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Jain schools and branches
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Timeline of various denominations in Jainism

Jainism is an Indian religion which is traditionally believed to be propagated by twenty-four spiritual teachers known as tirthankara. Broadly, Jainism is divided into two major schools of thought, Digambara and Śvetāmbara. These are further divided into different sub-sects and traditions. While there are differences in practices, the core philosophy and main principles of each sect is the same.

Schism

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Traditionally, the original doctrine of Jainism was contained in scriptures called Purva. There were fourteen Purva. These are believed to have originated from Rishabhanatha, the first tirthankara.[1] There was a twelve-year famine around fourth century BCE.[2] According to Śvētāmbara texts - The undivided Jain sangha was headed by Acharya Krishnasuri, who initiated Sivabhuti as a monk.[3][4][5][6] As a result of his rebellion, anger, and gross misinterpretation of the canonical scriptures of Jainism, he began roaming naked and propagating that public nudity was accepted as per Jain scriptures.[7] Followers of Sivabhuti came to be known as Digambaras. This is how the Digambara and Śvetāmbara sects present differing accounts of the division.[8][9][10][11] The Digambara being the naked ones where as Śvetāmbara being the white clothed. According to Digambara, the purvas and the angas were lost.[12] About 980 to 993 years after the Nirvana of Mahavira, a Vallabhi council was held at Vallabhi (now in Gujarat). This was headed by Devardhi Ksamashramana.[12][13] It was found that the 12th Anga, the Ditthivaya, was lost too. The other Angas were written down.[12] This is a traditional account of schism.[14] According to Śvetāmbara, there were eight schisms (Nihnava).[15]

According to Digambara tradition, Ganadhara knew fourteen Purva and eleven Anga. Knowledge of Purva was lost around 436 years after Mahavira and Anga were lost around 683 years after Mahavira.[16] The texts which do not belong to Anga are called Angabahyas. There were fourteen Angabahyas. The first four Angabahyas, Samayika, Chaturvimasvika, Vandana and Pratikramana corresponds to sections of second Mulasutra of Śvetāmbara. The only texts of angabahyas which occurs in Śvetāmbara texts are Dasavaikalika, Uttaradhyayana and Kalpavyavahara.[17]

Early Jain images from Mathura depict iconography of the Śvetāmbara sect. Differences between Digambara and Śvetāmbara sects deepened when Bappabhattisuri defeated Digambaras at Girnar Jain temples.[18]

Differences

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Other than rejecting or accepting different ancient Jain texts, Digambaras and Śvetāmbara differ in other significant ways such as:

  • Śvetāmbaras trace their practices and dress code to the teachings of Parshvanatha, the 23rd tirthankara, which they believe taught only Four restraints (a claim, scholars say are confirmed by the ancient Buddhist texts that discuss Jain monastic life). However, Śvetāmbara monks also follow Five restraints as Mahāvīra taught. Mahāvīra taught Five vows, which both the sects follow.[19][20][21] The Digambara sect disagrees with the Śvetāmbara interpretations,[22] and reject the theory of difference in Parshvanatha and Mahāvīra's teachings.[20]
  • Digambaras believe that both Parshvanatha and Mahāvīra remained unmarried, whereas Śvetāmbara believe the 23rd and 24th did indeed marry. According to the Śvetāmbara version, Parshva married Prabhavati,[23] and Mahāvīra married Yashoda who bore him a daughter named Priyadarshana.[24][25] The two sects also differ on the origin of Trishala, Mahāvīra's mother,[24] as well as the details of Tirthankara's biographies such as how many auspicious dreams their mothers had when they were in the wombs.[26]
  • Digambara believe Rishabha, Vasupujya and Neminatha were the three tirthankaras who reached omniscience while in sitting posture and other tirthankaras were in standing ascetic posture. In contrast, Śvetāmbaras believe it was Rishabha, Nemi and Mahāvīra who were the three in sitting posture.[27]
  • Digambara iconography are plain, Śvetāmbara icons are decorated and colored to be more lifelike.[28]
  • According to Śvetāmbara Jain texts, from Kalpasūtras onwards, its monastic community has had more sadhvis than sadhus (female than male mendicants). In Tapa Gacch of the modern era, the ratio of sadhvis to sadhus (nuns to monks) is about 3.5 to 1.[29] In contrast to Śvetāmbara, the Digambara sect monastic community has been predominantly male.[30]
  • In the Digambara tradition, a male human being is considered closest to the apex with the potential to achieve his soul's liberation from rebirths through asceticism. Women must gain karmic merit, to be reborn as man, and only then can they achieve spiritual liberation in the Digambara sect of Jainism.[31][32] The Śvetāmbaras disagree with the Digambaras, believing that women can also achieve liberation from Saṃsāra through ascetic practices.[32][33]
  • The Śvetāmbaras state the 19th Tirthankara Māllīnātha was female.[34] Digambaras reject this, and believe Mallinatha was male. However, several Digambara idols such as the one at Keshorai Pattan depict Mallinatha as female.[35]

Digambara

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Digambar Jain monk

Digambara (sky-clad) is one of the two main sects of Jainism.[36] This sect of Jainism rejects the authority of the Jain Agama compiled at the Vallabhi Council under the leadership of Devardhigani Kshamashraman.[37] They believe that by the time of Dharasena, the twenty-third teacher after Gandhar Gautama, knowledge of only one Anga was there. This was about 683 years after the death of Mahavira. After Dharasena's pupils Acharya Puspadanta and Bhutabali. They wrote down the Shatkhandagama, the only scripture of the digambara sect. The other scripture is the Kasay-pahuda.[38][39] According to Digambara tradition, Mahavira, the last jaina tirthankara, never married. He renounced the world at the age of thirty after taking permission of his parents.[40] The Digambara believe that after attaining enlightenment, Mahavira was free from human activities like hunger, thirst, and sleep.[41] Digambara monks tradition do not wear any clothes. They carry only a broom made up of fallen peacock feathers and a water gourd.[42] One of the most important scholar-monks of Digambara tradition was Acharya Kundakunda. He authored Prakrit texts such as Samayasara and Pravachansara. Samantabhadra was another important monk of this tradition.[43]

Digambar tradition has two main monastic orders Mula Sangh and the Kashtha Sangh, both led by Bhattarakas. Other notable monastic orders include the Digambara Terapanth which emerged in the 17th century.[44] Śvetāmbaras have their own sanghs, but unlike Digambaras which have had predominantly sadhu sanghs (male monastic organizations), they have major sadhu and sadhvi sanghs (monks and nuns).[45]

Monastic orders

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Mula Sangh is an ancient monastic order. Mula literally means root or original.[46] The great Acharya Kundakunda is associated with Mula Sangh. The oldest known mention of Mula Sangh is from 430 CE. Mula Sangh was divided into a few branches. According to Shrutavatara and Nitisar of Bhattaraka Indranandi, Acharya Arhadbali had organised a council of Jain monks, and had given names (gana or sangha) to different groups.[citation needed]

