectives and operates in an environmentally responsible way, was put forward by Freer Spreckley[13][14] in the UK in 1978 and later written as a publication in 1981.[8] One of the first examples of a social enterprise, in the form of a social cooperative, can be traced back to the Victorian era.[15] Like social cooperatives, social enterprises are believed[by whom?] to have emerged as a result of state and market failure. However, market failure is emphasized[by whom?] in the UK, while state failure is emphasized in the United States.[12]

Muhammad Yunus

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Muhammad Yunus (Grameen Bank founder and 2006 Nobel Peace Prize laureate) used the term "social enterprise" in his 2009 book Banker to the Poor, and in other essays.[16] Muhammad Yunus used the term referring to microfinance. His work in the area of extending micro-credit especially to women in societies where they are economically repressed, led him to receive the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006.[17]

Adoption of social enterprise across institutions

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In the US, Harvard, Stanford and Princeton universities built on the work of Ashoka, and each made contributions to the development of the social entrepreneurship field through project initiatives and publications.[18][19][20]

As of 2018 the field of social enterprise studies has not yet developed firm philosophical foundations, but its advocates and its academic community are much more engaged with critical pedagogies (e.g. Paulo Freire) and critical traditions in research (e.g. critical theory / institutional theory / Marxism) in comparison to private-sector business education.[21] Teaching related to the social economy draws explicitly from the works of Robert Owen, Proudhon, and Karl Marx, with works by Bourdieu and Putnam informing the debate over social capital and its relationship to the competitive advantage of mutuals. This intellectual foundation, however, does not extend as strongly into the field of social entrepreneurship, where there is more influence from writings on liberalism and entrepreneurship by Joseph Schumpeter in conjunction with the emerging fields of social innovation, actor-network theory, and complexity theory to explain its processes.

Social enterprise (unlike private enterprise) is not taught exclusively in a business school context, as it is increasingly connected to the health sector and to public service delivery. However, Oxford University's Said Business School does host the Skoll World Forum, a global event focused on social entrepreneurs.

Publications

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The first international social enterprise journal was established in 2005 by Social Enterprise London (with support from the London Development Association). The Social Enterprise Journal has been followed by the Journal of Social Entrepreneurship, and coverage of issues pertaining to the social economy and social enterprise is also covered by the Journal of Co-operative Studies and the Annals of Co-operative and Public Economics. The European Social Enterprise Research Network (EMES) and the Co-operative Research Unit (CRU) at the Open University have also published research into social enterprise. The Skoll World Forum, organised jointly by Oxford and Duke universities, brings together researchers and practitioners from across the globe.

Terminology

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The term 'social enterprise' has a mixed and contested heritage due to its philanthropic roots in the United States and cooperative roots in the United Kingdom, European Union, and Asia. In the US, the term is associated with 'doing charity by doing trade', rather than 'doing charity while doing trade'. In other countries, there is a much stronger emphasis on community organising, democratic control of capital, and mutual principles than on philanthropy.[22]

In recent years, there has been a rise in the concept of social purpose businesses, which pursue social responsibility directly or raise funds for charitable purposes.

Muhammad Yunus, founder of the Grameen Bank, believes that a social enterprise should be modelled exclusively to achieve a social goal. Another view is that social enterprises should not be motivated by profit motives, but rather that profit motives should be secondary to the primary social goal. A second definition provided by The Social Enterprise Alliance (SEA) defines a social enterprise as an organisation that uses business methods to execute its social or environmental mission. According to this definition, the social enterprise's social mission is to help the disadvantaged, which is executed by directly providing goods or services (not money). Additionally, earned revenue must be the main source of income for the organisation or venture. A third definition is purely based on how the organisation is legally structured or formed as a legal entity. In this context, a social enterprise is a legal entity that, through its entity choice, chooses to forgo a profit motive. A fourth definition asserts that a social enterprise consists of a community of dedicated individuals that are continuously thinking about social impact and, as a result, employ business and management techniques to approach social causes.[2]

Social enterprise versus nonprofit

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Social enterprises are not only a structural element of a non-profit. A large portion of social enterprises are non-profits; however, there are also for-profit social enterprises.[2] Social enterprises are often regarded—erroneously—as nonprofit organisations, although many do take on a nonprofit legal form and are treated in academic literature on the subject as a branch or sub-set of nonprofit activity (especially when contrasted with Social Businesses).[23] Social enterprises in the nonprofit form can earn income for their goods or services; they are typically regarded as non-profits that use business strategies to generate revenue to support their charitable missions.[23]

In recent years, many non-profits have chosen to take on social enterprise models as it has become increasingly difficult to obtain financing from outside sources. The social enterprise model offers non-profit organisations an alternative to relying on charitable donations. This may allow them to increase their funding and sustainability and assist them in the pursuit of their social mission. However, two potential issues emerge: 1) distraction from the social goal in pursuit of contradictory business activities; and 2) inadequate skills, resources, and capabilities for the adoption of the social enterprise model.[10]

Social enterprise versus corporate social responsibility

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Many commercial enterprises would consider themselves to have social objectives, but commitment to these objectives is motivated by the perception that such commitment will ultimately make the enterprise more financially valuable. These are organisations that might be more properly said to be operating corporate responsibility policies. Social enterprises differ in that their commitment to impact is central to the mission of the business. Some may not aim to offer any benefit to their investors, except where they believe that doing so will ultimately further their capacity to realise their social and environmental goals, although there is a huge amount of variation in forms and activities.

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) is a practise that businesses can use to be conscious of the social and environmental impacts of their activities. There are a variety of CSR markers, such as accountability and internal and external elements. Social enterprises place a lot of emphasis on external social responsibility as a result of their social objectives, so social impact is built into the organisation. However, there has been debate on whether or not social enterprises place enough emphasis on internal CSR. Internal CSR includes human resources and capital management, health and safety standards, adaptation to innovation and change, and the quality of management within the organisation.[24] Since a large majority of social enterprises do not have sufficient funding, they are unable to pay competitive wages to their employees, and as a result, they have to resort to other (non-financial) techniques to recruit employees. Many managers utilise the social component of the social enterprise's dual mission and purpose for this.[11]

Social enterprise versus social entrepreneurship

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Like social enterprise, social entrepreneurship has a variety of existing definitions. Currently, there is not a widely accepted standard definition for the term, and descriptions vary in level of detail. There is an emphasis on change agents for social entrepreneurship, in contrast to the organisational focus of social enterprises. Social entrepreneurship usually takes place in the non-profit sector, with a focus on creating and implementing new solutions.[25]

Social impact versus social enterprise

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Social impact and social enterprise are not the same. Social impact may refer to the overall effects of a business, but a business that has social impact may or may not be a social enterprise. Social enterprises have socially bound mission statements and operate with the goal of solving a social problem as a part of their mission. Social enterprise has emerged as a businesslike contrast to traditional nonprofit organisations. Social enterprise is going to continue its evolution away from forms that focus on broad frame-breaking and innovation to a narrower focus on market-based solutions and businesslike solutions to measure the social impact of programmes.[26]

Social enterprise funding

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Socially responsible investing (SRI) seeks to maximize both financial gain and social impact.[2]

Social Enterprises often use for-profit business strategies to fund social change. The methods by which these Social enterprises create sustainable revenue streams differ from social business to social business, but all share the goal of abandoning the need for government or donor support. Gregory Dees and Beth Anderson discuss this difference in funding strategies as the innovation that differentiates the social enterprise from the traditional non-profit actor.[27]

Salesforce.com trademark dispute

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In 2012, Social Enterprise UK ran the 'Not In Our Name' campaign against Salesforce.com, a global software and CRM company that had begun using the term 'social enterprise' to describe its products and had applied for 'social enterprise' trademarks in the EU, US, Australia, and Jamaica. The campaign was supported by similar organisations in the US (the Social Enterprise Alliance), Canada, South Africa, and Australia. An open letter was sent to the CEO and Chairman of Salesforce.com asking Salesforce.com to stop using the term 'social enterprise'. It was signed by people and organisations around the world, including Muhammad Yunus (Grameen Bank founder and Nobel Peace Prize laureate), Richard G. Wilkinson, and Kate Pickett (co-authors of The Spirit Level). Salesforce said it would withdraw applications to trademark the term 'social enterprise', and remove any references to 'social enterprise' in its marketing materials in the future.[28]

Hybrid forms

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Organizations that do not take the distinct form of either a private, public, or non-profit organization are classified as hybrid organizations.[11] For legal and tax purposes, hybrid forms are classified as for-profit entities. The two main types of hybrid organisations are the L3C, or low-profit limited liability company, and the benefit corporation (B-Corp). L3C's main objective is to achieve socially beneficial goals. They are able to go about achieving these goals by employing the financial and flexible advantages of a limited liability company. States that have authorised the use of the L3C model have established three requirements: to operate for charitable or educational purposes, not the production of income, and not the fulfilment of a political or legislative agenda. A benefit corporation, or B-Corp, is a corporation that operates to achieve or create a "general public benefit".[9]

Influences

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The first academic paper to propose worker co-operatives involved in health and rehabilitation work as a form social enterprise was published in 1993.[29] The scale and integration of co-operative development in the 'red belt' of Italy (some 7,000 worker, and 8,000 social co-operatives) inspired the formation of the EMES network of social economy researchers who subsequently spread the language to the UK and the rest of Europe through influential English language publications.[30]

Current debates

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When social enterprise first emerged, much of the scholarly literature focused on defining the key characteristics and definitions of social enterprise. Currently, there is more literature and research on the emergence of the social enterprise sector as well as the internal management of social enterprise organisations. Due to the dual-purpose missions of social enterprises, organisations cannot directly employ the typical management strategies of established business models. Recent academic literature has argued against prior positively held views of social enterprises success in striking a balance between the two tensions and instead argued that the social mission is being compromised in favour of financial stability. Prioritising social good over financial stability contradicts rational firm management, which typically prioritises financial and profit-seeking goals. As a result, different management issues arise that range from stakeholders (and management) agreeing on the firm's goals but disagreeing on an action plan to management and stakeholders disagreeing on the firm's goals. Some social enterprises have taken on same-sector and cross-sector partnerships, while others continue to operate independently.[11]

Types of tensions in social enterprise management

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Tensions are separated into four distinct categories: performing, organizing, belonging, and learning.[31]

  • Performance tensions arise as organisations seek to fulfil various conflicting goals, such as varying stakeholder demands, social mission goals, and performance metrics. A major challenge is figuring out how to gauge success with conflicting goals.[31]
  • Organizing tensions are caused by inconsistencies in organizational structure, culture, and human resource practices. Many social organisations grapple with whom to hire, as many want to help disadvantaged people but also need workers with business skills to ensure the success of the enterprise. Organisations face the challenge of deciding which organisational structure and legal form (e.g., Non-Profit, for-profit) to operate under.[31]
  • Belonging tensions arise from identification or a sense of belonging to contrasting goals and values, which creates internal organisational conflict. These tensions are amplified by the maintenance of relationships with stakeholders who may have conflicting identities within the organisation.[31]
  • Learning tensions are a result of conflicting time horizons (i.e., short-term vs. long-run). In the short term, organisations aim for stability, which can be evaluated based on metrics such as costs, profits, and revenues, but in the long run, they want growth, flexibility, and progress in achieving their social mission.[31]

In Australia

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Origin story

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The history of social enterprise in Australia is diverse and long. In recent times (since the turn of the millennium), steady progress was made to better organise and develop social enterprise as a ‘sector’. However, the formation of a coherent nationwide strategy remained out of reach, due to a lack of top-down support and bottom-up self-organisation.

In 2020, amidst the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and accompanying lock-downs, a social enterprise virtual ‘unconference’ was held. During a session hosted by the Australian Centre for Rural Entrepreneurship (ACRE), the potential to establish a national strategy was discussed and proposed. With support from a number of sector representatives, the Social Enterprise National Strategy (SENS) project was initiated.

The goal for the project was to develop Australia’s first social enterprise strategy and secure Federal Government support for its implementation. The original thinking was that the strategy would include a cohesive vision and a 10-year roadmap for sector development. There was also a focus on advocating for purpose-led economic recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic.

Following the conference, ACRE and Social Enterprise Network Victoria (SENVIC) convened a group of sector actors to take the idea forward. An Advisory Committee was established. It included ACRE, SENVIC, Social Traders, the South Australian Social Enterprise Council, YLab, Good Cycles, and the English Family Foundation (EFF).

Through the EFF, the project received funding support from a group of philanthropic organisations, including themselves, Ian Potter Foundation, Snow Foundation, and the Good Business Foundation. It then engaged the Griffith Centre for Systems Innovation (GCSI; formerly The Yunus Centre) to research and synthesise design and development considerations for a national strategy. This evolved into a co-production and pathfinding process, which was also able to generate a sense of shared purpose and direction. This process culminated in a coming together of sector leaders, intermediaries, and funders where the results of the research were presented and a recommended way forward was agreed.

In November 2021, the SENS Advisory Committee activated the approach proposed by GCSI. This involved establishing Social Enterprise Australia, as a new fit-for-purpose intermediary, and appointing Jess Moore as its CEO. This critical inception phase was supported by GCSI and resourced by the English Family Foundation, the Snow Foundation, Lord Mayor’s Charitable Foundation, Paul Ramsay Foundation, Westpac Foundation, MinterEllison, and Day Four Projects.

