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Key Information

Jeon Bong-jun
Hangul
전봉준
Hanja
全琫準
RRJeon Bongjun
MRChŏn Pongjun
Art name
Hangul
해몽
Hanja
海夢
RRHaemong
MRHaemong
Courtesy name
Hangul
명숙
Hanja
明淑
RRMyeongsuk
MRMyŏngsuk

Jeon Bong-jun[a] (Korean: 전봉준; December 3, 1855 – April 24, 1895) was a Korean peasant revolutionary who was a prominent leader of the Donghak movement. During the Donghak Peasant Revolution, he led the initial revolt in Gobu and later led the Southern Jeob rebels. After his defeat at the Battle of Ugeumchi, he was captured and was later executed in April 1895. Due to his short physical stature, he was called "Nokdu Janggun" (녹두장군, General mung bean).

Early life

[edit]

Jeon Bong-jun was born on December 3, 1855[b], in Jeolla Province (now North Jeolla Province), as a member of the Cheonan Jeon clan [ko]. Previously, Korean historians have suggested various places, including Wanju, Jeongeup, and Gochang as his specific place of birth.[4] However, following the discovery of compelling evidence from a genealogy book of the Cheonan Jeon clan,[1] many historians now agree that his exact place of birth was Dangchon village, Jukrim-ri [ko], Gochang-eup [ko], Gochang.[4][5]

Jeon Bong-jun's father, Jeon Chang-hyuk (전창혁; 全彰爀), was a neo-Confucianist scholar who was a member of the Hyanggyo of Gobu.[6] Jeon learned classical Chinese from his father, and occasionally wrote poetry.[7] In 1940, writer Oh Ji-young, who had been an acquaintance of Jeon's,[8] published a book containing a poem titled Baekgusi (백구시; 白鷗詩), which he claimed was written by Jeon when he was a child. However, this claim has been discredited by the historical community.[9]

During his early adolescence, Jeon left Dangchon village with his father and migrated throughout multiple regions in Jeolla, probably in search of better livelihoods. During his late teenage years, Jeon migrated to a village in Donggok-ri, Taein[c], which was likely where he first met Kim Gae-nam.[4][8] According to other local tales of his youth, Jeon lived in a village in Wonpyeong, Geumgu[d] during his late adolescence years.[8]

According to the aforementioned genealogy book, Jeon's first spouse was Lady Song of the Yeosan Clan, the daughter of Song Du-ok (송두옥; 宋斗玉). When Song died in 1877, he remarried Lady Yi of the Nampyeong Clan, daughter of Yi Mun-ki (이문기; 李文琦). He had two daughters with Lady Song and two sons with Lady Yi.[1] Recent studies on Jeon Bong-jun's family lineage have also suggested that Jeon may have been the brother-in-law of renowned Seon Buddhist monk Gyeongheo, whose father's name was also Song Du-ok. According to historian Hong Hyeon-ji, a letter, written and sent by Gyeongheo himself to Jeon Chang-hyuk, was discovered. The letter discussed matters over the marriage between his sister and Jeon.[10]

Jeon made a living as a medicine seller, farmer, and village teacher.[6] During an 1895 interrogation, Jeon recounted that he and his family had lived in poverty before his involvement in the revolt, and were barely able to "have rice as breakfast, and porridge as dinner."[11]

Ideas of reform

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Around the late 19th century, Joseon Korea was plagued with various social problems, including poverty, excessive taxation, and corruption. Outside of its borders, foreign powers, such as Japan, France, Germany, Russia, Qing China, and the United States all sought to expand their influence over Korea, often through unequal treaties and gunboat diplomacy. Joseon politics were split between pro-Russian, pro-Japanese, and pro-Qing factions, with little effort made to alleviate the burdens of the peasantry.[8] These issues brought discontent and protest among peasants, and ideas of political and social reform among scholars. At some point around his late 20s to early 30s, Jeon acquired a copy of Chŏng Yagyong's Gyeongse Yupyo [ko], which had previously been retained by seonbis from Haenam and Gangjin. Jeon became heavily influenced by Jeong's ideas. He exchanged ideas of reform with other thinkers, including Son Hwa-jung [ko], Choi Gyeong-seon [ko], and Kim Gae-nam.[8]