Kashtha Sangha was a monastic order once dominant in several regions of North and Western India. It is said to have originated from a town named Kashtha. The origin of Kashtha Sangha is often attributed to Lohacharya in several texts and inscriptions from Delhi region.[47] The Kashtasangh Gurvavali identifies Lohacharya as the last person who knew Acharanga in the Digambara tradition, who lived until around 683-year after the nirvana of Lord Mahavira.[48] Several Digambara orders in North India belonged to Kashtha Sangha. The Agrawal Jains were the major supporters of Kashtha Sangha. They were initiated by Lohacharya. Kashta Sangha has several orders including Nanditat gachchha,[49]

The Digambar Terapanth subsect was formed by Amra Bhaunsa Godika and his son Jodhraj Godika during 1664–1667 in opposition to the bhattakaras. The Bhattaraka are the priestly class of Jainism who are responsible for maintaining libraries and other Jain institutions.[50] The Terapanth sub-sect among the Digambara Jains emerged around the Jaipur (Sanganer, Amber and Jaipur region itself).[44] Godika duo expressed opposition to the Bhattaraka Narendrakirti of Amber. Authors Daulatram Kasliwal and Pandit Todarmal[51]) were associated with the Terapanth movement. They opposed worship of various minor gods and goddesses. Some Terapanthi practices, like not using flowers in worship, gradually spread throughout North India among the Digambaras.[52] Bakhtaram in his "Mithyatva Khandan Natak" (1764) mentions that group that started it included thirteen individuals, who collectively built a new temple, thus giving it its name Tera-Panth (Thirteen Path). However, according to "Kavitta Terapanth kau" by a Chanda Kavi, the movement was named Tera Panth, because the founders disagreed with the Bhattaraka on thirteen points. A letter of 1692 from Tera Panthis at Kama to those at Sanganer mentions thirteen rituals that were rejected. These are mentioned in Buddhivilas (1770) of Bakhtaram. These are– authority of Bhattarakas, Use of flowers, cooked food or lamps, Abhisheka (panchamrita), consecration of images without supervision by the representatives of Bhattarakas, Puja while seated, Puja at night, Using drums in the temple and Worship of minor gods like dikpalas, shasan devis (Padmavati etc.) and Kshetrapal. The Digambara Jains who have continued to follow these practices are termed Bispanthi. This sub-sect opposes use of flowers for worship of Tirthankara idols. However, use of flowers to worship monks and nuns is widespread amongst followers of Digambar Terapanth.[citation needed]

The Taran Panth was founded by Taran Svami in Bundelkhand in 1505.[53] They do not believe in idol worshiping. Instead, the taranapantha community prays to the scriptures written by Taran Swami.[citation needed] Taran Svami is also referred to as Taran Taran, the one who can help the swimmers to the other side, i.e. towards nirvana. A mystical account of his life, perhaps an autobiography, is given in Chadmastha Vani. The language in his fourteen books is a unique blend of Prakrit, Sanskrit and Apabhramsha. His language was perhaps influenced by his reading of the books of Acharya Kundakunda. Commentaries on six of the main texts composed by Taran Svami were written by Brahmacari Shitala Prasad in the 1930s. Commentaries on other texts have also been written recently. Osho, who was born into a Taranpanthi family, has included Shunya Svabhava and Siddhi Svabhava as among the books that influenced him most.[54] The number of Taranpanthis is very small. Their shrines are called Chaityalaya (or sometimes Nisai/Nasia). At the altar (vimana) they have a book instead of an idol. The Taranpanthis were originally from six communities.

Criticism of monasticism and beliefs

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Several scholars and scriptures of other religions as well as those of their counterpart Śvetāmbara Jains[55] criticize their practices of public nudity as well as their belief that women are incapable of attaining spiritual liberation.[56][57][58]

Śvetāmbara

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A 1st- to 2nd–century CE water tank relief panel showing two ardhaphalaka Jain monks carrying colapatta cloth on their left hand found in the ruins of Mathura (Brooklyn Museum 87.188.5).[59] This cloth carrying tradition to cover genitalia by ancient Jain monks in principle resembles the beliefs of the Śvetāmbara.[60]
Idol of Devardhi Ksamashramana at vallabhi tirth, the most revered Śvetāmbara monk

The Śvetāmbara (white-clad) is one of the two main sects of Jainism. Śvetāmbara is a term describing its ascetics' practice of wearing white clothes, which sets it apart from the Digambara whose ascetic practitioners go naked.[61] Śvetāmbaras, unlike Digambaras, do not believe that ascetics must practice nudity. Śvetāmbara monks usually wear white maintaining that nudism is no longer practical. Śvetāmbaras also believe that women are able to obtain moksha. Śvetāmbaras maintain that the 19th Tirthankara, Mallinath, was a woman. Some Śvetāmbara monks and nuns (Sthanakvasis and Terapanthis) cover their mouth with a white cloth or muhapatti to practise ahimsa even when they talk.[62] By doing so they minimise the possibility of inhaling small organisms. The Śvetāmbara tradition follows the lineage of Acharya Sthulibhadra Suri. The Kalpa Sūtra mentions some of the lineages in ancient times.[63]

Both of the major Jain traditions evolved into sub-traditions over time. For example, the devotional worship traditions of Śvetāmbara are referred to as Murti-pujakas, those who live in and around Jain temples became Deravasi or Mandira-margi. Those who avoid temples and pursue their spirituality at a designated monastic meeting place came to be known as Sthānakavāsī.[64][65]

Śvētāmbaras who are not Sthānakavāsins are called Murtipujaka (Idol-worshipers). Murtipujaka differ from Sthanakvasi Śvetāmbara in that their derasars contain idols of the Tirthankaras instead of empty rooms. They worship idols and have rituals for it. Murtipujaka monastics and worshippers do not use the muhapatti, a piece of cloth over the mouth, during prayers, whereas it is permanently worn by Sthanakvasi. The most prominent among the classical orders called Gacchas today are the Kharatara, Tapa and the Tristutik. Major reforms by Vijayanandsuri of the Tapa Gaccha in 1880 led a movement to restore orders of wandering monks, which brought about the near-extinction of the Yati institutions. Acharya Rajendrasuri restored the shramana organisation in the Tristutik Order.[66]

Murtipujaka Śvetāmbara monastic orders

The monks of Murtipujaka sect are divided into 4 orders or Gaccha. These are:[67]

Kharatara Gaccha is one of Śvetāmbara gacchas.[68][69] It was founded by Vardhamana Suri[69] (1031). His teacher was a temple-dwelling monk. He rejected him because of not following texts.[68] His pupil, Jineshvara, got honorary title 'Kharatara' (Sharp witted or Fierce) because he defeated Suracharya, leader of Chaityavasis in public debate in 1023 at Anahilvada Patan. So the Gaccha got his title.[69] Another tradition regards Jinadatta Suri (1075–1154) as a founder of Gaccha.[69][68]

Tristutik Gaccha was a Murtipujaka Śvetāmbara Jain religious grouping preceding the founding of the Tapa Gaccha by Acharya Rajendrasuri. It was established in 1194. It was known as Agama Gaccha in ancient times. The Tristutik believed in devotion to the Tirthankaras alone in most rituals, although offerings to helper divinities were made during large ceremonies. The Tristutik Gaccha was reformed by Acharya Rajendrasuri.