Social Enterprise Australia Ltd was incorporated in February 2022 and launched in July. At this point the Advisory Committee was dissolved and a formal Board of Directors was appointed. Social Enterprise Australia’s purpose was to facilitate and lead the development of a national strategy (the progression of SENS) and provide a ‘peak’ function for social enterprise in Australia, including engagement with the Federal Government and other national bodies.

Through co-production with the sector, it set a vision and mission (shared direction), principles and values (agreed ways to work together), and a map for organising infrastructure (a systems approach to working together nationally) to enable the sector to work together to help tackle big-picture challenges. These challenges were framed around: environmental care, people-centred services, access to decent work, and community-led innovation.

2022 proved to be a milestone year for social enterprise in Australia in two other ways. In September, Whitebox Enterprises, in association with a range of partners and supporters, hosted the Social Enterprise World Forum in Brisbane. At the same time, Social Enterprise Australia undertook and published an assessment of the sector's size and economic contribution. The report (entitled (‘Business for Good’) found there were more than 12,000 social enterprises operating in Australia, employing more than 206,000 people and making a sum contribution of $21.3 billion to the economy.

Map for Impact research

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In 2017, the Centre for Social Impact at Swinburne University undertook a comprehensive mapping project of social enterprise in Victoria.[32] The 'Map for Impact' Report identified 3,500 social enterprises in Victoria alone, employing over 60,000 people or 1.8% of the state's workforce.[33]

Victoria's social enterprises contribute over $5.2 billion in gross output to Victoria's economy. Social enterprise is a significant contributor to the economy - from local manufacturing and agriculture, to hospitality and professional services - they are not only local enterprises serving local needs, nearly one-third trade internationally.[34]

Unlike traditional commercial businesses, Victorian social enterprises are intentionally labour-intensive, with the proportion of their labour force equating to approximately twice the proportion of Gross State Product they produce.[34]

20% of Victoria's social enterprise workforce is people with disability (i.e. 12,000 jobs) and 7% of jobs are held by people previously experiencing long-term unemployment.[34]

Swinburne University estimates that there are over 20,000 social enterprises nationwide. Based on its Victorian analysis, it can be extrapolated that:

  • Social enterprise contributes $29.7 billion to the national economy.
  • Social enterprises employ 340,000 people nationally.

Following the 'Map for Impact, the Victorian Government has commissioned further research and digital platforms to support the collection and sharing of social enterprise research and knowledge. The Social Entrepreneur Evidence Space (SEES) is an open research platform for Australia's social enterprise community.[35]

Social Enterprise National Strategy (SENS)

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The social enterprise national strategy (SENS) is an evolving system-change initiative. It is designed to secure an effective and resourced Federal strategy to strengthen the social enterprise sector in Australia over the next 7 years. It will do this so that the sector can unlock positive social impact.

It brings together key and representative actors that together make up the social enterprise sector. These actors are working together in a sustained, system-level reform and innovation partnership.

An effective social enterprise strategy is sought as, in other jurisdictions it has led to a stronger enabling environment for the sector as well as population level outcomes.

The design of the Establishment Phase of SENS is based on research by the Yunus Centre at Griffith University. This research was commissioned to understand the need and map an informed and clear path forward; and to build a shared understanding among SENS partners.

The long-term objectives of SENS are to:

  • Unlock greater economic inclusion and more opportunities for people to access decent and meaningful work
  • Grow business models that care for the planet
  • Improve the quality of human services and civic innovation and ownership
  • Grow local living economies that are diverse, resilient and future facing

Phase 1 gathered the rich experience and perspectives from within the social enterprise sector, here and internationally. Over the past year, the Yunus Centre held conversations within and around the sector to capture the breadth of experience and ideas, and draw out possible pathways forward. These conversations have been synthesised, along with desktop research, into two reports:

  • Part One: a summary of themes, tensions & provocations, capturing the history and learning in the social enterprise sector in Australia and internationally[36]
  • Part Two: a possible pathway for building the connective tissue across the Australian social enterprise sector so that collectively we can amplify our impact. It asks us to consider – what would it look like if we were to better organise at a national level?[37]

What is a social enterprise?

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A social enterprise is a business that puts people and planet first. They trade like any other business, but exist specifically to make the world a better place. Social enterprises have many faces - a cafe that trains and employs former refugees, a super fund that only invests in things that are good for people and planet, a community-owned wind farm, or a provider of quality housing.

National Peak Body in Australia

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Social Enterprise Australia is the peak body for social enterprise in Australia. We connect the sector to plan, act, and learn together. We do this to have a shared national strategy and voice, and to develop new ways to build social and environmental wellbeing.

We take a sector-led approach. This includes open national co-designs and consultations, and attending and convening relevant working groups and networks. The sector’s shared vision and mission, values and principles, and what Social Enterprise Australia builds momentum and infrastructure for, were developed through large-scale co-designs.

We provide a conduit for the sector to partner with the Federal Government for a better Australia. State and Territory Peak Bodies in Australia.

State and Territory Peak Bodies in Australia

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We have social enterprise peak bodies in every state and territory in Australia. They are:

We each work to advocate for the sector and to support the sector to plan, act and learn together in our jurisdiction. And we work together to maximise our effectiveness.

People and Planet First (PPF)

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There’s growing demand for businesses that put people and planet first. But it can be hard to tell the real thing from marketing hype.

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To help change this, People and Planet First global verification has launched. It sets five clear and robust minimum standards. Verification against these is straightforward and affordable. It is governed by social enterprise sector partners around the world, to protect integrity.

No greenwashing. No social washing. No complication. Just businesses that put people and planet first.

Social enterprises take a range of legal forms. Until recently, Australia’s social enterprise peak bodies were not aligned on a consistent definition and lacked a broadly accessible way for organisations to know if they are a social enterprise.

We heard loud and clear from stakeholders that this situation needed to change.

Together with all the state and territory social enterprise peak bodies in Australia, Social Enterprise Australia endorsed the global standards to identify social enterprises.

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This is because the global standards are:

  • Are clear and robust, which proactively builds understanding
  • Offer global alignment
  • Are owned and governed collectively by the Official Partner Network
  • Australian state and territory peak bodies are the local verification partners for People and Planet First.

Verification meets the following needs identified by stakeholders:

  • It is straightforward
  • The price is both affordable for social enterprises and sufficient to sustain the system
  • It is suitable for broad uptake and scaling
  • No single organisation is both the standards owner and verifier

Access the standards here. More information on verification here.

In North America

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United States

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The Social Enterprise Alliance defines a "social enterprise" as "Organizations that address a basic unmet need or solve a social or environmental problem through a market-driven approach."[38]

In the U.S, two distinct characteristics differentiate social enterprises from other types of businesses, nonprofits, and government agencies:

  • Social enterprises directly address social needs through their products and services or through the numbers of disadvantaged people they employ. This distinguishes them from "socially responsible businesses", which create positive social change indirectly through the practice of corporate social responsibility (e.g., creating and implementing a philanthropic foundation; paying equitable wages to their employees; using environmentally friendly raw materials; providing volunteers to help with community projects).
  • Social enterprises use earned revenue strategies to pursue a double or triple bottom line, either alone (as a social sector business, in either the private or the nonprofit sector) or as a significant part of a nonprofit's mixed revenue stream that also includes charitable contributions and public sector subsidies. This distinguishes them from traditional nonprofits, which rely primarily on philanthropic and government support. The double bottom line consists of social goals and profit maximization. Here the two are not contradictory; however, proper financial management to achieve positive profits is necessary in order to undertake the organizations social goals. The triple bottom line is essentially the double bottom line, with the addition of environmental sustainability.[15] It focuses on economic vitality, environmental sustainability, and social responsibility.[39]

In the United States, "social enterprise" is also distinct from "social entrepreneurship", which broadly encompasses such diverse players as B Corp companies, socially responsible investors, "for-benefit" ventures, Fourth Sector organizations, CSR efforts by major corporations, "social innovators" and others. All these types of entities grapple with social needs in a variety of ways, but unless they directly address social needs through their products or services or the numbers of disadvantaged people they employ, they do not qualify as social enterprises.

According to a paper published by De Gruyter in 2019, some common challenges facing social enterprises in the US were - Legal form, governance challenges, difficulties in measuring impact, lack of clear identity, problems in accessing capital, management tensions.[40]

In US, Society Profits offers third-party accreditation to social enterprise businesses.[41]

Canada

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The Social Enterprise Council of Canada (SECC) of Canada defines a "social enterprise" as "businesses owned by nonprofit organizations, that is directly involved in the production and/or selling of goods and services for the blended purpose of generating income and achieving social, cultural, and/or environmental aims. Social enterprises are one more tool for non-profits to use to meet their mission to contribute to healthy communities."[42]

Canadian social enterprise characteristics vary by region and province in the ways they differentiate social enterprises from other types of businesses, not-for-profits, co-operatives and government agencies:

  • Social enterprises may directly address social needs through their products and services, the number of people they employ or the use of their financial surplus. This can distinguish them from "socially responsible for-profit businesses", which create positive social change indirectly through the practice of corporate social responsibility (e.g., creating and implementing a charitable foundation; paying fair wages to their employees; using environmentally friendly raw materials; providing volunteers to help with community projects).
  • Social enterprises may use earned revenue strategies to pursue a double or triple bottom line, either alone (as a social economy business, in either the private or the not-for-profit sector) or as a significant part of a not-for-profit corporation's mixed income stream that may include charitable contributions and public sector assistance. This distinguishes them from some traditional not-for-profit corporations, which may rely in whole or part on charitable and government support.

Significant regional differences in legislation, financing, support agencies and corporate structures can be seen across Canada as a result of different historical development paths in the social economy. Common regional characteristics can be seen in British Columbia, the Prairies, Ontario, Quebec and Atlantic Canada.

Habitat for Humanity ReStore, Eva's Print Shop and ME to WE are some well known social enterprises operating in Canada.[43]

In Asia

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Middle East

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There is no separate legal entity for social enterprises in the Middle East. Most social enterprises register as companies or non-profit organizations. There isn't a proper definition of social enterprises by the governments of the Middle Eastern countries.[44]

However, social enterprises in the Middle East are active and innovating in a variety of sectors and industries. A majority of the existing social enterprises are engaged in human capital development. Many are nurturing a cadre of leaders with the experiences and skills needed to enhance the region's global competitiveness while also achieving social goals. Trends in the region point to an increasingly important role and potential for such activities and for social entrepreneurship in general. These include the growing interest among youth in achieving social impact and growth in volunteerism among youth.[45]

According to the Schwab Foundation there are 35 top social entrepreneurs in the Middle East.[46]

South Korea

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In South Korea, the Social Enterprise Promotion Act was approved in December 2006 and was put into effect in July 2007. It was amended in 2010.[47]

Article 2 defines a social enterprise as "an organization which is engaged in business activities of producing and selling goods and services while pursuing a social purpose of enhancing the quality of local residents' life by means of providing social services and creating jobs for the disadvantaged, as an enterprise certified according to the requirements prescribed in Article 7", "the disadvantaged" as "people who have difficulty in purchasing social services necessary to themselves for a market price, the detailed criteria thereof shall be determined by the Presidential Decree", and "social services" as "service in education, health, social welfare, environment and culture and other service proportionate to this, whose area is prescribed by the Presidential Decree".

The Ministry of Labor is obliged to "establish the Basic Plan for Social Enterprises Support" every five years (Article 5), and not only enterprises but also cooperatives and non-profits can be recognised as social enterprises, which are eligible for tax reduction and/or financial supports from the Korean / provincial governments or city councils. 680 entities have been recognised as social enterprises as of October 2012. The majority of Korean social enterprises are primarily concerned with job creation.[48] The Korea Social Enterprise Promotion Agency was established to promote social enterprises, which include Happynarae and Beautiful Store.

China

[edit]

Researcher Meng Zhao states that the emergence of social enterprise as a concept could be seen around 2012, although it was not yet a well-known idea among the general public or within the media, and the Chinese government was still "trying to understand the new phenomenon".[49]

Zhao identified three forms of social enterprise in China:

  • the social enterprise
  • the social startup
  • the startup for social good.

The terms "startup" is used because it carries some of the spirit associated with "enterprise" in English, such as innovation, risk taking or "venture".[49]

Hong Kong

[edit]

There is no separate legal entity for social enterprises in Hong Kong. They are normally registered as companies or non-profit organisations. The Hong Kong Government defines social enterprises as businesses that achieve specific social objectives, and its profits will be principally reinvested in the business for the social objectives that it pursues, rather than distribution to its shareholders.[50] In recent years, venture philanthropy organizations, such as Social Ventures Hong Kong and Social Enterprise Business Centre of the HKCSS, have been set up to invest in viable social enterprises with a significant social impact.

India

[edit]

In India, a social enterprise may be a non-profit non-governmental organization (NGO), often registered as a Society under Indian Societies Registration Act, 1860, a Trust registered under various Indian State Trust Acts or a Section 25 Company registered under Indian Companies Act, 1956. India has around 3 million[51] NGOs, including a number of religious organizations and religious trusts, like Temples, Mosque and Gurudwara associations etc., who are not deemed as social enterprises.