Career as Regent Heungseon's retainer

[edit]

In 1890, Jeon visited Unhyeongung palace to see regent Heungseon, who had been residing there since his return to the palace in August 1885.[12] There, Jeon was appointed by Heungseon as his retainer. Jeon exchanged ideas of national reform with him during his career.[13] In 1892, Jeon concluded his career as a retainer and returned to Gobu.[14]

Involvement in Donghak

[edit]

The Donghak movement, which was first created by Choe Je-u in 1860, had spread to the Jeolla region by the 1880s, gaining widespread support from the indignant peasantry through its ideas of universal equality and human welfare. Jeon Bong-jun joined Donghak between 1888 and 1891, presumably after moving to Gobu from Taein.[15] Jeon interpreted the Donghak movement as a movement that promoted both personal spirituality and discipline (수심경천; 守心敬天) along with social reform (보국안민; 輔國安民).[16] According to the March 6, 1895 issue of the Tokyo Asahi Shimbun, Jeon claimed in an interrogation that he was introduced to the Donghak movement by Kim Chi-do (김치도; 金致道) in 1892. He detailed that he participated in the movement as he was moved by its principles and wished to "achieve the goals" of "driving out corrupt officials" and "protecting the nation and bringing comfort to the people", rather than due to religious motives.[17]

Jeon became a prominent figure of the movement through his active engagement during the Gyojo Shinwon movement. Among the three main goals of the movement, he is said to have participated most enthusiastically in the expulsion of Japanese and Western influence.[16] Jeon participated in several mass protests and pleas against the Joseon government's suppression of Donghak. He took a leading role during the 1892 protests at Samrye [ko] and later gathered Donghak members in Wonpyeong in preparation for the February 1893 mass appeals at Gyeongbokgung and the subsequent March 1893 protests in Boeun.[18] He was soon promoted as the regional leader of the movement of Gobu by Choe Si-hyeong.[6]

Struggle and revolution

[edit]

Gobu Revolt

[edit]
Main article: Gobu Revolt
Jeon, seated at center, after his capture at Ugeumchi in 1894.

In December 1893, a group of Gobu peasants, who were enraged by the harsh policies enacted by Gobu magistrate Jo Byeong-Gap [ko], pleaded the lifting of heavy taxes and the return of extorted property. Jeon acted as the head of the protesters, with his name cited on the head of the written complaint. This plea was rejected, and Jeon and the peasants were forcefully dismissed from the local Gwan-a.[4] In response, Jeon gathered a group of 20 revolutionaries who pledged to gather forces and initiate a general revolt, with their names signed on the Sabal Tongmun [ko] code. On January 10, 1894, a total of 1000 peasants revolted and attacked the Gwan-a under Jeon Bong-jun's leadership.

The revolt was successful. The local rice storage was destroyed, and most of the illegally taxed rice was retrieved. Jo Byeon-gap fled to nearby Jeonju. The Joseon government appointed hyeongam[e] of yong-an Pak Won-myeong (박원명; 朴源明) as the new magistrate of Gobu, and ordered the investigation and management of the incident. Most of the rebels returned to their households following the successful revolt. However, Jeon took hold of his forces and relocated them to Baeksan Mountain [ko].[4]

End of revolution

[edit]

On April 28, 1894, Jeon Bong Jun's revolution became anti-Western and anti-Japanese because of the oppressive and brutal actions of the Japanese army in punishing the Korean farmers. This revolution spread from town to county as the peasant army vowed to eradicate the entirety of the Korean ruling class and expel all Japanese and western parties. By September his peasant revolt came to a violent end as his army of farmers were decisively defeated by a well trained, better equipped Japanese military in the Battle of Ugeumchi. Jeon Bong-jun was arrested by the governor of Jeolla province, Yi Do-jae,[19] and was executed by hanging on 24 April 1895.