Tapa Gaccha is the largest monastic order of Śvetāmbara Jainism. It was founded by Acharya Jagat Chandrasuri in 1229. He was given the title of "Tapa" (i.e. the meditative one) by the ruler of Mewar. Vijayananda Suri was responsible for reviving the wandering orders among the Śvetāmbara monks. As a result of this reform, most Śvetāmbara Jain monks today belong to the Tapa Gaccha.

The Sthanakwasi arose not directly from the Shwetambars but as reformers of an older reforming sect, viz., the Lonka sect of Jainism. This Lonka sect was founded in about 1474 A.D. by Lonkashah, a rich and well-read merchant of Ahmedabad. The main principle of this sect was not to practice idol-worship. Later on, some of the members of the Lonka sect disapproved of the ways of life of their current ascetics, declaring that they lived less strictly than Mahavira would have wished. A Lonka sect layman, Viraji of Surat, received initiation as a Yati, i.e., an ascetic, and won great admiration on account of the strictness of his life. Many people of the Lonka sect joined this reformer and they took the name of Sthanakwasi, thereby intending to strictly follow on the principles of Lord Mahavir. Sthanakvasi means those who do not have their religious activities in temples but carry on their religious duties in places known as Sthanakas which are like prayer-halls.

During the time of Acharya Dharmadasji Swami, the tradition underwent a major revival through the efforts of five great monks—Jivraji Swami, Harji Rishi, Dharmsinhji Swami, Lavaji Rishi, and Dharmadasji Swami—who strengthened its foundations even during challenging times. From these spiritual leaders arose several sub-sects that carried their teachings forward. Lavaji Rishi’s disciples established the Khambhat Sampraday, while Dharmsinhji Swami’s followers formed the Dariyapuri Sampraday. Other regions such as Kutch, Kathiawad, and Zalawad maintained lineages tracing back to Dharmadasji Swami. In Rajasthan, the Bavish Tola Sampraday also originated from his tradition.

A major transformation occurred in 1836 when the system of naming sects changed. Until then, each sect was identified by its founding saint, but after a historic Jain assembly in Gujarat, leaders began establishing new communities across different regions. This led to sects being named after their geographical locations, such as Gondal, Limbdi, and Barwala-Batod Sampradays. This regional naming convention became the norm in Gujarat, while in Marwar, sects continued to be named after their Gurus, preserving the older tradition. Since its establishments, the sthanakvasis have seen visionary and revolutionary monks and nuns who have contributed to the uplifment of the Jain religion, including presently such as Rashtrasant Param Gurudevshree Namramuni Maharajsaheb.

Terapanth is another reformist religious sect under Śvetāmbara Jainism. It was founded by Acharya Bhikshu, also known as Swami Bhikanji Maharaj. Swami Bhikanji was formerly a Sthanakvasi saint and had initiation by Acharya Raghunatha. But he had differences with his Guru on several aspects of religious practices of Sthanakvasi ascetics. Hence he left the Sthanakvasi sect with the motto of correcting practise of Jain monks, eventually on 28 June 1760 at Kelwa, a small town in Udaipur district of Rajasthan state, Terapanth was founded by him. This sect is also non-idolatrous.[70][71][72][73]

About the 18th century, the Śvetāmbara and Digambara traditions saw an emergence of separate Terapanthi movements.[65][74][75] Śvetāmbara Terapanth was started by Acharya Bhikshu in 18th century.[76]

Yapaniya

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Yapaniya was a Jain order in western Karnataka which is now extinct. The first inscription that mentions them by Mrigesavarman (AD 475–490) a Kadamba king of Palasika who donated for a Jain temple, and made a grant to the sects of Yapaniyas, Nirgranthas (identifiable as Digambaras), and the Kurchakas (not identified).[77][78] The last inscription which mentioned the Yapaniyas was found in the Tuluva region southwest Karnataka, dated Saka 1316 (1394 CE).[79] Yapaniya rose to its dominance in second century CE and declined after their migration to Deccan merging with Digambara or Śvetāmbara.[80] The Yapaniyas worshipped nude images of the Tirthankaras in their temples and their monks were nudes, but they occasionally allowed clothes in case of disease or bodily needs. Moreover, the yapaniyas believed that women were able to achieve nirvana which the Śvetāmbaras also believe.[81] According to Acharya Shrutsagarsuri, Yapaniyas also believed that followers of other doctrines could achieve nirvana, and Yapaniya monks were allowed to wear blankets and sheets to protect themselves from the cold and wore clothes to protect themselves and others from infections and diseases which makes them closer to Śvetāmbaras than Digambaras who strictly believe that only adherents of the Digambara sect can achieve liberation and that nudity is mandatory to achieve liberation.[82]

Kundakunda-inspired lay-movements

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The 8th-century scholar Kundakunda inspired two contemporary lay-movements within Jainism with his Mahayana Buddhism-inspired[83] notion of two truths and his emphasis on direct insight into niścayanaya or ‘ultimate perspective’, also called “supreme” (paramārtha) and “pure” (śuddha).[a]

Shrimad Rajchandra (1867-1901) was a Jain poet and mystic who was inspired by works of Kundakunda and Digambara mystical tradition. Nominally belonging to the Digambara tradition,[87] his followers sometimes consider his teaching as a new path of Jainism, neither Śvetāmbara nor Digambara, and revere him as a saint. His path is sometimes referred as Raj Bhakta Marg, Kavipanth, or Shrimadiya, which has mostly lay followers as was Rajchandra himself.[88] His teachings influenced Kanji Swami, Dada Bhagwan,[89] Rakesh Jhaveri (Shrimad Rajchandra Mission), Saubhagbhai, Lalluji Maharaj (Laghuraj Swami), Atmanandji and several other religious figures.