NGOs in India raise funds through some services (often fund raising events and community activities) and occasionally products. Despite this, in India the term "social enterprise" is not widely used, instead terms like NGOs and NPOs (non-profit organizations) are used, where these kind of organizations are legally allowed to raise fund for non-business activities. Child Rights and You and Youth United are examples of social enterprise, who raise funds through their services, fund-raising activities (organizing events, donations, and grants) or sometimes products, to further their social and environmental goals.

However, there are social businesses with an aim for making profit, although the primary aim is to alleviate poverty through a sustainable business model. According to Bala Vikasa Social Service Society sister organization of SOPAR-Canada "Social Enterprise is a hybrid business with a goal of solving social problems, while also generating revenues and profits like any other enterprise. However, when it comes to choosing between profits or social cause, social cause is paramount for social enterprises, while profits are considered only for sustainability."

In the agriculture sector, International Development Enterprises has helped pull millions of small farmers out of poverty in India.

Another area of social enterprise in India and the developing world are bottom of the pyramid (BOP) businesses which were identified and analyzed by C. K. Prahalad in "Fortune at the Base of the Pyramid". This seminal work has been a springboard for a robust area of both innovation and academic research.

Malaysia

[edit]

Social Enterprise Alliance Malaysia defines social enterprises as "organizations created to address social problems that use business models to sustain themselves financially. Social enterprises seek to create not only financial returns but also social returns to their beneficiaries." Social Enterprise Alliance Malaysia regards social enterprises as businesses with a social focus, distinct from non-profit organisations.[52] In Malaysia, the government initiated several programs that helped Malaysia become a top location for social enterprises.[53] Government bodies like MaGIC have the mission of strengthening Malaysia's position as an emerging innovation nation. One of MaGIC's key missions is "nurturing and navigating local startup and social enterprise into successful and sustainable businesses". One initiative by MaGIC in 2017 is the Impact Driven Enterprise Accreditation (IDEA). MaGIC also launched Buy For Impact which encourages companies to purchase products or services from SEs.

Buy for Impact gathers like-minded people and organisations to promote conscious buying behaviour among the general public and the private sector. This initiative "promotes and supports the notion of utilising the general public's purchasing power to generate sustainable positive social or environmental impact through Impact-Driven Enterprises (IDEs)". On April 23, 2022, Prime Minister Datuk Seri Ismail Sabri Yaakob outlined a new direction for the country on social entrepreneurship development. "The newly launched Social Entrepreneurship Action Framework 2030 or SEMy2030 provides a new national direction for the development of social entrepreneurship in Malaysia", remarked the Prime Minister.[54] SEMy2030 will provide a more structured training on the adaptation of technology and digitalisation, widen access to financing and financial support, and provide access to the domestic and international markets.[55]

Philippines

[edit]

In December 1999, a group was organized called Social Enterprise Network. Its members, based in Metro Manila, include entrepreneurs, executives, and academics who believe in social entrepreneurship (setting up businesses by creating opportunities for the poor). SEN served is a networking opportunity for like-minded individuals to share their interests and pass on their experience to others. One of its projects eventually was adopted by the Foundations for People Development. It is called the Cooperative Marketing Enterprise. CME is devoted solely to providing the need for cooperatives, micro, small, and medium enterprises for the marketing of their products.

From the academe, a course "Social Entrepreneurship and Management" was first offered at the University of Asia and the Pacific School of Management in 2000. This course was developed and taught by Dr. Jose Rene C. Gayo, then Dean of the School of Management. It was offered as an elective for the senior students of the Bachelor of Science in Entrepreneurial Management. In March 2001, a seminar on "Social Enterprises: Creating Wealth for the Poor" was held at the University of Asia and the Pacific.

A social enterprise in the Philippines is GKonomics International, Inc., a non-stock, non-profit organization, incorporated in 2009. They are a Gawad Kalinga partner in social enterprise development. Their mission is building a new generation of producers.

Thailand

[edit]

In Thailand social entrepreneurship is small but growing. Thammasat University in Bangkok is the Southeast Asia partner of the Global Social Venture Competition (GSVC-SEA).[56] Every year new emerging social enterprises present their business model showcasing variety of business models ranging from agriculture, to technology, tourism and education. In 2013 the winners of GSVC-SEA were Wedu (female leadership development and education) and CSA Munching box (agriculture).

A major player in the social entrepreneurship space in Thailand is ChangeFusion, led by the Ashoka Fellow Sunit Shrestha. A major figure in the space is Mechai Viravaidya,[57] founder of the Population and Community Development Association (PDA).

Members of the Royal Family of Thailand have been involved in social entrepreneurship like with the creation of the brand Doi Tung by the Mae Fah Luang Foundation.

Singha Park Chiangrai is also a social enterprise.[58] With eco-agricultural tourism concept as main idea to attract tourists to the 8500-rai park, 1200 unemployed people became employee generating income for local people and their families. This not only helps prevent drugs problem because of constant salary people earns every month, but the park attracts tourist from around the country to visit and spend money in Chiangrai province as well.

The government of Thailand supports the creation of new social enterprises via the Thai Social Entrepreneurship office (TSEO).[59]

In Europe

[edit]

EMES

[edit]

The best established European research network in the field, EMES, works with a more articulated definition — a Weberian 'ideal type' rather than a prescriptive definition — which relies on nine criteria:[60]

Economic criteria:

  • Continuous activity of the production and/or sale of goods and services (rather than predominantly advisory or grant-giving functions).
  • A high level of autonomy: social enterprises are created voluntarily by groups of citizens and are managed by them, and not directly or indirectly by public authorities or private companies, even if they may benefit from grants and donations. Their members have the right to participate ('voice') and to leave the organisation ('exit').
  • A significant economic risk: the financial viability of social enterprises depends on the efforts of their members, who have the responsibility of ensuring adequate financial resources, unlike most public institutions.
  • Social enterprises' activities require a minimum number of paid workers, although, like traditional non-profit organisations, social enterprises may combine financial and non-financial resources, voluntary and paid work.

Social criteria:

  • An explicit aim of community benefit: one of the principal aims of social enterprises is to serve the community or a specific group of people. To the same end, they also promote a sense of social responsibility at local level.
  • Citizen initiative: social enterprises are the result of collective dynamics involving people belonging to a community or to a group that shares a certain need or aim. They must maintain this dimension in one form or another.
  • Decision making not based on capital ownership: this generally means the principle of 'one member, one vote', or at least a voting power not based on capital shares. Although capital owners in social enterprises play an important role, decision-making rights are shared with other stakeholders.
  • Participatory character, involving those affected by the activity: the users of social enterprises' services are represented and participate in their structures. In many cases one of the objectives is to strengthen democracy at local level through economic activity.
  • Limited distribution of profit: social enterprises include organisations that totally prohibit profit distribution as well as organisations such as co-operatives, which may distribute their profit only to a limited degree, thus avoiding profit maximising behaviour.

Ongoing research work characterises social enterprises as often having multiple objectives, multiple stakeholders and multiple sources of funding. However, their objectives tend to fall into three categories:

  • integration of disadvantaged people through work (work integration social enterprises or WISEs)
  • provision of social, community and environmental services
  • ethical trading such as fair trade

Despite, and sometimes in contradiction to, such academic work, the term social enterprise is being picked up and used in different ways in various European countries.

European Commission

[edit]

As part of its Social Business Initiative,[61] which ran from 2011 until 2014, the European Commission developed the following definition based on three key criteria: social objective, limited profit distribution and participatory governance:[62]

A social enterprise is an operator in the social economy whose main objective is to have a social impact rather than make a profit for their owners or shareholders. It operates by providing goods and services for the market in an entrepreneurial and innovative fashion and uses its profits primarily to achieve social objectives. It is managed in an open and responsible manner and, in particular, involve employees, consumers and stakeholders affected by its commercial activities.

The Commission uses the term 'social enterprise' to cover the following types of business:

  • those for which the social or societal objective of the common good is the reason for the commercial activity, often in the form of a high level of social innovation,
  • those where profits are mainly reinvested with a view to achieving this social objective,
  • and where the method of organisation or ownership system reflects their mission, using democratic or participatory principles or focusing on social justice.

Thus:

  • businesses providing social services and/or goods and services to vulnerable persons (access to housing, health care, assistance for elderly or disabled persons, inclusion of vulnerable groups, child care, access to employment and training, dependency management, etc.); and/or
  • businesses with a method of production of goods or services with a social objective (social and professional integration via access to employment for people disadvantaged in particular by insufficient qualifications or social or professional problems leading to exclusion and marginalisation) but whose activity may be outside the realm of the provision of social goods or services.

Czech Republic

[edit]

In the Czech Republic a working party stemming from the development partnerships in the EQUAL programme agreed on the following distinctions (April 2008):

Social economy

It is a complex of autonomous private activities realized by different types of organizations that have the aim to serve their members or local community first of all by doing business. The social economy is oriented on solving issues of unemployment, social coherence and local development. It is created and developed on the base of concept of triple bottom line—economic, social and environmental benefits. Social economy enables citizens to get involved actively in the regional development. Making profit/surplus is desirable, however is not a primary goal. Contingent profit is used in preference for development of activities of organization and for the needs of local community. Internal relations in the social enterprises are headed to the maximum involvement of members/employees in decision-making and self-management while external relations strengthen social capital. Legal form of social economy entities is not decisive—what is crucial is observing public benefit aims as listed in the articles. Subjects of the social economy are social enterprises and organizations supporting their work in the areas of education, consulting and financing.

Social entrepreneurship

Social entrepreneurship develops independent business activities and is active on the market in order to solve issues of employment, social coherence and local development. Its activities support solidarity, social inclusion and growth of social capital mainly on local level with the maximum respect of sustainable development.

Social enterprise

Social enterprise means "a subject of social entrepreneurship", i.e. legal entity or its part or a natural person which fulfils principles of the social enterprise; social enterprise must have appropriate trade license.
The above mentioned definitions stem from the four basic principles that should be followed by social enterprises. Standards with a commentary were settled for each principle. These standards were settled as the minimum so that they should be observed by all legal entities and all types of social enterprises. Specific types of enterprises, that are undergoing pilot verification within CIP EQUAL projects and that are already functioning in the Czech Republic, are social firms employing seriously disadvantaged target groups, and municipal social cooperatives as a suitable form of entrepreneurship with the view of development of local communities and microregions.
The legal form a social enterprise takes may not always be seen as important—however, they must be subject of private law. According to the existing legal system, they can function in a form of cooperatives, civic associations, public benefit associations, church legal entities, Ltd., stock companies and sole traders. Budgetary organizations and municipalities should not be social enterprises as they are not autonomous—they are parts of public administration.
Social entrepreneurship is defined very broadly. Beside employment of the people disadvantaged at the labour market it also includes organizations providing public benefit services in the area of social inclusion and local development including environmental activities, individuals from the disadvantaged groups active in business and also complementary activities of NGOs destined to reinvest profit into the main public benefit activity of an organization. Social entrepreneurship defined in such a wide way should not be directly bound to legal benefits and financial support because the concept of social entrepreneurship might be then threatened by misuse and disintegration. Conditions of eventual legal and financial support should be discussed by experts.

Finland

[edit]

In Finland a law was passed in 2004 that defines a social enterprise (sosiaalinen yritys) as being any sort of enterprise that is entered on the relevant register and at least 30% of whose employees are disabled or long-term unemployed. As of March 2007, 91 such enterprises had been registered, the largest with 50 employees. In the UK the more specific term "social firm" is used to distinguish such "integration enterprises". This legal definition of a social enterprise (sosiaalinen yritys) made it hard for actual social entrepreneurship to enter the Finnish consciousness and public debate so a new term Yhteiskunnallinen Yrittäjyys (societal entrepreneurship) was dubbed and promoted by the early players in the field. Nowadays the term is recognized, accepted and even promoted by entrepreneurial NGOs, entrepreneurs themselves, co-operatives and government organisations. Finnish Social Enterprise Research Network FinSERN collects and exchanges national and international research data, maintains connections with social enterprise researchers and research networks around the world, and finds financing opportunities for research. There is also a growing interest in impact investment in Finland.

Italy

[edit]

Italy passed a law in 2005 on imprese sociali, to which the government has given form and definition by Legislative Decree no. 155, dated 24 March 2006. Under Italian law a social enterprise is a private entity that provides social utility goods and services, acting for the common interest and not for profit.

In an effort to develop social enterprises and measure social impact, the Italian governmental work placement agency—Italia Lavoro—has developed a method to calculate the social efficiency of their project, from an economic point of view. For example, they measure the economic value to the society of providing a job to a disabled person. Since 1997, Italia Lavoro provides work placements to people with mental and physical disabilities, health problems or socially disadvantaged. To this aim, they help people who have fallen through the cracks of the general work system to reintegrate themselves into society through the creation of small and medium non-profit enterprises.[63]

Also intended to generate more social enterprises is the non-profit cooperative Make a Change. Make a Change provides financial, operational and management support to social start-ups. In 2010, they organized the first edition of a contest to elect the "Social entrepreneur of the year", as well as another contest entitled "The World's Most Beautiful Job". This year's winner of the former was the social cooperative "Cauto", which manages the entire trash life-cycle in the Province of Brescia. One-third of Cauto's workers are disabled or disadvantaged.