Jeon Bong-jun statue in Seoul

Cultural depictions

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  • Portrayed by Choi Moo-sung in the 2019 SBS TV series Nokdu Flower.
  • There is a statue of Jeon Bong Jun in Seoul, at the intersection of Jong-ro and Ujeongguk-ro.

See also

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Footnotes

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References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Jeon Bong-jun

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
Jeon Bong-jun (1855–1895) was a Korean revolutionary who commanded the Donghak Peasant Movement's 1894 uprising against entrenched corruption among Dynasty officials and the exploitative class. Born in Gochang, , to a Confucian scholar whose own rebellious activities led to his execution, Jeon affiliated with the Donghak faith in his thirties, establishing himself as a local organizer through an academy and clinic while overseeing the Gobu district. On January 8, 1894, he spearheaded a raid on the Gobu government office with around 1,000 followers, igniting protests that escalated into a full-scale revolt by May, when he mobilized approximately 13,000 peasants to seize in under a month. Guided by Donghak principles emphasizing equality and justice, including the maxim "Bogukanmin" (the people as the nation's foundation), Jeon enforced disciplined rules against looting or unnecessary violence and demanded systemic changes such as prosecuting corrupt administrators, liberating slaves, and reallocating land. The rebels secured a provisional treaty on May 7, 1894, but subsequent clashes with Japanese military intervention at resulted in defeat for his force of 12,000; betrayed and captured on December 2, 1894, Jeon faced execution in March 1895, marking the suppression of the movement yet cementing his legacy as a defender of against elite malfeasance.

Early Life and Background

Family Origins and Upbringing

Jeon Bong-jun was born in 1855 in Taein, a county in what was then Jeollanam-do Province (now part of in Jeollabuk-do Province), into a of the Cheonan Jeon clan that had fallen into impoverished circumstances despite its nominal heritage. Yangban status, typically conferring hereditary privileges in Joseon society, offered little practical advantage to his household, which struggled with amid widespread agrarian distress. His father, documented in local records as having lived through the mid-19th century, supported the through modest means, but specific details on parental occupations remain sparse in primary accounts. Raised in a rural setting marked by economic hardship and social inequities, Jeon received a in Confucian at a local seodang (village school), as was customary for boys of even modest lineage during the late era. This upbringing exposed him early to the tensions between traditional scholarly ideals and the realities of tenant farming and local corruption, though he did not pursue the gwageo examinations to restore family fortunes. By his twenties, the family's decline had compelled him to contribute to household labor, fostering a practical resilience that later informed his revolutionary activities.

Exposure to Corruption and Initial Activism

Jeon Bong-jun, residing in the Gobu area of , encountered systemic corruption exemplified by the actions of the local Jo Byung-gap, who assumed office in 1893 and promptly imposed excessive taxes and forced labor on peasants to fund personal projects, including the construction of his residence, while seizing assets and framing dissenters. These practices intensified long-standing grievances against yangban exploitation and arbitrary taxation, which Jeon witnessed as a community member operating a private academy and Oriental medicine clinic to aid locals. In response, Jeon mobilized fellow Donghak adherents and peasants, interpreting the movement's tenets as a call to eradicate such official malfeasance through . On January 11, 1894, he led approximately 200-300 villagers in storming the Gobu county office, expelling Jo Byung-gap, liberating unjustly detained individuals, and redistributing hoarded grain to the needy, actions that punished the magistrate's corruption and distributed food stores. This raid, though initially suppressed by government forces under Yi Yong-tae, marked Jeon's emergence as an activist leader, galvanizing broader peasant resistance against entrenched elite abuses rather than mere petitioning. Jeon's pre-revolt efforts, including community education via his , likely propagated Donghak critiques of failures, fostering solidarity among farmers facing and power abuses by officials, which were rampant across but acutely felt in Jeolla's agrarian regions. His tactical shift from service-oriented roles to armed protest reflected a pragmatic response to the inefficacy of non-violent appeals, as prior Donghak petitions against similar corruption had yielded little reform.