Kanji Panth is a lay movement founded by Kanji Swami (1890-1980).[90] Nominally it belongs to the Śvetāmbara[91] but is inspired by Kundakunda and Shrimad Rajchandra (1867-1901), though "lacking a place in any Digambara ascetic lineage descending from Kundakunda."[90] Kanji Swami has many followers in the Jain diaspora.[92] They generally regard themselves simply as Digambara Jains, more popularly known as Mumukshu, following the mystical tradition of Kundakunda and Pandit Todarmal.[90]

Bauer notes that "[in] recent years there has been a convergence of the Kanji Swami Panth and the Shrimad Rajcandra movement, part of trend toward a more eucumenical and less sectarian Jainism among educated, mobile Jains living overseas."[93]

The Akram Vignan Movement established by Dada Bhagwan draws inspiration from teachings of Rajchandra and other Jain scriptures, though it is considered as a Jain-Vaishnava Hindu syncretistic movement.[94]

Notes

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References

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Sources

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Jain schools and branches encompass the diverse sects and sub-sects within , an ancient Indian religion founded on principles of non-violence (), asceticism, and spiritual liberation (), which split into two primary divisions—Digambara and Śvetāmbara—following a major around the 1st century CE (with roots in disagreements during a in the 3rd century BCE), approximately 600 years after the nirvana of , the 24th . This division arose from disagreements over monastic practices during a in Magadha, leading the sect to adhere strictly to nudity for monks as a symbol of complete renunciation, while the Śvetāmbara sect permitted white robes for all mendicants due to practical necessities. Both sects share core doctrines, including the belief in an eternal universe, karma, and the path to liberation through right , , and conduct, but they diverge on key issues such as the eligibility of women for (affirmed by Śvetāmbaras but denied by Digambaras) and the authenticity of canonical scriptures. The ("sky-clad") sect, predominant in southern and , emphasizes absolute for male ascetics as essential for spiritual purity, with nuns wearing white robes but unable to attain full liberation in their view; its canonical texts, known as Siddhānta, include works like the Ṣaṭkhaṇḍāgama, and it recognizes no original Āgamas as preserved by the other sect. Digambara monasticism traces its lineages to early schisms, such as the one led by Śivabhūti around 80 CE, and features sub-sects including the Bisapanthi (majority lay followers who engage in image worship), Terapanthi (founded in 1760 CE by Ācārya Bhikṣu, emphasizing strict discipline and non-idolatry), and Taranapanthi (emerged in the 15th century, focusing on devotional practices); historically, groups like the Yapaniya (active from the 2nd century BCE to the 15th century CE) bridged some differences before extinction. In the early 2000s, Digambara mendicants numbered around 900, reflecting a smaller but resilient community. In contrast, the Śvetāmbara ("white-clad") sect, more widespread in northern and , allows white robes for both monks and nuns, affirming women's potential for liberation and relying on the Āgama canon, codified at councils like Valabhī in the 5th century CE, which includes 45 core texts such as the 12 Aṅgas. Its sub-sects are broadly divided into image-worshipping (Mūrti-pūjaka) and non-image-worshipping groups: the Mūrti-pūjaka, comprising about 90% of Śvetāmbaras, includes monastic orders (gacchas) like the Tapā-gaccha (dominant since the 13th century) and historical ones such as Añcala-gaccha and Kharatara-gaccha; the Sthānaka-vāsin, founded in the 15th century by Lonkā Śāh, rejects idol worship and temple rituals in favor of in halls (sthānakas); and the Terāpanthī (distinct from the Digambara version), established in the 18th century, promotes ethical reforms and social service. These branches emerged from further schisms, often over practices like , with the Mūrti-pūjaka tradition tracing lineages to Śvetāmbara forebears like Ārya Sudharman. Beyond these main sects, Jainism includes smaller, non-sectarian movements that transcend traditional divisions, such as the Kānjīsvāmī Panth and Rājacandra movement, which emphasize personal devotion and lay asceticism, gaining popularity among the Jain diaspora since the 20th century. Key doctrinal differences between Digambara and Śvetāmbara are summarized below:
AspectDigambaraŚvetāmbara
Monastic AttireMonks: nude; Nuns: white robesAll: white robes
Women's LiberationImpossible without rebirth as malePossible
Canonical TextsSiddhānta (e.g., Kaṣāyapāhuda)Āgamas (e.g., 12 Aṅgas)
Images of TīrthaṅkarasNude, eyes closedClothed, eyes open
Mahāvīra's LifeUnmarried, no possessionsMarried, had a daughter
These divisions, while fostering distinct practices, have coexisted within 's pluralistic framework, with ongoing dialogues on shared ethics amid a global Jain population of about 4-5 million.

Historical Development

Origins of the Schism

The primary in , which divided the community into the and Śvetāmbara sects, originated from a severe 12-year that struck the region in the 3rd century BCE, prompting significant migrations among monastic communities and leading to initial divergences in ascetic practices. This environmental crisis, occurring around 310 BCE during the reign of Candragupta Maurya, disrupted the unified Jain saṅgha established after Mahāvīra's nirvāṇa in the 5th century BCE, as food shortages made adherence to traditional monastic rules increasingly challenging, particularly regarding foraging for and maintaining . The famine's logistical pressures exacerbated existing tensions within the order, setting the stage for a gradual split influenced by survival needs and regional adaptations. In response to the , a group of approximately 12,000 monks, led by the prominent ācārya Bhadrabāhu—a key supporter of the tradition—migrated southward to the region (modern ) to escape the scarcity, preserving the strict practice of nudity (, meaning "sky-clad") as essential to ascetic purity. Meanwhile, those who remained in northern , under the leadership of Sthūlabhadra, adapted by adopting garments (śvetāmbara, meaning "white-clad") to facilitate alms collection and survival in the famine-stricken areas, marking an early practical divergence that would solidify into sectarian identity. Bhadrabāhu's migration, documented in traditional accounts, not only ensured the continuity of orthodox nudity but also spread to southern , while Sthūlabhadra's group relocated to , where modified rules took hold amid the crisis. Sectarian narratives differ markedly on the schism's timing and causes, reflecting interpretive biases shaped by later doctrinal commitments. sources portray the separation as originating in Mahāvīra's lifetime, emphasizing an unbroken adherence to nudity as the original jina-kalpa (Tīrthaṅkara discipline), with the famine merely highlighting deviations by northern monks. In contrast, Śvetāmbara accounts attribute the split to post-famine events around 300 BCE, viewing the adoption of clothing as a pragmatic sthavira-kalpa (elder discipline) necessitated by survival, rather than a fundamental departure from Mahāvīra's teachings. These environmental and migratory factors thus catalyzed the initial rifts, with the schism evolving over centuries into distinct sects by the early centuries CE.