The winner of the "World's Most Beautiful Job" prize was the "Tavern of the Good and Bad" project by a group called 'Domus de luna' from Cagliari. The tavern employs mums and children recently graduated from rehabilitation programs. The prize consisted of a grant of €30,000 and 12 months of professional consulting and support. The awards ceremony was included in the program of the Global Entrepreneurship Week.[64]

Spain

[edit]

United Kingdom

[edit]

Definition

[edit]

In the UK the accepted Government-backed definition of social enterprise used by the UK social enterprise sector bodies such as Social Enterprise UK and Social Enterprise Mark CIC comes from the 2002 Department of Trade and Industry report 'Social Enterprise: a strategy for success' report as:[65]

A business with primarily social objectives whose surpluses are principally reinvested for that purpose.

The original concept of social enterprise was first developed by Freer Spreckley in 1978, and later included in a publication called Social Audit: A Management Tool for Co-operative Working published in 1981 by Beechwood College. In the original publication the term social enterprise was developed to describe an organisation that uses Social Audit. Freer went on to describe a social enterprise as:[66]

An enterprise that is owned by those who work in it and/or reside in a given locality, is governed by registered social as well as commercial aims and objectives and run cooperatively may be termed a social enterprise. Traditionally, 'capital hires labour' with the overriding emphasis on making a 'profit' over and above any benefit either to the business itself or the workforce. Contrasted to this is the social enterprise where 'labour hires capital' with the emphasis on social, environmental and financial benefit.

Later on, the three areas of social, environmental and financial benefits used for measuring social enterprise became known as the triple bottom line. Freer later revised the Social Audit in a more structured way.[67]

Twenty years later Spreckley and Cliff Southcombe established the first[68] specialist support organisation in the UK Social Enterprise Partnership Ltd. in March 1997.

In the British context, social enterprises include community enterprises, credit unions, trading arms of charities, employee-owned businesses, co-operatives, development trusts, housing associations, social firms, and leisure trusts.

Whereas conventional businesses distribute their profit among shareholders, in social enterprises the surplus tends to go towards one or more social aims which the business has – for example education for the poor, vocational training for disabled people, environmental issues or for animal rights, although this may not always be the case.[69]

Social enterprises are often seen as distinct from charities (although charities are also increasingly looking at ways of maximising income from trading)[70] and from private sector companies with policies on corporate social responsibility. An emerging view, however, is that social enterprise is a particular type of trading activity that sometimes gives rise to distinct organisation forms reflecting a commitment to social cause working with stakeholders from more than one sector of the economy.

Three common characteristics of social enterprises as defined by Social Enterprise London are:

  • Enterprise orientation: They are directly involved in producing goods or providing services to a market. They seek to be viable trading organisations, with an operating surplus.
  • Social aims: They have explicit social aims such as job creation, training or the provision of local services. They have ethical values including a commitment to local capacity building, and they are accountable to their members and the wider community for their social environmental and economic impact.
  • Social ownership: They are autonomous organisations with governance and ownership structures based on participation by stakeholder groups (users or clients, local community groups etc.) or by trustees. Profits are distributed as profit sharing to stakeholders or used for the benefit of the community.

Some UK social enterprises

[edit]

Scale

[edit]

A survey conducted for the Social Enterprise Unit in 2004 found that there were 15,000 social enterprises in the UK (counting only those that are incorporated as companies limited by guarantee or industrial and provident societies). This is 1.2% of all enterprises in the UK. They employ 450,000 people, of whom two-thirds are full-time, plus a further 300,000 volunteers. Their combined annual turnover is £18 billion, and the median turnover is £285,000. Of this, 84% is from trading. In 2006, the government revised this estimate upwards to 55,000, based on a survey of a sample of owners of businesses with employees, which found that 5% of them define themselves as social enterprises.[72] The most up to date estimates suggest that there are approximately 68,000 social enterprises in the UK, contributing £24 billion to the UK economy.[73]

Using the EU definition of social economy, the annual contribution of social enterprises to the UK economy is four times larger at £98 billion[74] because it includes the contribution of all co-operatives, mutuals and associations that produce goods or services to improve human well-being.

Every two years, Social Enterprise UK carries out and publishes the findings of the state of social enterprise survey, the largest piece of research looking at the UK's social enterprise sector. The most recent report, The People's Business, details the findings of the 2013 survey.

Bodies

[edit]

The first agency in the UK—Social Enterprise London (SEL)—was established in 1998 following collaboration between bodies supporting co-operative enterprise. SEL did more than provide support to emerging businesses: it created a community of interest by working with the London Development Agency (LDA) to establish both an undergraduate degree in social enterprise at the University of East London and a Social Enterprise Journal (now managed by Liverpool John Moores University). SEL built a network of over 2,000 social enterprises and social entrepreneurs, directly brokered over 500 social enterprise jobs under the DWP's Future Jobs Fund and delivers consultancy and business support across the world in countries including Vietnam, Korea and Croatia.

The national membership and campaigning body for the social enterprise movement in Britain is Social Enterprise UK (SEUK) (previously the Social Enterprise Coalition),[75] and this liaises with similar groups in each region of England, as well as in Northern Ireland, Scotland and Wales. SEUK's chief executive, Peter Holbrook, joined in January 2010 from the award-winning social enterprise, Sunlight Development Trust, based in Gillingham, Kent. Claire Dove is the Chair of SEUK and runs the social enterprise Blackburne House in Liverpool.

Social Enterprise Mark CIC is the accreditation body responsible for the only internationally available social enterprise accreditation—the Social Enterprise Mark and Social Enterprise Gold Mark. It exists to recognize and promote the capabilities of social enterprises as competitive, sustainable businesses, dedicated to maximizing social impact above shareholder profit. It ensures the social enterprise business model remains ethical, credible and commercial through accreditation. There are over 200 organisations that currently hold Social Enterprise Mark/Gold Mark accreditation. The assessment and accreditation process is overseen by an independent Certification Panel, which ensures that the Social Enterprise Mark/Gold Mark criteria are rigorously applied.

In 2002, the National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO) established the Sustainable Funding Project. Using funds from Futurebuilders England, Centrica and Charity Bank, this project promoted the concept of sustainability through trading to voluntary groups and charities.[76] From 2005 onward, NCVO began using the term social enterprise to refer to voluntary sector trading activities.

In 2002, the British government launched a unified Social Enterprise Strategy,[77] and established a Social Enterprise Unit (SEnU) to co-ordinate its implementation in England and Wales, primarily to consult on a new type of company to support social enterprise development. After a consultation (see CIC below), policy development was increasingly influenced by organisations in the conventional "non-profit" sector rather than those with their origins in employee-ownership and co-operative sectors. The 2003 DTI report on the consultation shows the disproportionate influence of charitable trusts and umbrella organisations in the voluntary sector, and evidence now exists that the voices of progressive employee-owned organisations were marginalised in the course of producing the report.[78]

The Social Enterprise Unit was initially established within the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), and in 2006 became part of the newly created Office of the Third Sector, under the wing of the Cabinet Office.

Following broad consultation, SEnU adopted a broader definition which is independent of any legal model. This latitudinarian definition could include not only companies limited by guarantee and industrial and provident societies but also companies limited by shares, unincorporated associations, partnerships and sole traders.

In April 2012, Prime Minister David Cameron launched Big Society Capital, the world's first social investment wholesaler. Capitalized with a total of £600 million, it will distribute funds to intermediaries that will lend money to social enterprises, charities and community groups.

Scotland
[edit]

In Scotland, social enterprise is a devolved function and is part of the remit of the Scottish Government.[79] Activities are coordinated by the Scottish Social Enterprise Coalition, and intellectual leadership is provided by the Social Enterprise Institute at Heriot-Watt University (Edinburgh), established under the directorship of Declan Jones. Senscot, based in Edinburgh, supports social entrepreneurs through a variety of activities, including a weekly email bulletin by co-founder Lawrence Demarco.[80] The Social Enterprise Academy "deliver leadership, enterprise, and social impact programmes" throughout Scotland,[81] and further support is provided by Development Trusts Association Scotland and Co-operative Development Scotland.[82][83]

Community interest companies

[edit]

The UK has also developed a new legal form called the community interest company (CIC). CICs are a new type of limited company designed specifically for those wishing to operate for the benefit of the community rather than for the benefit of the owners of the company. This means that a CIC cannot be formed or used solely for the personal gain of a particular person, or group of people. Legislation caps the level of dividends payable at 35% of profits and returns to individuals are capped at 4% above the bank base rate.

CICs can be limited by shares, or by guarantee, and will have a statutory "asset lock" to prevent the assets and profits being distributed, except as permitted by legislation. This ensures the assets and profits are retained within the CIC for community purposes, or transferred to another asset-locked organisation, such as another CIC or charity. A CIC cannot be formed to support political activities and a company that is a charity cannot be a CIC, unless it gives up its charitable status. However, a charity may apply to register a CIC as a subsidiary company.

Social firms

[edit]

Another type of social enterprise category in the UK is a social firm, a business set up specifically to create employment for people otherwise severely disadvantaged in the labour market.[84]

In Africa

[edit]

Kenya

[edit]

In Kenya, many NGOs use business models to improve the lives of people, mainly in rural Kenya. An example of this is KOMAZA, a social enterprise that plants trees with smallholder farmers and uses economies of scale to enable them to access high value markets for processed trees. Another example of this is RISE Kenya that runs projects to mitigate climate change in the semiarid Eastern Province of Kenya. They also run weaving projects whereby women who would traditionally engage in weaving make products that are marketed in the capital city Nairobi and in overseas markets of Europe and America.

Other development-oriented social enterprises in Kenya include the One Acre Fund, Nuru International and Alive & Kicking, which has produced over 200,000 sports balls from its stitching centre in Nairobi.[85] Kenya's social enterprises include M-Pesa, which facilitated economic transactions via mobile phone.

Social enterprise in Kenya has grown to include spaces with IT infrastructure such as internet connectivity and computer hardware. Two of these, the iHub and NaiLab, are centers for technological enterprise, with ventures such as Tandaa in cooperation with the ICT Board of Kenya and Akirachix.[86]

Zambia

[edit]

As in much of Africa, social enterprises in Zambia are often focused on the creation of sustainable employment. Alive & Kicking established a stitching centre in Lusaka in 2007, which employs 50 stitchers and produces 2,000 sports balls a month.[87] Zambikes produces a range of bicycles from their Lusaka factory, including 'Zambulances' and ones made from bamboo, and provide three levels of mechanic training.[88]

In Latin America

[edit]

Chile

[edit]

Chile is promoting social inclusion and further development of the private sector through Social Enterprises. Support to social enterprises has been included as part of the Productivity, Innovation and Growth Agenda, which has 47 measures, 10 bills and 37 administrative initiatives with an investment of US$1,500 million between 2014 and 2018.

Social enterprises in Chile adopt various forms like cooperatives, associations, private limited companies or corporations. The Ministry of Economy is developing a law project to create a new legal form through which they will establish the rights and duties for social enterprises.[89]

The Government has launched several initiatives to support social enterprises. For example, the Chilean Economic Development Agency CORFO has implemented programs like the Social Innovation Program and the Seed Subsidy for Flexible Asignation to Support Social Innovation Start-up Program. Through these programs they have provided access to seed capital to social entrepreneurs and financial support to incubators supporting social entrepreneurs. Additionally, the Ministry of Social Development also promoted matching grant funds like Mas por Chile[90] (More for Chile) and Incubia Fund in order to support the development of solutions aiming to reduce poverty and strengthen youth.

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Sources

[edit]
  • Aiken, M. (2010) "Taking the Long View: Conceptualizing the challenges facing UK third sector organisations in the social and welfare field", in Evers, A. and Zimmer, A. (eds) Turbulent environments: The impact of commercialization on organisational legitimacy and the quality of services. Baden-Baden: Nomos Publishing.
  • Billis, D. (2010). Hybrid Organizations in the Third Sector. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan.
  • Borzaga, C. and Defourny, J. (2001). The Emergence of Social Enterprise. London: Routledge.
  • Dees, J. G., & Anderson, B. B. (2006). Framing A Theory of Social Entrepreneurship: Building On Two Schools Of Practice And Thought. 40–66.
  • Gergen, Christopher, Gregg Vanourek (2008), Life Entrepreneurs: Ordinary People Creating Extraordinary Lives
  • Kevin Lynch, Julius Walls, (2009) Mission, Inc.: The Practitioner's Guide to Social Enterprise
  • Nyssens, M. ed. (2006). Social Enterprises in Europe: Between Market, Public Policies and Communities. London: Routledge.
  • Pearce, J. (1993). At the Heart of the Community Economy. London: Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation.
  • Prahalad, CK (2009) Fortune at the Base of the Pyramid: Eradicating Poverty Through Profits
  • Spear, R. (2001). "United Kingdom: Labour Market Integration and Employment Creation", in Tackling Social Exclusion in Europe, eds. Spear, R., Defourney, J., Favreau, L. & Laville, J-L. Aldershot: Ashgate.
  • Spreckley, Freer (2011). "Social Enterprise Planning Toolkit" (PDF). The British Council.
  • Woodin, T., Crook, D., and Carpentier, V. (2010). Community and Mutual Ownership: A historical review. York: Joseph Rowntree Foundation.
  • Wyler, S. (2009). A History of Community Asset Ownership. London: Development Trusts Association.

Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
A social enterprise is an that pursues social or environmental missions through revenue-generating commercial activities, with surpluses primarily reinvested to advance its purpose rather than distributed as profits to private owners. These entities blend elements of traditional models with nonprofit objectives, often operating as hybrids that prioritize measurable improvements in societal over returns. While definitions vary by jurisdiction and lack universal consensus, core features include limited profit distribution, a focus on through trading, and to stakeholders affected by the mission. The concept traces its practical origins to 19th-century cooperative movements, such as the Rochdale Pioneers in 1844, which established worker-owned businesses to address poverty and exploitation amid industrialization, though the modern framing of "social entrepreneurship" emerged in the 1980s through pioneers like Bill Drayton of Ashoka, who emphasized innovative, scalable solutions to systemic problems. Over time, social enterprises have proliferated globally, adopting diverse legal forms—including cooperatives, community interest companies, and benefit corporations—to tackle issues like unemployment, environmental degradation, and health disparities, often filling gaps left by state or market failures. Empirical studies indicate targeted successes, such as rural enterprises enhancing farmer incomes and community resilience in developing contexts, yet broader systemic impacts remain uneven due to challenges in scaling and resource constraints. Despite their appeal as market-driven alternatives to pure or intervention, social enterprises face criticisms for goal conflicts between financial viability and social aims, which can lead to mission drift or unintended negative effects on beneficiaries, such as dependency or diluted . highlights persistent hurdles in impact measurement, with many failing to achieve long-term sustainability or demonstrate causal links to outcomes beyond , prompting debates over whether they truly catalyze or merely supplement existing systems without addressing root causes. These entities thus represent a pragmatic but imperfect tool in the arsenal of social problem-solving, where empirical validation of efficacy varies widely across contexts.

Definition and Principles

Core Definition

A social enterprise is an organization that applies business strategies to achieve social or environmental objectives, generating revenue through the sale of goods or services while prioritizing mission impact over for shareholders. Unlike traditional for-profit businesses, which distribute surpluses primarily to owners or investors, social enterprises reinvest the majority of profits back into their core mission to sustain operations and expand impact. This model operates within the broader , where the primary aim is measurable social value creation rather than financial returns alone. Social enterprises are not defined by a specific legal structure but by their operational and , which typically includes democratic or asset locks to prevent mission drift. They differ from nonprofits, which rely predominantly on grants or donations without substantial trading income, by emphasizing financial self-sufficiency through market activities to address unmet needs like alleviation or environmental . Empirical data indicates their scale: in the , over 131,000 such entities contributed £60 billion to the economy as of recent estimates, employing around 2 million people. The concept lacks a universally binding definition, leading to variations across jurisdictions; for instance, the emphasizes social impact as the main objective with limited profit distribution, while U.S. interpretations often include benefit corporations that balance profit with public benefit. This flexibility allows adaptation to local contexts but can complicate verification of true social prioritization, as some entities may adopt the label for marketing without substantive reinvestment or impact measurement. Rigorous assessment relies on criteria such as profit caps for private benefit (e.g., no more than 35% in some frameworks) and transparent reporting of social outcomes.

First-Principles Rationale

Social enterprises address fundamental misalignments between private incentives and collective welfare inherent in pure market systems. Standard for-profit entities maximize , often neglecting externalities such as or , which lead to suboptimal outcomes for society as a whole. By contrast, social enterprises integrate social objectives into their core operations, reinvesting surpluses to mitigate these failures rather than distributing them as dividends, thereby aligning entrepreneurial drive with broader utility maximization. This hybrid approach draws on the principle that voluntary, incentive-compatible mechanisms can outperform coercive alternatives like , which frequently distort signals and incur high administrative costs. From a causal standpoint, the viability of social enterprises rests on the capacity of motivated actors—often "citizen-managers" selected for their dual valuation of financial and social returns—to identify profitable opportunities that generate positive spillovers. Economic models posit that such entities thrive where consumer or supplier preferences for ethical production create premiums, enabling self-sustaining impact without perpetual subsidies. This rationale presupposes that markets, when adjusted for mission-driven , harness dispersed knowledge more effectively than centralized provision, as evidenced by cases where social ventures have scaled solutions to underserved needs like or skill training in low-income areas. However, success hinges on verifiable revenue-social impact linkages, with failures often tracing to overambitious missions undermining commercial discipline. Empirical assessments support the theoretical promise selectively: while comprehensive meta-analyses remain sparse, sector-specific data show social enterprises achieving higher rates for marginalized groups and efficiencies compared to traditional nonprofits. For instance, studies of hybrid models indicate they can sustain operations 20-30% longer than donation-reliant charities in competitive environments, though broader effectiveness claims require caution due to self-reported metrics and selection biases in available datasets. This underscores a pragmatic realism: social enterprises do not universally resolve market gaps but offer a principled tool where private can causally enhance welfare without relying on imperfect state or philanthropic proxies.

Key Operational Principles

Social enterprises fundamentally operate by integrating commercial revenue generation with the pursuit of measurable social or environmental outcomes, distinguishing them from traditional nonprofits reliant on donations or from purely profit-driven es. This blended approach requires generating earned income through the sale of goods or services in competitive markets, aiming for financial self-sufficiency to sustain operations without perpetual subsidies. For instance, surpluses must be reinvested into advancing the core mission rather than distributed to owners or investors beyond cost-of-capital returns, ensuring long-term viability and mission fidelity. A core operational tenet is the application of rigorous disciplines—such as customer focus, cost management, and —to address market failures in underserved areas like alleviation or . Enterprises prioritize workforce inclusion from disadvantaged groups, offering fair wages while fostering skill development, and maintain environmental consciousness by minimizing harm in production processes. emphasizes transparency and stakeholder accountability, often through legal structures like community interest companies or benefit corporations that legally mandate mission primacy over shareholder profits. Impact measurement forms another pillar, involving systematic tracking of both financial metrics (e.g., revenue growth) and social indicators (e.g., jobs created or emissions reduced) to validate and guide scaling. This data-driven approach counters risks of mission drift, where commercial pressures could erode social goals, by enforcing periodic evaluations against predefined objectives. Scalability is pursued through replicable models, adapting successful interventions across contexts while preserving operational from or philanthropic dependencies. Empirical studies indicate that such principles enhance resilience, with sustainable social enterprises outperforming grant-dependent models in longevity, though success rates vary by sector and .

Types and Models

Revenue-Generating Trading Models

Revenue-generating trading models in social enterprises involve the production and sale of goods or services in competitive markets, where generated surpluses are reinvested into advancing the organization's social or environmental mission rather than distributed as dividends to investors. These models prioritize financial through market-driven revenues while embedding social objectives, distinguishing them from grant-dependent nonprofits or purely profit-maximizing firms. Empirical analyses indicate that such trading activities can achieve viability when aligned with scalable demand, though success rates vary due to market risks and mission-trade-offs. A foundational framework categorizes these models by the integration of social impact within trading operations, identifying three archetypes: cross-subsidy, , and (or "lock-step"). In the cross-subsidy model, trading generates profits to fund separate social programs, with the commercial activity itself yielding little direct impact; for instance, a social enterprise might operate a standard retail business whose earnings subsidize unrelated services. This approach leverages unrelated revenue streams for mission support but risks dilution if trading underperforms, as observed in cases where nonprofits diversify into unrelated sales to offset funding gaps. The incorporates social elements into trading, such as hiring disadvantaged workers, but requires balancing impact against profitability; lower productivity or higher training costs may necessitate compromises, like selective or moderated wages, to remain market-competitive. Examples include -focused enterprises like U.S.-based Greyston Bakery, which employs individuals with criminal records in its baking operations, generating revenues from product sales while providing job training—yet operational data from 2021 shows such models often face margins strained by 20-30% higher labor costs compared to conventional firms. This model's causal challenge lies in sustaining viability without eroding social goals, as unsubsidized trading exposes enterprises to full market discipline. In the integral or lock-step model, social impact is inherently tied to the trading process, where the product's derives from ethical production methods, such as sourcing that ensures supplier living wages; revenues and mission outcomes advance in tandem, as willingness-to-pay premiums funds impact-embedded supply chains. organizations exemplify this, with global sales reaching $10.5 billion in 2022 across certified products, enabling producer premiums that lifted incomes in 1.6 million farming households—though critics note scalability limits from certification costs and dependence. Market intermediary variants, like those aggregating artisan goods from low-income producers for resale, further illustrate this by bridging supply gaps, as seen in models where intermediaries capture value through branding and distribution while returning 50-70% margins to originators. These models demonstrate causal realism in leveraging ethics for revenue, but empirical reviews highlight that only 20-40% achieve without hybrid funding, underscoring the need for robust market validation over optimistic projections.

Financial and Cooperative Models

Social enterprises employing financial models prioritize the provision of capital and banking services to underserved populations, aiming to generate social returns through economic inclusion rather than solely . institutions represent a core example, offering small-scale loans to low-income individuals excluded from conventional banking. , founded in 1983 by in , pioneered this approach by disbursing without collateral, primarily to women in rural areas to support ventures. By 2024, the institution had served over 10 million borrowers, with 97% being women and a historical repayment rate exceeding 97%, demonstrating financial sustainability alongside . In the United States, Financial Institutions (CDFIs) function as mission-driven lenders and investors targeting economically distressed communities. Established under the Riegle and Regulatory Improvement Act of 1994, CDFIs provide loans, equity, and for , development, and community facilities in low-income areas. As of 2023, over 1,300 certified CDFIs operated nationwide, channeling more than $40 billion in financing annually to underserved markets, often blending philanthropic capital with earned income to achieve scalability. Cooperative models in social enterprises leverage member-owned structures to distribute economic benefits equitably while advancing communal goals, such as employment integration and service delivery. These entities emphasize one-member-one-vote governance, limiting returns to reasonable levels and reinvesting surpluses into social missions. In , social , formalized by Law 381/1991, divide into Type A, which deliver , social, and educational services through multi-stakeholder collaboration, and Type B, requiring at least 30% of workforce to comprise individuals like the disabled or long-term unemployed for labor integration. By 2020, these cooperatives exceeded 7,000 in number, employing around 350,000 people and generating annual revenues over €10 billion, with Type B models particularly effective in reducing through job creation. Worker cooperatives exemplify this model globally, where employees hold ownership stakes and decisions prioritize job retention over external gains. The Arizmendi Association of Cooperatives in , started in 1997, operates enterprises with democratic management, allocating profits for worker equity buy-ins and community training programs, thereby fostering stable employment in low- sectors. Such structures empirically correlate with higher worker retention and equity compared to traditional firms, as cooperatives retain for reinvestment rather than distribution to absentee owners.

Community and Hybrid Models

Community models within social enterprises emphasize local ownership, democratic governance, and reinvestment of surpluses to address community-specific needs, often through cooperative structures or specialized legal forms that prioritize collective benefit over individual profit maximization. Worker cooperatives, for instance, distribute decision-making and earnings based on labor contribution rather than equity shares, fostering resilience in underserved areas such as rural economies or marginalized urban districts. Consumer cooperatives, like community-owned grocery stores or credit unions, enable members to access essential services at cost while building local capital reserves; credit unions in the United States, regulated under the Federal Credit Union Act of 1934, held over $2.1 trillion in assets as of 2023, demonstrating scalability in financial inclusion. In the , community interest companies (), introduced via the Companies (Audit, Investigations and Community Enterprise) Act 2004 and effective from July 2005, represent a tailored vehicle for such models by imposing an "asset lock" that restricts asset distributions to private gain, mandating instead their use for specified community objectives. This structure allows and profit generation while subjecting operations to oversight by the CIC Regulator to ensure public benefit compliance. By March 2025, the UK had registered over 37,000 , comprising about 25% of community businesses, which include ventures in , social care, and local retail aimed at sustaining rural or deprived areas. Hybrid models in social enterprises merge commercial revenue mechanisms with non-profit social mandates, enabling dual pursuit of financial viability and impact through innovative legal and operational frameworks that mitigate the limitations of pure for-profit or charitable entities. Low-profit companies (L3Cs), first enacted in in 2008 and adopted in nine U.S. states by 2023, explicitly subordinate profit to a primary charitable purpose, facilitating program-related investments from foundations without violating IRS restrictions on private benefit. Examples include community solar projects providing affordable to low-income areas and art centers supporting cultural access, which generate modest returns while prioritizing mission alignment over high yields. Other hybrid configurations involve -subsidiary relationships, such as a non-profit entity owning a for-profit to ring-fence earned income streams, preserving tax-exempt status while funding unrestricted activities; this approach has been employed in sectors like healthcare and to diversify amid declining grants. Benefit corporations, statutorily recognized in 38 U.S. states by 2024, embed duties to stakeholders—including environmental and social considerations—into , differing from traditional LLCs by legally mandating impact reporting. While hybrids offer benefits like enhanced capital access through blended financing (e.g., grants plus equity), they face challenges including goal tensions that risk mission dilution and varying state-level regulatory hurdles that complicate interstate operations. Empirical reviews indicate that hybridity succeeds when accountability mechanisms, such as independent boards, enforce mission primacy, though performance data from global surveys show mixed outcomes tied to market conditions.