Early Councils and Textual Divergences

The Council, convened in the 3rd century BCE under the patronage of the Mauryan emperor , served as an early institutional attempt to unify the Jain monastic community and preserve its oral teachings amid emerging divisions. Led by the monk Sthūlabhadra following the death of Bhadrabāhu, the council focused on compiling the core canonical texts known as the 12 Aṅgas from surviving recitations, but it ultimately failed to achieve consensus due to the non-participation of the southern Jain group, who had migrated southward during a severe , thereby exacerbating the schism between the emerging Śvetāmbara and traditions. Centuries later, the Vallabhi Council, held circa 453–456 CE (approximately 980–993 years after Mahāvīra's nirvāṇa), marked the Śvetāmbaras' definitive effort to formalize their scriptural corpus under the leadership of Devardhigaṇi Kṣamāśramaṇa and around 500 monks. This assembly systematically compiled and redacted the Śvetāmbara Āgamas into a structured canon of 45 texts, encompassing 12 principal Aṅgas, 12 Upaṅgas, 10 Prakīrṇakas, 6 Cheda-sūtras, 4 Mūla-sūtras, and 1 Cūlikā-sūtra, while explicitly rejecting the textual lineages upheld by the Digambaras as incompatible with their interpretive standards. In response, the Digambaras dismissed the Vallabhi-compiled Āgamas as incomplete and adulterated, contending that the original scriptures had been irretrievably lost during the historical famine, and thus maintained their distinct reliance on independent and commentaries, notably those authored by the influential 2nd-century CE thinker , whose works such as the Samayasāra and Pravacanasāra emphasize metaphysical and ethical doctrines central to thought. Digambaras classify their scriptural explanations into four Anuyogas, including the Karnānuyoga (addressing karmic processes and rituals) and the Caraṇānuyoga (detailing monastic conduct and vows), which together form the foundational framework for their scriptural authority without accepting the Śvetāmbara structure.

Digambara Sect

Core Beliefs and Practices

The Digambara sect adheres to a strict interpretation of Jain , emphasizing complete symbolized by for male monks, which is seen as essential for attaining . Unlike the Śvetāmbara sect, Digambara doctrine holds that women cannot achieve liberation in their current birth and must be reborn as men to do so; consequently, all 24 Tīrthaṅkaras are regarded as male, with figures like Mallīnātha depicted as such. This view underscores the sect's belief in the necessity of transcending all attachments, including clothing, for spiritual purity. Digambara (mūṇis) practice absolute nudity, carrying only a peacock-feather (piñcha) for sweeping and an (bhikṣāpātra) made from or cloth, while (āryikās) wear white saris but hold a subordinate status without the possibility of full ascetic equivalent to . The sect's canonical texts, known as the Siddhānta, include key works such as the Ṣaṭkhaṇḍāgama by Puṣpadanta and Bhūtabali (2nd century CE), which outline cosmology, karma, and the path to liberation through right faith, knowledge, and conduct. These texts reject the Śvetāmbara Āgamas as incomplete or lost. In , images of Tīrthaṅkaras are depicted nude with closed eyes, symbolizing detachment from the world and inward focus, without ornaments, crowns, or eyes on palms/soles—contrasting with the adorned, open-eyed Śvetāmbara icons. Worship practices vary by sub-sect but generally involve and offerings in temples, with major festivals like Paryuṣaṇa (an eight- to ten-day period of fasting, reflection, and pratikramaṇa for atonement) and Dasa Lakṣaṇa Parva emphasizing ethical vows and non-violence. Lay followers support mendicants through and participate in rituals to accumulate merit toward liberation.

Monastic Orders and Sub-sects

Digambara monasticism traces its lineage to the Mūla-saṅgha, established through early teachers like (2nd–3rd century CE), which later split into four gaṇas: Sena-, Deva-, Siṃha-, and Nandi-gaṇa. Other historical orders include the Drāviḍa-saṅgha (founded by Vajranandin in the 5th century CE in southern ) and the Kāṣṭhā-saṅgha (possibly 7th century CE). In modern times, bhaṭṭārakas—non-wandering monastic leaders—manage temples and communities, particularly in southern , though some sub-sects reject them. As of the early 2000s, Digambara mendicants numbered around 900, reflecting a smaller ascetic community compared to Śvetāmbara. The sect's major sub-sects emerged from disagreements over ritual practices and authority. The Bisapanthi (or Bīsapantha), the largest group comprising most lay followers, accepts bhaṭṭārakas and engages in image worship of Tīrthaṅkaras and deities, including aṛati (lamp ceremonies) and prasāda distribution; it is predominant in , , , and . The Terapanthi, founded in 1760 CE by Ācārya Bhikṣu in as a against perceived laxity, rejects bhaṭṭārakas and , emphasizing strict discipline, , and ethical conduct based on 14 principles; it is strong in , , and . The Taranapanthi (or Taraṇa Svāmī Panth), established in the 15th century by Taraṇ Svāmī (1448–1515 CE), focuses on devotional study of texts like the Samayasāra without idol worship, centered in and regions with an estimated 20,000–100,000 followers. Minor sub-sects include the Gumanapanthi (, , prohibiting temple lamps for non-violence) and Totapanthi (a blend of Bisapanthi and Terapanthi practices in ).

Śvetāmbara Sect

Core Beliefs and Practices

The Śvetāmbara sect emphasizes an inclusive doctrinal framework within , particularly in its affirmation that women can attain directly without needing to be reborn as men, distinguishing it from certain opposing views. This belief is exemplified by the portrayal of the 19th Tīrthaṅkara, Mallinātha, as , whose life story in Śvetāmbara texts underscores in spiritual liberation. According to the Kalpa-sūtra, a text, Mallinātha achieved and liberation, serving as a model for ascetics and laywomen pursuing the path to . Central to Śvetāmbara monastic practice is the wearing of simple white cotton robes by both monks and nuns, symbolizing purity and detachment while accommodating practical needs for health and modesty in contemporary . This attire contrasts with stricter ascetic ideals and reflects the sect's interpretation that complete is not essential for spiritual progress. Additionally, Śvetāmbara tradition depicts the 24th Tīrthaṅkara, Mahāvīra, as having been married to Yaśodā, with whom he had a daughter named Priyadarśanā, before worldly life; this narrative humanizes the Jina and integrates familial roles into the path of . Ascetics are permitted limited possessions, up to fourteen items including robes, a , and an bowl, to support their wandering lifestyle without excessive attachment. In , Śvetāmbara Tīrthaṅkara idols are ornately decorated, often featuring symbolic eyes on the palms, soles, and to signify and invite meditative engagement from worshippers, along with jewelry, crowns, and loincloths that evoke royal dignity before enlightenment. These elaborately adorned images, housed in richly decorated temples, facilitate devotional practices central to the Mūrti-pūjaka sub-tradition, where rituals involve offerings and to cultivate reverence. Temple worship is a key practice, complemented by major festivals like Paryuṣaṇa, an eight-day period of fasting, reflection, scripture recitation, and seeking forgiveness (pratikramaṇa), which reinforces ethical conduct and communal harmony among adherents.

Monastic Orders and Sub-sects

The Śvetāmbara sect of is organized into distinct monastic orders known as gacchas and sampradayas, which emerged primarily due to differences in ritual practices, particularly regarding idol worship, and administrative structures. These orders maintain separate lineages of ascetics while adhering to the core Śvetāmbara doctrines. The largest and most traditional order is the Mūrtipūjaka, which emphasizes the of Jina images in temples, contrasting with the non-idolatrous reformist groups that prioritize scriptural study and over material rituals. The Mūrtipūjaka, meaning "image-worshippers," constitutes the majority of Śvetāmbara monks and nuns and traces its origins to the early medieval period following the finalization of the Śvetāmbara canon at the Valabhī council around the 5th century CE. This order is subdivided into several gacchas, or lineages, each with its own head acharya and distinct monastic symbols, such as the color and markings on alms bowls. The Kharatara Gaccha, the oldest surviving gaccha, was founded in 1024 CE by Vardhamana Sūri in Gujarat and is renowned for its emphasis on the four Dādā-gurus as spiritual exemplars; it numbered around 224 mendicants as of 1996. The Tapa Gaccha, established in 1228 CE by Jinaprabha Sūri under the patronage of the Delhi Sultanate, is the largest modern sub-order with approximately 5,568 ascetics as of 1996, focusing on rigorous ascetic practices and marked by a red alms bowl with a black stripe. The Tristutik Gaccha, a smaller branch originating as a subdivision of the Tapa Gaccha in the 17th century, has about 175 members as of 1996 and maintains similar idol-worship traditions but with localized variations in ritual observance. More recent comprehensive statistics on Jain monastic populations are limited, with the last detailed census-like data from the early 2000s showing growth in some orders like Tapā Gaccha to 6,696 by 2002. These gacchas collectively uphold the 45 canonical texts and temple-based worship as central to monastic life. In response to perceived excesses in idol worship during the , the Sthānakavāsī order emerged as a non-idolatrous reform movement, stemming from the Lonka sect founded by the merchant Lonka Shah in the , with key development around 1653 CE under figures like Lavaji amid pressures from Mughal rule that restricted temple activities. Sthānakavāsīs, meaning "hall-dwellers," conduct worship in simple upashraya halls without images, emphasizing meditation on scriptures and ethical conduct over ritualism. The order splintered into sub-groups, including the Khambhat Sampraday, led by disciples of Lavaji and centered in Gujarat's region with a focus on communal scripture recitation, and the Dariyapuri Sampraday, established by Dharmsinhji in , which prioritizes strict vegetarianism and anti-caste reforms. Regional variations, such as the Gondal Sthānakavāsī in Gujarat's Gondal area, adapt these practices to local customs while maintaining the core rejection of iconography. The Terapanth, a further reformist offshoot, was founded in 1760 CE by (1726–1803) in as a split from the Sthānakavāsī due to disagreements over lax monastic discipline. This order, also non-idolatrous, enforces centralized authority under a single , bans personal possessions beyond essentials, and promotes an anti-ritual ethos centered on the "fourteen principles" of ethical conduct derived from early Jain texts. With its emphasis on uniformity and missionary outreach, the Terapanth has grown into a disciplined monastic community, influencing modern Śvetāmbara reforms.

Minor and Extinct Branches

Yapaniya School

The Yapaniya school emerged in the CE in western as a syncretic of , blending elements from both the and Śvetāmbara sects. It is first referenced in the inscription of King from the AD, and traditions attribute its founding to the Śvetāmbara monk Srikalava in Kalyana around 148 CE, approximately 205 years after the Vikrama era. This hybrid nature positioned the Yapaniya as an intermediate group, accepting the canonical authority of some Śvetāmbara Agamas while adhering to emphasis on ascetic nudity for male monks. The school flourished particularly during the Chalukya rule in Kalyana (973–1200 CE), with epigraphic evidence from regions like , , and indicating active monastic communities and lay support. In terms of practices, Yapaniya monks generally maintained nudity, used peacock-feather brooms (mayurapichchhi), worshipped nude images of the Tirthankaras, and ate with their hands, aligning closely with asceticism. However, they allowed exceptions for clothing among monks during illness or physical ailments, such as fistulas or , to preserve restraint and avoid impurity without compromising spiritual progress. Philosophically, the school held an inclusive stance, endorsing the possibility of women's attainment of nirvana in their current birth (strīnam tat-bhave mokṣaḥ), a view shared with the Śvetāmbaras that rejected as an inherent barrier to liberation. They also affirmed salvation for householders (sagṛhasthānām mokṣaḥ) and across doctrinal lines (parasamāne mokṣaḥ), emphasizing the soul's inner state over external forms. The Yapaniya school gradually declined and was absorbed into the major sects by the , with the last known evidence appearing in a 1394 CE inscription from Kagwad. Its subdivisions, including 16 gaṇas such as the Kanduru and Kareya, are documented in texts like the Darsanasara and epigraphs from the 5th to 14th centuries, but the sect ultimately merged primarily into the tradition due to shared ascetic practices.

Other Historical and Regional Variants

In addition to the major Digambara and Śvetāmbara sects, Jainism has seen the emergence of several lesser-known historical and regional variants, often arising from reformist impulses or localized adaptations that did not align fully with the dominant branches. These groups typically maintained core Jain principles such as non-violence and but diverged in practices like idol worship or monastic organization, frequently fading into obscurity or being absorbed into larger traditions. One notable category involves idol-non-worshipping groups that critiqued image veneration as inconsistent with early canonical texts like the Daśavaikālika Sūtra. Precursors to the later Sthānakavāsī tradition appeared in the outside the mainstream Śvetāmbara framework, such as the group founded by Lavajī in around 1652, which emphasized scripture study in upaśrayas (monastic residences) rather than temples and rejected certain ritualistic elements. These movements paralleled similar non-idolatrous tendencies in the sphere, where the Terāpanthī reform, initiated by Bhīkhanjī in 1760 in Mārwār, opposed idol worship and enforced a strict single ācārya leadership to prevent further fragmentation, though its roots trace to earlier 17th-century dissent against ornate practices. Such groups represented a broader push for textual purity amid Mughal-era influences, but many remained marginal and eventually integrated into established sects. Regional variants in the Deccan region highlight pre- influences through the Lohācārya tradition, an early lineage associated with the southward migration of the saṅgha during a 12-year around the 4th century BCE, led by figures like Bhadrabahu. Lohācārya, a key pontiff mentioned in texts and inscriptions, helped establish enduring centers like Śravaṇa Beḷgoḷa by the 6th century CE, as evidenced by inscriptions from that era. This tradition fostered localized practices among artisans and farmers under the patronage of Western Ganga rulers from the 4th century CE onward, blending ascetic ideals with regional temple-building in areas like Halsi and Aṇṇigere, though it gradually aligned with broader Digambara norms without forming a distinct enduring branch. Extinct or marginal sects influenced by the Kālpa Sūtra, a key Śvetāmbara text compiled around the 4th-5th century CE, proliferated in ancient Magadha and surrounding areas. The text's Therāvalī section outlines early successions, inspiring groups like the Goḍasa Gaṇa, which divided into four śākhās (Tamraliptikā, Koṭivarṣīyā, Puṇḍravardhanīyā, and Dāśikharabhaṭikā) and maintained distinct monastic lineages in eastern India until at least the medieval period. Similarly, the Kautika Gaṇa, with its four kulas (Bambhalijja, Vacchaliyā, Vaṇijja, and Pañchavāhaṇayā), emerged in Magadha's urban centers, emphasizing lay-monastic interactions as described in the Kālpa Sūtra's biographical accounts of Tīrthaṅkaras, but these faded by the 12th century due to regional upheavals and absorption into major sects. Pre-schism unified saṅghas in and beyond often fragmented into unclassified lines following early councils and migrations. The Mūla Saṅgha, under leaders like Arhadvalī (circa BCE), split into four primary groups—Siṃha, Nandi, Sena, and Deva—as recorded in later inscriptions from 1398 and 1432 CE, reflecting regional adaptations in and the Deccan before the formal Digambara-Śvetāmbara divide solidified around the CE. These early communities, centered in Mahāvīra's homeland of Magadha, practiced a fluid that influenced later variants but dissolved without leaving independent doctrinal legacies.