Historical Development

Early Origins and Precursors

The earliest precursors to social enterprises emerged in the form of mutual aid organizations during the 18th century, as responses to economic vulnerabilities in agrarian and early industrial societies. In Scotland, the Fenwick Weavers' Society, established on March 14, 1761, represents one of the first documented cooperatives, where local weavers pooled resources to purchase oatmeal at wholesale prices amid fluctuating market conditions, distributing savings proportionally to members' purchases. Similarly, in 1756, Benjamin Franklin founded the Philadelphia Contributionship for the Insurance of Houses from Loss by Fire, the first successful mutual insurance cooperative in the United States, enabling property owners to collectively mitigate fire risks through shared premiums and claims. These entities emphasized self-help and risk pooling over external profit extraction, providing a template for economically sustainable community benefit. By the late 18th and early 19th centuries, building societies and friendly societies proliferated in industrializing Britain, offering working-class members access to savings, loans, and welfare support through collective contributions. Originating in Birmingham around the 1770s, these groups facilitated homeownership and against illness or , with membership growing to thousands by 1800 as intensified economic . Such models demonstrated causal links between democratic and financial resilience, influencing later hybrid organizations that balanced trade with social objectives. Robert Owen's management of the cotton mills from 1800 onward exemplified an proto-social enterprise approach, where profits from textile production funded extensive worker reforms. Owen reduced child labor, introduced schooling for over 500 mill children by 1816, and provided housing and healthcare, yielding productivity gains that sustained the business while advancing employee welfare. These reforms, tested amid the Industrial Revolution's dislocations, underscored the viability of reinvesting surplus into rather than maximizing shareholder returns. The , formed in 1844 by 28 weavers, crystallized these ideas into a durable framework. Operating a grocery store amid food adulteration and price gouging, the group adopted principles including one-member-one-vote governance, cash trading, and patronage refunds proportional to purchases—surpluses reached £200 in the first year—establishing scalable precedents for member-owned enterprises prioritizing equitable access over speculative gain. By 1850, similar societies had multiplied across Britain, embedding social utility within commercial viability and prefiguring modern social enterprise structures.

Modern Pioneers and Milestones

Muhammad Yunus pioneered microfinance as a social enterprise model through his work in Bangladesh, beginning informal lending experiments to impoverished villagers in 1976 amid famine conditions, which evolved into the formal establishment of Grameen Bank in 1983. Grameen Bank extended collateral-free loans primarily to women, enabling over 9 million borrowers by 2023 to build small businesses and escape poverty cycles, with a repayment rate exceeding 97% as of Yunus's reports. Yunus's approach demonstrated that financial self-sufficiency could drive social impact without traditional charity dependency, earning him the Nobel Peace Prize in 2006 for advancing economic and social development. Bill Drayton advanced the conceptual framework of by founding in 1980, the first global organization dedicated to identifying and funding social innovators as "changemakers." Drayton, drawing from inspirations like Vinoba Bhave's efforts in during the 1950s, argued that systemic change required scaling individual innovations, supporting over 3,500 fellows across 90 countries by the 2020s through stipends and networks. His work formalized social enterprise as a distinct sector, emphasizing earned over grants to ensure longevity. Other milestones include the 1999 launch of the by co-founder Jeff Skoll, which invested over $1 billion by 2022 in social entrepreneurs tackling issues like education and health, marking a shift toward in the field. Jerr Boschee contributed foundational theory in the 1990s, advocating for nonprofits to adopt business disciplines, influencing U.S. policy discussions on hybrid models. By the early 2000s, these efforts spurred legal innovations, such as the U.S. introduction of Low-Profit Limited Liability Companies (L3Cs) in in 2008, enabling profit-capped structures for social goals. These developments reflected growing that revenue-generating social models outperformed pure grant-based aid in scalability and sustainability, as validated by impact studies from organizations like .

Institutional and Policy Adoption

The led institutional adoption of social enterprises through legislative measures, establishing Community Interest Companies () in 2005 as a dedicated legal form to enable profit-making entities with explicit social missions, overseen by the Regulator of Community Interest Companies. The UK's Public Services (Social Value) Act 2012 further mandated public authorities to consider social value in processes, prioritizing contracts that advance social enterprises and leading to increased government spending with such entities, estimated at over £50 billion annually by the mid-2010s. At the level, policy adoption accelerated with the 2011 Social Business Initiative, which sought to harmonize frameworks across member states by promoting access to finance, easing administrative burdens, and recognizing in public procurement, resulting in dedicated funding programs like the allocating portions for initiatives. The EU's 2021 Action Plan for the built on this by advocating for legal recognition in all member states and tax incentives, influencing national policies in countries like and , where social cooperatives gained preferential status in welfare services. In the United States, institutional adoption has been more fragmented and state-driven, lacking a federal equivalent to but featuring statutes enacted in over 30 states since Maryland's 2010 law, allowing firms to prioritize social goals alongside profits without fiduciary breaches. Federal support emerged through the 2010 Social Innovation Fund under the for National and , providing grants to scale social enterprise models, though evaluations indicate mixed scalability due to reliance on rather than systemic policy integration. Globally, organizations like the have influenced policy through recommendations for enabling ecosystems, including procurement set-asides and impact measurement standards, adopted in over 20 countries by 2013, such as Canada's 2016 Social Procurement Policy requiring federal contracts to consider social outcomes. In emerging economies, adoption includes South Africa's 2011 National Strategy for , integrating social enterprises into development programs, though implementation challenges persist due to regulatory overlaps. These policies often emphasize fiscal incentives like tax exemptions for reinvested profits, but empirical reviews highlight varying effectiveness, with stronger outcomes in jurisdictions enforcing mission-lock mechanisms to prevent drift.

Terminology and Conceptual Boundaries

Distinctions from Nonprofits

Social enterprises diverge from traditional nonprofits in their core revenue generation strategies, emphasizing self-sustaining earned income from market-oriented activities such as product sales or service provision, rather than reliance on donations, , or philanthropic contributions. This approach aims to mitigate dependency on unpredictable sources, with from U.S. social enterprises indicating that earned revenue often constitutes 50-80% of total income in mature models, compared to nonprofits where it typically falls below 20%. Nonprofits, by contrast, prioritize mission fulfillment through from external supporters, which can introduce vulnerabilities to donor priorities and economic fluctuations. Legally, nonprofits are defined by prohibitions on profit distribution to owners or private individuals, with any surpluses reinvested into operations to maintain tax-exempt status under frameworks like U.S. 501(c)(3) regulations, and rests with mission-focused boards without equity claims. Social enterprises, however, frequently adopt for-profit or hybrid structures—such as benefit corporations, which legally mandate consideration of social impact alongside profits, or low-profit companies (L3Cs)—enabling potential returns to investors while embedding mission commitments in governing documents. This flexibility allows social enterprises to attract impact capital but risks tensions between financial viability and social objectives, absent the nonprofit's inherent safeguards against private gain. Operationally, the distinctions manifest in performance metrics and : social enterprises integrate financial KPIs like revenue growth and cost recovery with impact measures, fostering entrepreneurial agility, whereas nonprofits emphasize program outputs and donor accountability, often limiting expansion due to funding constraints. Some nonprofits incorporate social enterprise activities as subsidiaries for diversification, but this underscores the primary model where social enterprises treat commercial trading as integral to mission achievement, not supplementary.

Distinctions from Corporate Social Responsibility

Social enterprises prioritize measurable social or environmental impact as their foundational objective, utilizing revenue-generating activities to achieve and sustain that mission, with any surpluses predominantly reinvested rather than distributed as dividends. In contrast, (CSR) encompasses voluntary initiatives by for-profit entities to address societal concerns, but these remain ancillary to the core pursuit of maximization, often driven by reputational or regulatory pressures rather than intrinsic mission alignment. Structurally, social enterprises frequently incorporate mechanisms such as asset locks, stakeholder governance, or dedicated legal entities—like benefit corporations or low-profit companies (L3Cs)—to enforce fidelity to the social mission and mitigate risks of profit-driven deviation. CSR, however, functions within conventional corporate frameworks lacking such enforceable constraints, allowing initiatives to be scaled back or eliminated when they impede financial performance, as profit primacy governs decision-making. This distinction extends to accountability and potential for superficiality: social enterprises tie operational viability directly to impact delivery, fostering sustained commitment verifiable through performance metrics tied to beneficiaries. CSR efforts, by comparison, face skepticism for "greenwashing," where symbolic gestures substitute for transformative action, yielding inconsistent outcomes despite widespread adoption since the , as corporate incentives prioritize short-term gains over enduring systemic change.
AspectSocial EnterpriseCorporate Social Responsibility
Core MotivationProsocial intrinsic drive to resolve specific societal needs via External compliance, reputation enhancement, or ethical add-ons to profit-oriented operations
Profit AllocationPrimarily reinvested to amplify mission; limited or capped distributionsFreely distributable to shareholders after discretionary social expenditures
Risk of Mission DriftMitigated by safeguards and impact-dependent Heightened, as social programs yield to financial priorities
Scale and AuthenticityTargeted, deeper impact in niche areas; structurally resistant to insincerityBroader but shallower reach; vulnerable to performative practices without core integration
These differences underscore social enterprises as proactive vehicles for mission-embedded , whereas CSR reflects reactive corporate concessions within profit-maximizing paradigms.

Distinctions from Social Entrepreneurship

involves individuals or groups acting as change agents who identify unmet social needs and develop innovative, scalable solutions using entrepreneurial principles such as opportunity recognition, risk-taking, and . This process prioritizes social value creation over financial returns, potentially operating across nonprofit, for-profit, or hybrid sectors without necessarily forming a distinct organizational entity. In contrast, a social enterprise is the tangible organizational outcome, typically structured as a that generates through trading goods or services to achieve explicit social or environmental objectives, with surpluses reinvested primarily into the mission rather than distributed to shareholders. The primary distinction lies in focus and scope: social entrepreneurship centers on the "why" and "how" of pursuing change—the motivational drive and innovative methods of the —while social enterprise emphasizes the operational model and institutional form that sustains impact through market mechanisms. For instance, social entrepreneurs may innovate within established organizations, such as adapting processes in a or nonprofit, without creating a new enterprise; social enterprises, however, require a commercial orientation, often involving earned income as the core funding mechanism to ensure independence from grants or donations. This separation highlights that not all social entrepreneurship manifests as social enterprise, as the former can encompass or , whereas the latter demands financial self-sufficiency and to social goals via structures like multi-stakeholder in European models (e.g., EMES criteria). Regional conceptual variations further underscore these differences; in the United States, social entrepreneurship often aligns with individual-led ventures maximizing social returns regardless of legal form, whereas European definitions of social enterprise stress participatory governance and limited profit distribution to prevent mission drift. Empirical studies note that while overlap exists—many social enterprises emerge from entrepreneurial initiatives—the terms are not synonymous, as social enterprises may lack the central to entrepreneurship, instead focusing on steady, trade-based delivery of . This delineation aids in design, with fostering ideation and prototyping, and social enterprise enabling scaled, sustainable implementation. Hybrid forms of social enterprises integrate for-profit revenue generation with nonprofit-like social missions, often through specialized legal entities or combined structures that prioritize public benefit alongside financial viability. These structures aim to bridge funding gaps by attracting both philanthropic investments and market capital, while embedding for social goals into . Benefit corporations represent a prominent U.S. hybrid legal form, enacted first in in 2010, allowing for-profit entities to legally pursue a material positive impact on society and the environment without breaching duties to shareholders. Directors must balance profit with stakeholder interests, including employees, communities, and ecosystems, and report annually on progress toward defined public benefits. By 2023, legislation existed in 38 U.S. states and the District of Columbia, enabling over 8,000 benefit corporations to operate with enhanced protections against shareholder lawsuits for prioritizing mission over maximum profits. Low-profit limited liability companies (L3Cs), introduced in Vermont in 2008, function as for-profit LLCs with a primary charitable or educational purpose that subordinates financial returns, facilitating program-related investments from foundations without violating IRS rules on private benefit. Available in nine U.S. states including , , , , , , , and , plus , L3Cs offer and pass-through taxation while signaling to investors a low-expectation profit model to ease blended . As of , adoption remained limited, with fewer than 1,000 registered, partly due to uncertain federal tax advantages and state-specific variations. In the , interest companies (), established under the Companies (Audit, Investigations and Enterprise) Act 2004 and operational from July 2005, provide a structure capped on profit distribution to ensure surpluses primarily benefit the rather than shareholders. Overseen by the CIC Regulator, can issue dividend-limited shares or operate asset-locked without shares, with over 30,000 registered by 2023, representing a flexible alternative to charities for trading enterprises like care services or projects. Broader hybrid models include parent-subsidiary arrangements, such as a nonprofit owning a for-profit entity to conduct revenue-generating activities while retaining -exempt status for mission-aligned work, or vice versa, preserving distinct advantages like grant eligibility and equity financing. These structures, common since the , demand careful compliance to avoid unrelated business income taxes but enable scalability, as seen in organizations separating program delivery from commercial arms.