Inter-Sect Comparisons

Doctrinal Differences

The primary doctrinal differences between the and Śvetāmbara sects of revolve around interpretations of ascetic requirements for liberation, the lives of key figures like the Tīrthaṅkaras, the authenticity of sacred texts, and the conditions for attaining ultimate knowledge. These variances emerged historically from divergent views on and scriptural transmission, shaping each sect's soteriological framework while maintaining core shared principles such as non-theism and the karmic bondage of the soul. A central point of contention concerns the path to mokṣa (liberation), particularly the role of nudity in ascetic vows. Digambaras maintain that complete is an indispensable requirement for male ascetics undertaking the final vows, symbolizing total detachment from possessions (parigraha) and essential for eradicating the subtlest karmic bonds; without it, full renunciation is impossible, and thus mokṣa cannot be attained in the current lifetime. In contrast, Śvetāmbaras permit ascetics to wear simple white robes, viewing nudity as an optional or early practice rather than a perpetual mandate, allowing liberation through clothed as long as internal non-attachment is achieved. This divergence extends to women: Digambaras assert that female embodiment precludes mokṣa in this life due to inherent possessions like clothing, requiring rebirth as a male, whereas Śvetāmbaras affirm women's capacity for direct liberation. Biographical accounts of the Tīrthaṅkaras further highlight these philosophical divides, especially regarding Mahāvīra, the 24th Tīrthaṅkara. Digambara traditions portray Mahāvīra as celibate and possession-free from birth, refusing marriage despite parental wishes and renouncing worldly life with their living approval at age 30, emphasizing his innate detachment and immediate adoption of nudity post-renunciation. Śvetāmbaras, however, describe Mahāvīra as marrying Yaśodā and fathering a daughter before renouncing after his parents' death, with initial use of a cloth that was later discarded, underscoring a more gradual path to non-attachment. Similarly, the sects differ on the 19th Tīrthaṅkara, Malli(nātha): Śvetāmbaras recognize Malli as female, the only woman among the 24 to attain mokṣa and exemplify gender-inclusive , while Digambaras reclassify Malli as male to align with their view that women cannot achieve Tīrthaṅkara status or liberation without male rebirth. On scriptural authority, Digambaras reject the Śvetāmbara Āgamas as largely interpolated and unauthentic, arguing that the original teachings of Mahāvīra were lost around 683 years after his nirvāṇa due to disruptions in transmission, rendering post-schism compilations unreliable and influenced by sectarian biases. They prioritize their own canonical works, such as the Kaṣāya-pahuda and Mulācāra, claiming direct lineage from enlightened teachers without reliance on councils. Śvetāmbaras, conversely, uphold their Āgamas—comprising 45 or 51 texts—as validated through historical councils like the one at Valabhī (c. CE), viewing them as faithful recensions of oral traditions preserved by monastic lineages. Nuances in (jīva) and karma theory, while fundamentally aligned in both sects' non-theistic framework, diverge in the preconditions for kevala (omniscience), the liberating knowledge that purifies the from karmic influx. Digambaras insist that kevala arises only after complete , including and abandonment of all possessions, as partial detachment perpetuates subtle karmic veils obscuring infinite perception and bliss. Śvetāmbaras allow kevala to manifest through rigorous and ethical conduct even under clothed , emphasizing internal discernment over external forms, provided the 's innate qualities are realized. Both sects agree that karma binds the through influx (āsrava) and must be stopped (saṃvara) and shed (nirjarā) for liberation, but these interpretive differences underscore Digambara's stricter material versus Śvetāmbara's focus on doctrinal and meditative purity.

Practical and Ritual Variations

One of the most visible distinctions between the and Śvetāmbara sects lies in their monastic attire and possessions, reflecting differing interpretations of complete . monks, known as munis, practice as a symbol of total detachment from worldly attachments, carrying only a peacock-feather (rajoharan) for sweeping and a water pot (), with no other items permitted. In contrast, Śvetāmbara monks and nuns wear simple white cotton robes—typically three for males and up to four for females—viewed not as possessions but as aids to ascetic life, alongside minimal items like a , , and mouth cloth to prevent inadvertent harm. nuns, or aryikas, wear white saris but are not considered fully renounced due to inability to practice , underscoring a stricter gender-based caveat in their tradition. Worship styles further highlight these practical variances, with Digambara rituals emphasizing austerity and minimalism compared to the more ornate Śvetāmbara practices. Digambara icons of Tīrthaṅkaras are typically plain and unadorned, without clothing or jewelry, and worship often focuses on scriptures or sacred sites rather than elaborate ceremonies; some subsects, like the Taraṇ Svāmī Panth, reject image worship entirely in favor of venerating texts such as the Samaya-sāra. Śvetāmbara devotees, however, conduct detailed temple pujas involving decorations, offerings of flowers, , and lamps to ornamented Tīrthaṅkara images, often depicted with eyes open and clothed, fostering a devotional atmosphere integrated into daily lay life. This contrast extends to monastic involvement, as Digambara monks' nudity limits their entry into public temples, while Śvetāmbara mendicants actively participate in and lead such rituals. The practice of , a voluntary fast unto death aimed at reducing karmic attachments, also varies in institutionalization and emphasis between the sects. In the tradition, sallekhana is more formally structured and encouraged for both male and female ascetics—though with the caveat that women cannot achieve full liberation without rebirth as men—with historical revivals like that led by Ācārya Śāntisāgara in 1955, resulting in 90 recorded cases between 1993 and 2003. Śvetāmbara sallekhana is gender-neutral, allowing women full participation, but it is less emphasized as a practical goal in contemporary practice, with only 260 recorded instances in the same period and detailed preparatory regimens outlined in texts like the Ācārāṅga Sūtra, often spanning fixed durations such as 12 years of progressive fasting. Both sects view it as a non-violent vow distinct from , but Digambara's approach integrates it more deeply into monastic training for ultimate renunciation. Community roles underscore a sharper lay-monk separation in Digambara communities versus the more integrated structure in Śvetāmbara ones. Digambara monks maintain strict isolation due to nudity norms, relying on lay supporters for received in cupped hands and managed by leaders who oversee temples and lay affairs from monasteries, preserving a hierarchical distance that reinforces ascetic purity. In Śvetāmbara settings, temple-centric devotion bridges lay and monastic worlds, with robed mendicants preaching, guiding pujas, and interacting freely in communal worship halls, allowing for greater lay involvement in subsect reforms like those of the Mūrti-pūjaka tradition. This integration in Śvetāmbara practice supports vibrant lay organizations centered on shared rituals, while Digambara's separation emphasizes individual spiritual discipline over collective temple activities.