Economic Analysis

Efficiency Compared to For-Profit Enterprises

Social enterprises, by design, pursue social objectives alongside financial sustainability, which introduces tensions absent in for-profit enterprises focused solely on . For-profits align managerial incentives with through residual claims on profits, fostering cost minimization, , and responsive to market signals. In contrast, social enterprises often allocate resources to non-financial goals, such as employing marginalized workers or prioritizing impact over returns, potentially elevating operational costs and reducing . This can manifest as higher administrative overheads or suboptimal scaling, as managers balance stakeholder demands beyond shareholders. Empirical assessments using (DEA) reveal that social enterprises frequently underperform in relative to benchmarks. A 2017 study of 167 Korean job-creation social enterprises found only 16% achieved full (DEA score of 1), with inputs like labor and assets yielding outputs in , profit, and social metrics such as vulnerable rates; varied by sector, highest in (44.4%) but lowest in services (under 10%). Grants, treated as dual-role factors, further complicated , as younger enterprises viewed them as outputs while older ones reduced reliance, suggesting dependency hampers self-sustaining operations. For-profit social ventures exhibit 13-40% lower leverage than traditional for-profits, indicating conservative financing that limits aggressive growth and capital , alongside greater leverage stability that may reflect over optimization. Operational practices in social enterprises often incur elevated costs compared to for-profits, stemming from mission-driven hiring and supply chains. Integrating beneficiaries as employees or suppliers can raise expenses through and lower , though it may yield loyal bases in niche markets. Surveys of U.S. social enterprises show no significant financing differences between nonprofit and for-profit variants at startup, but ongoing operations reveal persistent trade-offs, with social entrepreneurs accepting lower financial returns to sustain missions. While some theoretical models posit social enterprises as efficient for internalizing externalities like social value creation, real-world data underscores limitations: policies supporting them are often ad-hoc and wasteful, and hybrids struggle with more than pure sector models. Overall, evidence indicates social enterprises lag for-profits in pure operational and financial , attributable to diluted profit and resource diversion to social aims. This does not preclude niche successes where social goals align with market demands, but systemic comparisons highlight for-profits' superior alignment with drivers. Peer-reviewed analyses caution against assuming hybrids inherently outperform, emphasizing causal links from structures to outcomes.

Profit-Purpose Tensions and Mission Drift

Social enterprises inherently grapple with tensions between pursuing financial profitability to ensure long-term viability and maintaining fidelity to their social or environmental missions, a conflict that often manifests as mission drift—defined as the gradual erosion or redirection of core purpose-driven activities toward revenue-generating ones that may compromise impact. This dynamic arises because market mechanisms demand efficiency and , which can incentivize leaders to prioritize commercially viable clients or products over those serving the most marginalized populations, as evidenced in analyses of hybrid organizations where structures struggle to enforce dual objectives. underscores that such drift is not merely theoretical; a study of social enterprises found that without robust safeguards, financial imperatives frequently override social goals, leading to diluted mission adherence in up to 40% of surveyed cases involving revenue-dependent models. Key drivers of these tensions include expectations for returns, competitive market pressures, and internal misalignments, where employees or managers respond to financial metrics over impact indicators. For instance, a of revenue drift in social enterprises revealed that without low-powered like targeted bonuses, staff effort shifts disproportionately toward profit-oriented tasks, reducing social output by an estimated 15-20% in simulated models calibrated to real-world data from U.S.-based hybrids. Case studies, such as those of work integration social enterprises (WISEs), illustrate how expanding commercial operations to achieve self-sufficiency can inadvertently sideline training programs for disadvantaged workers, resulting in mission tension where business goals dominate and social hires drop below initial targets. Religious-led social enterprises in cross-country comparisons have shown particularly high failure rates—over 50% within five years—attributed partly to unresolved drift when profit pursuits conflict with doctrinal priorities. Mission drift's consequences extend to legitimacy erosion among stakeholders, as and perceive when social claims outpace verifiable impact, potentially triggering backlash or funding withdrawal. A 2023 dissertation on consumer perceptions found that overt mission drift reduces perceived legitimacy by 25-30% in experimental vignettes, with participants viewing drifted enterprises as indistinguishable from standard for-profits. However, not all exposures lead to ; some organizations mitigate through deliberate strategies like mission-locked governance boards or segregated streams, as demonstrated in case studies of three U.S. nonprofits that avoided drift by embedding social metrics into performance evaluations and limiting commercial ventures to 30% of operations. Despite these countermeasures, persistent challenges highlight a causal : without structural alignments prioritizing purpose, the profit imperative—rooted in economic necessity—often prevails, underscoring the fragility of hybrid models in sustaining dual mandates over time.

Funding Mechanisms and Sustainability Challenges

Social enterprises primarily rely on a mix of earned , , and impact investments to fund operations, with external financing constituting approximately 75% of their annual across surveyed countries. Earned , derived from of goods or services aligned with their social mission, forms the core of self-sustaining models, but many supplement this with philanthropic from foundations (21.3% of European social enterprises) and support (44.2%). , including patient capital from social banks or equity from mission-aligned investors, has grown as a mechanism to bridge gaps in traditional venture , though access remains limited due to the hybrid nature of these entities, which often prioritize social returns over pure financial yields. Globally, social enterprises seek around $1.125 trillion in external funds annually to support their estimated $2 trillion in . In regions like the , contracts account for 52% of income for many social enterprises, while represent about 17%, highlighting heavy dependence on public and quasi-public sources that can fluctuate with changes. and social impact bonds have emerged as innovative tools, particularly for early-stage ventures targeting specific outcomes like alleviation, but these often cover only initial scaling rather than long-term viability. Diversification across these mechanisms is recommended to mitigate risks, yet empirical reviews indicate that over-reliance on fosters , as they rarely scale with enterprise growth and impose reporting burdens that divert resources from core activities. Sustainability challenges arise from the inherent tension between pursuing social missions and achieving financial self-sufficiency, with many social enterprises struggling to balance these without mission drift—where commercial pressures erode purpose-driven goals. Studies show that inability to integrate social and economic objectives leads to higher operational instability, as evidenced by post-pandemic analyses revealing exacerbated gaps and reduced profitability. In the UK, 30% of social enterprises reported losses in their latest financial year (as of May 2024), up from prior periods, amid rising costs like property expenses affecting 62% of those with physical assets. Globally, limited access to tailored —due to investor skepticism about measurable blended returns—constrains scaling, with traditional lenders viewing the sector's reinvestment of surpluses into missions as reducing profitability signals. Efforts to enhance resilience include building diversified streams and adopting resilience practices like adaptive , but underscores persistent tensions: while some mature social firms exhibit low risk (around one-third at risk on average), newer or grant-dependent ones face higher probabilities from volatile external and inadequate impact measurement for attracting capital. Legal and fiscal frameworks often fail to incentivize sustainable models, perpetuating a cycle where short-term grants sustain operations but hinder long-term independence, as seen in European monitors where policy support lags behind enterprise needs. Overall, achieving enduring financial health demands rigorous cost management and market-oriented innovations, yet data indicate that without these, many revert to rather than strategic growth.

Empirical Evidence on Impact

Measured Positive Outcomes

Empirical evaluations of social enterprises have identified positive effects on and in targeted contexts. In , a study utilizing data from the Vietnam Labor Force Survey (2010 and 2017) alongside social enterprise registries found that each additional social enterprise in a locality was associated with a monthly labor earnings increase of 5,430 Vietnamese dong (approximately 0.23 USD at 2017 exchange rates) per worker, alongside a 0.008 reduction in the probability of . These gains were statistically significant and more pronounced for workers, whose unemployment probability declined by an additional 0.004 relative to males. Working hours also rose modestly by 0.02 hours per week per additional enterprise, suggesting enhanced labor utilization without displacing wage . A of the Regional Initiative for Social Enterprise (LA:RISE) pilot, involving 963 disadvantaged participants from 2015 to 2017, demonstrated improved short-term outcomes. Treatment group members, who received job training and placement services through social enterprise partnerships, exhibited significantly higher rates in the first three quarters following program assignment compared to controls. This effect aligned with the program's focus on integrating participants into social enterprises serving homeless and low-income populations, though quarterly earnings showed no sustained divergence. In rural settings, social enterprises have contributed to multidimensional alleviation. A case of the Xingeng Workshop in , operational since 2006, revealed integration of local farmers into production using recycled materials, yielding job creation, income elevation, and ecological benefits through waste reduction and programs. Broader reviews of rural social enterprises indicate consistent positive associations across 17 studies with metrics, including enhancements and improvements, often via market-driven inclusion of marginalized groups. These outcomes stem from hybrid models balancing commercial viability with social goals, though depends on local market conditions and resource access.

Evidence of Limitations and Failures

highlights financial unsustainability as a core limitation of social enterprises, with many struggling to balance revenue generation against social objectives, often resulting in dependency on grants or subsidies rather than self-sufficiency. A 2023 survey by Social Enterprise UK, covering a sector contributing £78 billion annually, found widespread strain from insufficient long-term finance, exacerbating issues and operational cutbacks. Post-pandemic analyses further reveal that 47% of social enterprises reduced overall activities within a year, with only 18% maintaining full operations, underscoring vulnerabilities to economic shocks due to hybrid models that prioritize impact over pure profitability. Mission drift represents another documented failure mode, where social enterprises deviate from core social aims toward commercial pressures, eroding intended impacts. Governance studies of hybrid organizations identify this risk as particularly acute, arising from tensions between market mechanisms and social missions, with differentiated hybrids prone to prioritizing customer value over beneficiaries. Empirical accounts from multiple contexts, including upper echelons applications, link entrepreneur traits and weak oversight to drift , as seen in cases where scaling amplifies financial foci at the expense of purpose. to integrate market-driven strategies for viability often culminates in outright rather than mere drift, per cross-country analyses. Operational limitations compound these issues, with barriers such as legal restrictions, difficulties, skills shortages, and managerial deficits leading to underperformance or dissolution. Literature reviews synthesize evidence of these constraints impeding performance, while case-based research on failures—like a nine-year study of a 'Steeltown' social enterprise collapse—attributes breakdowns to inadequate amid dual goals. In developing contexts, such as and , social entrepreneurs cite insufficient flexibility and qualifications for navigating profit-social tensions, contributing to low survival rates akin to or exceeding general failures (up to 50% within five years). The "dark side" of includes stakeholder harms from flawed interventions, as explored in frameworks examining unintended risks from market-oriented social pursuits.

Challenges in Impact Measurement

One primary challenge in measuring the impact of social enterprises lies in the inherent of social outcomes, which often involve intangible and multifaceted effects such as improved community cohesion or individual that resist straightforward quantification. Unlike financial metrics, social impacts frequently span multiple dimensions and long time horizons, making it difficult to isolate attributable changes from external factors or baseline conditions. Empirical studies indicate that this complexity leads to inconsistent methodologies, with many enterprises relying on proxy indicators that may not fully capture causal effects. A lack of standardized metrics exacerbates these issues, as no universally accepted framework exists for , resulting in varied approaches like (SROI) or logic models that differ in rigor and comparability across organizations. For instance, a 2023 analysis highlighted that while some social enterprises adopt qualitative narratives, others use quantitative surveys, but without harmonization, cross-study comparisons remain unreliable, potentially inflating perceived successes through selective reporting. This fragmentation is compounded by resource constraints, particularly for smaller or early-stage enterprises, where conducting robust evaluations—such as randomized controlled trials—can consume up to 10-20% of limited budgets, deterring comprehensive measurement altogether. Attribution problems further undermine measurement validity, as establishing counterfactuals—what outcomes would occur without the enterprise's intervention—requires sophisticated methods like quasi-experimental designs, which are rarely feasible due to ethical, logistical, and cost barriers. Research from 2021 on social impact assessments in community programs found that confounding variables, such as concurrent government policies or economic shifts, often obscure true causality, leading to overestimation of impacts in self-assessments. Moreover, long-term effects, such as sustained poverty reduction, are challenging to track beyond initial interventions, with dropout rates in longitudinal studies exceeding 30% in some cases, biasing results toward short-term gains. Data quality and subjectivity pose additional hurdles, as self-reported metrics from beneficiaries can introduce response biases, while third-party verification is infrequent due to expense. A 2024 study of over 200 social enterprises revealed that only 40% employed independent evaluators, with the remainder depending on internal data prone to , particularly in under-resourced settings where verification tools like digital tracking are absent. These limitations collectively contribute to about reported impacts, as by investor surveys showing that 60% demand better before committing funds, highlighting a gap between aspirational claims and verifiable outcomes.

Controversies and Debates

Scalability and Unintended Consequences

Social enterprises often encounter substantial barriers to scalability arising from their hybrid structure, which combines social missions with commercial operations, unlike pure for-profit models that prioritize replicable efficiencies. Empirical studies indicate high failure rates during growth attempts, with 38.3% of social enterprises surviving less than one year and 45.2% lasting between one and three years, frequently due to inadequate adaptation of business models to expanded contexts. Scaling strategies such as deepening impact within existing operations, expanding outreach, or affiliating with larger entities demand distinct capabilities, including robust staffing and communication systems, yet many lack the resources to execute them effectively without compromising core activities. A primary unintended consequence of scaling efforts is mission drift, where commercial pressures erode the primacy of social objectives, leading organizations to prioritize financial viability over targeted impact. This phenomenon manifests through mechanisms like organizational compartmentalization, which isolates revenue-generating activities from mission-driven ones, fostering misalignment as enterprises grow. For instance, the Brazilian incubator I-BUS initially balanced support for vulnerable cooperatives but devolved into mission drift during expansion, resulting in diminished service to at-risk populations and eventual organizational due to unaddressed tensions between scaling imperatives and institutional contexts. Over time, preferences for scalable branching models have declined sharply, from 77% to 33% in surveyed social enterprises over a decade, reflecting broader recognition of drift risks under growth-oriented stakeholder demands. Ecosystem-based scaling, which amplifies impact by fostering networks of partners rather than direct expansion, can yield further unintended effects, such as coordination failures or adversarial relations with regulators wary of diffused . These dynamics often exacerbate resource inefficiencies, as replicated social interventions fail to account for local variations, potentially undermining long-term and creating dependency in beneficiary communities rather than . Critiques highlight that an overemphasis on quantitative reach as a success metric incentivizes superficial growth, diverting attention from qualitative depth in addressing entrenched .

Overhype and Virtue Signaling Critiques

Critics contend that the social enterprise movement generates excessive optimism about its capacity for systemic change, often overlooking structural barriers such as inadequate infrastructure and governance in target regions. A 2014 analysis highlighted how initiatives like the Hult Prize, which drew over 10,000 student applicants for prizes funding social innovations such as diagnostic bees for diabetes or gum targeting tooth decay, exemplify hype that prioritizes novel ideas over scalable solutions to poverty's core drivers, including mass job creation typically handled by traditional private enterprises. This enthusiasm, rooted in skepticism toward governments and large corporations, assumes business models alone can supplant broader institutional reforms, a view deemed naive given dependencies on public services for implementation. Such overhype risks diverting resources from proven interventions, as expectations of unicorn-like scaling in social enterprise mirror for-profit tech fantasies but encounter persistent failures in replication and . Reports note that while the sector promotes rapid growth narratives, many ventures struggle with mission dilution or closure, with cycles inflating early enthusiasm beyond empirical outcomes like job generation or . Parallel critiques frame certain social enterprise practices as virtue signaling, where adoption of the model signals moral superiority to attract funding, talent, or consumers without rigorous impact verification, akin to greenwashing in environmental claims. This manifests as "impact washing," wherein organizations exaggerate social benefits—such as overstated beneficiary reach or unproven long-term effects—to bolster legitimacy in circles. For example, in social impact bonds or enterprise funding, issuers may highlight aspirational metrics while underreporting null results, eroding trust when independent audits reveal discrepancies. Empirical scrutiny reveals that this signaling often prioritizes reputational gains over causal efficacy, with studies warning of rising "impact washing" risks in the as standards lag behind promotional . Investors and enterprises may decouple stated missions from operations, using vague or selective to imply transformative change, which undermines genuine efforts and invites backlash when hype unravels. The absence of a universally accepted for social enterprises fosters persistent disputes over their distinguishing features, including the requisite degree of social or environmental mission primacy relative to financial self-sufficiency. Academic analyses identify core tensions in formulations that fail to resolve whether social enterprises must prioritize impact over or merely incorporate secondary social objectives, leading to category that hinders consistent . This vagueness persists despite calls for precise delineations to mitigate risks of dilution, as some proponents argue allows adaptive flexibility while critics contend it enables superficial adoption without substantive commitment. Legally, definitional disputes manifest in fragmented frameworks, with social enterprises assuming varied forms without a singular global standard, complicating recognition, taxation, and regulatory oversight. In the United States, benefit corporations address this by statutorily obligating directors to pursue material positive impacts on society and the environment alongside shareholder interests, distinct from traditional for-profits that prioritize financial returns; over 40 states had enacted such provisions by 2024, enabling accountability through annual benefit reports and potential shareholder suits for mission neglect. In the , the (CIC), introduced via the Companies (Audit, Investigations and Community Enterprise) Act 2004 and effective from July 2005, offers a tailored variant that caps payouts and enforces an "asset lock" to direct surpluses toward community benefit, regulated by the CIC Regulator to prevent private gain. Across , no harmonized EU definition exists, with social enterprises operating via adapted cooperatives, associations, or mutuals; by 2022, 16 member states had developed specific legislation, such as Italy's social cooperatives under Law 381/1991 or France's Société à Mission, yet others like rely on general company forms without dedicated status. These variations engender policy challenges, as inconsistent definitions impede targeted support like preferential or incentives, potentially favoring established entities over innovators and raising issues against entities claiming for competitive advantages without verifiable impact. For instance, guidance emphasizes scoping phases to define social enterprises before regulation, warning that overly broad criteria risk encompassing standard businesses, while narrow ones exclude hybrids; empirical reviews indicate such disputes correlate with uneven access to , as investors demand clearer legal safeguards against mission erosion. In emerging markets, the lack of formal recognition exacerbates this, with World Bank analyses noting that undefined status limits scalability and exposes operators to for-profit liabilities without non-profit exemptions. Overall, unresolved disputes underscore causal linkages between definitional clarity and institutional legitimacy, where ambiguity undermines empirical validation of social claims and invites skepticism toward self-reported missions.

Global and Regional Variations

North America

In the United States, social enterprises emerged prominently in the late amid a push for market-based solutions to social problems, with foundational organizations like , established in 1980 by to fund social innovators, marking early institutional support. This development aligned with broader nonprofit traditions, such as corporations from the , but accelerated through hybrid legal forms like low-profit limited liability companies (L3Cs) introduced in in 2008 and s, first legislated in in 2010. By 2023, statutes existed in 43 states plus the District of Columbia, enabling for-profit entities to mandate consideration of public benefits in governance, distinct from traditional shareholder primacy under corporate law. Examples include , which converted to a in 2012 to prioritize environmental goals, generating over $1 billion in annual revenue while committing profits to conservation. These structures have facilitated growth in sectors like employment for marginalized groups and sustainable goods, though federal data on total numbers is limited due to definitional variances excluding pure nonprofits; estimates suggest thousands operate nationwide, often as certified by for verified impact. Social enterprises in the U.S. have expanded economic opportunities in low-income urban areas, with models like work integration enterprises providing jobs to the formerly incarcerated or disabled, as seen in organizations such as Greyston Bakery, which employs over 100 workers annually through open-hiring practices since 1982. In , social enterprises integrate more closely with the , including cooperatives and nonprofits, supported by federal and provincial policies emphasizing community reinvestment. As of 2016, hosted nearly 10,000 such entities, employing about 160,000 individuals and serving 3.4 million customers yearly, often in areas like and Indigenous employment. Nationally, the sector contributed to the nonprofit economy's $200.2 billion addition to GDP in 2021, with initiatives like Buy Social Canada promoting from certified enterprises since 2015 to drive sustainable practices. Unlike the U.S. focus on for-profit hybrids, Canadian models frequently leverage contracts, as in British Columbia's social policy adopted in 2019, though challenges persist in scaling beyond regional clusters due to fragmented measurement standards. Regional variations reflect North America's decentralized approach, prioritizing over uniform , yet both countries face over unsubstantiated impact claims amid reliance on self-reported metrics.

Europe

In the , social enterprises are defined as organizations that prioritize social or societal objectives, reinvest profits primarily to achieve those aims, and operate through business models involving paid work or production of goods and services on the market. As of recent estimates, approximately 397,000 such entities exist across EU member states, employing over 11.5 million people, equivalent to 6.3% of the total workforce in the 27 member states. These enterprises span sectors including , , , and integration of groups, often blending market revenues with public subsidies or donations. The has supported social enterprises through targeted initiatives, such as the 2011 Social Business Initiative, which aimed to enhance access to funding and markets, and the 2016 Start-up and Scale-up Initiative, which included provisions for entities to foster innovation and growth. In 2021, the Action Plan further emphasized scaling up these organizations via improved legal frameworks, skills development, and financial instruments, alongside a 2023 Council Recommendation urging member states to recognize and promote models. These policies reflect a top-down push intertwined with bottom-up developments, particularly since the early , though national variations persist due to differing legal traditions—such as cooperatives in and or work integration social enterprises in and . Empirical data indicate social enterprises contribute to and welfare, especially in countries with established ecosystems like , , and the , where they generate significant local income and support vulnerable populations. However, challenges include limited access to , governance tensions between social missions and commercial viability, and inconsistent impact measurement, with studies showing no clear of superior over traditional firms in delivering social outcomes. Recent crises, such as , highlighted resilience in some cases—e.g., Czech and Slovak enterprises adapting to support—but also exposed dependencies on public funding amid economic pressures. Overall, while EU-wide data from mappings like the European Social Enterprise Monitor underscore growth potential, systemic biases in promotional reports from institutions may overstate unverified benefits relative to causal from independent analyses.

Asia and Emerging Markets

In Asia and emerging markets, social enterprises have expanded rapidly to tackle entrenched issues such as alleviation, , and access to basic services, often leveraging local innovations amid weak institutional frameworks. India hosts over two million such entities, positioning it as a global leader, with the sector exhibiting a 20% annual growth rate driven by demand for sustainable models in underserved areas. The market potential for these enterprises in India alone is projected to reach US$8 billion by 2025, fueled by funds exceeding INR 1.84 (about US$22 billion) cumulatively since 2014. In , estimates indicate up to one million social enterprises, predominantly young and small-scale operations focused on community-level interventions, though constrained by limited access to finance. Pioneering models in South Asia include Bangladesh's Grameen Bank, established in 1976 to provide microfinance to the rural poor, which has disbursed loans to millions while maintaining financial viability through group lending mechanisms. Similarly, the Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), founded in 1972, operates as a hybrid entity blending nonprofit advocacy with enterprise activities in education, health, and agriculture, reaching over 100 million people across multiple countries by 2023. In India, 57% of social enterprises were five years old or younger as of 2016, employing an average of 19 people each, with 78% prioritizing scalability and 24% led by women, often targeting rural livelihoods through agribusiness and renewable energy. These efforts have demonstrably improved livelihoods for millions in developing Asia by enhancing income opportunities and service delivery in sectors like finance, health, and energy. In East Asian emerging contexts like , social enterprises are gaining traction with state policy support since the early 2010s, emphasizing and . One model involves for-profit companies pursuing social targets such as environmental protection or education, which can list on specialized exchanges like the Tianfu Social Enterprise Board while directing partial profits to public welfare (公益) rather than mandatory shareholder distributions. Certification is developing through pilots and policy support including tax incentives, though these entities are not pure non-profits; separate foundations are recommended for full dedication to public welfare activities. This approach draws from international models like U.S. Benefit Corporations committing to social responsibility alongside listing. A survey found 47% achieving status and 35% generating profits, though many remain tied to nonprofit hybrids. Across the region, in totaled $25.2 billion in 2020, supporting scalable ventures amid post-pandemic recovery. However, institutional voids in emerging markets hinder broader scaling, with social enterprises often bridging gaps in areas like women empowerment and but facing evidentiary challenges in quantifying net economic contributions beyond job creation. Overall, an estimated 1.2 million social enterprises operate in select Asian economies including , , and , underscoring their role in fostering despite financing and regulatory hurdles.

Africa and Latin America

In , social enterprises often target base-of-the-pyramid challenges such as access to clean , affordable , and healthcare through hybrid business models that blend revenue generation with mission-driven outcomes. For instance, Kenyan enterprises like those studied in base-of-the-pyramid contexts have demonstrated viability by pursuing social agendas—such as job creation and community support—while achieving financial sustainability, though many remain localized and struggle with solvency. Key hurdles include limited access to capital, regulatory barriers, and difficulties in scaling beyond small operations, as evidenced by Zambian cases where viability is undermined by shortages and market constraints. Impact measurement poses additional challenges, with enterprises often prioritizing social goals over rigorous quantification, leading to underreported or unverifiable outcomes. In , social enterprises have proliferated amid high informality rates—around 62% of the labor force—and efforts to foster inclusive innovation, particularly in , , and . Brazilian firm Eduk, founded in 2013, exemplifies this by providing online learning platforms to approximately 2 million students globally, reinvesting profits to expand access in underserved areas. Similarly, initiatives like Triciclo in focus on and urban waste solutions, creating jobs while addressing through market-based approaches. The region saw inflows peak at $15.7 billion in , supporting social ventures, yet persistent credit restrictions and regulatory hurdles limit broader growth. Social and models, emphasized in analyses, show promise for community-level resilience but face scalability issues due to fragmented ecosystems and overreliance on programs in countries like and . Across both regions, social enterprises exhibit hybrid tensions between financial viability and social impact, with African models often emphasizing survival amid deficits, while Latin American ones leverage regional hubs for tech-enabled solutions—yet both grapple with empirical gaps in long-term , as independent evaluations remain sparse compared to self-reported successes.

References

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