Modern Developments

Reform Movements

Reform movements within Jainism during the 18th to 20th centuries sought to address perceived corruptions, ritual excesses, and institutional rigidities in both Śvetāmbara and traditions, emphasizing ethical purity, scriptural fidelity, and occasionally inter-sect unity. These initiatives, often led by ascetics or lay intellectuals, aimed to revive core Jain principles of non-violence, ascetic discipline, and amid colonial influences and social changes in . While rooted in monastic concerns, they influenced lay practices by promoting direct engagement with texts over hierarchical mediation. The Śvetāmbara Terapanth, founded in 1760 by (1726–1803) in Rajasthan's region, emerged as a response to lax monastic conduct and within the broader Śvetāmbara community. Bhikshu, a former disillusioned with corruption and deviations from Mahavira's teachings, established a strict, aniconic order that rejected image worship and emphasized rigorous adherence to the ascetic code, including , , and ethical preaching. This reformist sect, also known as Sthanakvasi Terapanth, centralized authority under a single and focused on internal purification, spreading through Bhikshu's extensive travels and establishing monasteries that prioritized and doctrinal study over ritualism. By opposing hereditary monastic roles and promoting moral rigor, Terapanth sought to restore Jainism's original , influencing subsequent Śvetāmbara reforms. In the Digambara tradition, the Terapanth movement arose in 1664 in northern , particularly around and Sanganer, as a lay-led protest against the hereditary dominance of bhattarakas—regional pontiffs who controlled temple administration and scriptural interpretation. Initiated by intellectuals like Amra Bhaunsa Godika and his son Jodhraj, this opposed the bhattarakas' perceived worldliness and monopolization of religious authority, advocating instead for direct lay access to Digambara scriptures and the elimination of intermediary hierarchies. The movement promoted a return to original texts and ascetic ideals, leading to the decline of bhattarakas in by the late and fostering a more democratized study of works like those of . Though not a centralized , Digambara Terapanth emphasized ethical conduct and scriptural rigor, distinguishing itself from image-centric practices while maintaining Digambara monastic nudity and non-possession. The Kanji Swami Panth, emerging in the 1920s under (1890–1980), represented a 20th-century revival focused on philosophical introspection rather than ritual observance. Originally a Śvetāmbara Sthanakvasi, shifted to perspectives after studying Kundakunda's texts, such as the Samayasara, which stress (sva-siddhanta) and the distinction between absolute and relative viewpoints. Establishing centers in , particularly Songadh, the panth campaigned against excessive temple rituals and idol veneration, urging followers to prioritize inner liberation through knowledge and meditation over external practices. This lay-oriented movement attracted converts from other sects, blending ontology with accessible teachings, and continues to emphasize Kundakunda's dualism in contemporary Jain discourse. Twentieth-century inter-sect efforts culminated in organizations like the Bharat Jain Mahamandal, founded in 1899, which provided a non-sectarian platform for between Śvetāmbara and groups through conferences addressing common challenges like colonial pressures and Hindu assimilation. These gatherings promoted unity through shared ethical reforms, education, and preservation of Jain texts, while avoiding doctrinal disputes. The conferences encouraged collaborative initiatives on monastic standards and lay involvement, marking a shift toward pan-Jain solidarity in modern .

Lay Organizations and Diaspora Influences

The Shrimad Rajchandra movement emerged as a significant 20th-century lay philosophy within Jainism, drawing from the teachings of Shrimad Rajchandra (1867–1901), who emphasized self-realization through the Atma-Siddhi Shastra, a poetic treatise outlining six fundamental truths for attaining soul liberation without requiring monastic vows. This approach appealed to lay Jains across both Śvetāmbara and Digambara sects by focusing on inner spiritual discipline, ethical living, and direct experience of the soul's purity, rather than ritualistic observance or renunciation. The movement, propagated through the Shrimad Rajchandra Mission, has influenced modern Jain thought by promoting accessible paths to enlightenment for householders, fostering a non-sectarian emphasis on personal effort and devotion. In the diaspora, lay organizations have played a key role in sustaining and adapting Jain practices amid global migration. The of Jain Associations in (JAINA), founded in 1981 and formalized in 1983, serves as an umbrella body for over 70 Jain centers representing approximately 200,000 members, blending Śvetāmbara, , and other traditions through biennial conventions, educational programs like Pathshala curricula, and humanitarian initiatives such as efforts. The 2025 JAINA Convention in , attended by over 5,000 participants from 72 centers and 10 countries, highlighted and youth engagement. Similarly, Young Jains of America (YJA), established in 1991 as a JAINA youth arm, unites Jains aged 14–29 across with activities including regional retreats, the 101 video series, and community podcasts, promoting shared heritage and ethical values irrespective of sect to address the challenges of cultural preservation in diverse settings. These groups, emerging from 1970s waves, facilitate inter-sect dialogues and events that strengthen communal bonds abroad. Convergence trends among urban laity highlight the Kanji Swami Panth's growing appeal, a 20th-century offshoot founded by (1890–1980), which transcends sectarian boundaries by prioritizing niscaya naya (soul-centric perspective) over ritualistic vyavahara naya, attracting followers from Sthanakavasi and other groups through simplified worship and emphasis on via personal effort. This panth resonates with city-dwelling by demystifying as achievable without strict , leading to widespread adoption in urban and diaspora communities. In overseas temples, such as those in , modern debates over idol worship reflect this convergence, with multi-sect facilities accommodating both murti-puja (idol veneration) traditions and non-idolatrous practices, prompting discussions on hybrid rituals to unify diverse adherents while preserving core principles. Globally, Śvetāmbara Jains comprise approximately 70% of the population, with followers making up the remaining 30%, within an estimated total of 4–5 million adherents as of 2025, reflecting the sects' regional strongholds and adaptations.

References

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