Adoption of Donghak Ideology

Core Tenets of Donghak and Their Appeal

Donghak's foundational tenet, articulated by its founder Choe Je-u in 1860, centered on the immanence of the supreme deity Haneullim (Heaven) within every individual, encapsulated in the doctrine shi cheon ("treating humans as heaven"), which asserted the inherent divinity and equality of all people regardless of social status. This principle rejected the rigid class hierarchies of Joseon Neo-Confucianism, promoting self-cultivation through moral introspection, incantatory practices, and rituals to realize one's inner heaven, while integrating elements of shamanism, Buddhism, and Taoism into a syncretic framework. Choe's Thirteen Great Teachings further outlined ethical imperatives such as filial piety, communal harmony, and rejection of material excess, emphasizing spiritual renewal over external Western influences like Christianity, which Donghak critiqued as Seohak (Western learning). A monistic underpinned these beliefs, positing that humans and the divine share an ontological identity, fostering a dualistic relational dynamic where serving meant upholding and equity in daily life. Donghak prescribed egalitarian rituals, including communal gatherings and talismanic invocations, to cultivate this awareness, positioning the faith as a native alternative to foreign religions amid Joseon's 1866 ban on Catholicism and executions of converts. This ideology resonated with peasants in the late Joseon era, where systemic corruption by elites and local officials—exacerbated by heavy taxation, famines, and grain requisitions—had eroded livelihoods, as evidenced by over 100 recorded disturbances from 1800 to 1894. By affirming commoners' divine essence, Donghak provided a theological justification for demanding from authorities, framing grievances like usurious lending and official graft as violations of heavenly order, thus mobilizing rural networks for . Its anti-foreign stance, opposing Japanese and Western encroachments symbolized by unequal treaties like the 1876 Ganghwa Treaty, further amplified its draw, offering cultural pride and organized resistance structures in regions like , where Donghak adherents formed self-defense groups by the 1880s.

Jeon's Integration and Propagation of Ideas

Jeon Bong-jun integrated Donghak principles by adapting its core emphasis on human equality and spiritual to address immediate grievances, such as official corruption and exploitative taxation, transforming abstract doctrine into actionable demands for social reform. Donghak's teaching that divinity resides within individuals (innaecheon) resonated with Jeon's view of innate human dignity, which he linked to opposition against class hierarchies and foreign influences, positioning the movement as both a crusade and a practical resistance against Joseon's elite and Japanese encroachment. This synthesis is evident in his leadership of early petitions, including the November 1892 Samrye Petition, which demanded the expulsion of Western influences and punishment of corrupt officials while invoking Donghak's anti-foreign stance. To propagate these ideas, Jeon established community institutions like a private academy and an Oriental medicine clinic in Gobu, fostering unity among farmers through education and mutual aid, which served as platforms for disseminating Donghak rituals and egalitarian ethics. In December 1893, he drafted the Sabal Manifesto, signed by 20 local participants, outlining grievances against Governor Jo Byeong-gap's asset seizures and heavy levies, thereby framing resistance as a fulfillment of Donghak's call for justice and self-governance. By leveraging the existing Donghak network, Jeon rapidly mobilized supporters; for instance, he coordinated with regional leaders to assemble assemblies across Jeolla Province, including Buan and Gochang, and issued nationwide notices to Donghak affiliates, enabling the quick formation of a 4,000-strong peasant force by early 1894. Jeon's propagation extended to tactical slogans like "Bogukanmin" (protecting the and aiding the ), which encapsulated Donghak's blend of and , rallying up to 13,000 participants for the May 1894 Gobu assembly and subsequent advances. He emphasized non-lethal conduct where possible, ordering restraint against enemies to align with Donghak's ethical , though military necessities often overrode this in practice. These efforts not only spread the ideology but also achieved short-term reforms, such as the abolition of and land redistribution pledges during the First Army's occupation of in April 1894, demonstrating Donghak's viability as a framework for .

Leadership in the Peasant Uprising

Triggers of the Gobu Revolt

The Gobu Revolt was precipitated by widespread peasant grievances against the exploitative rule of the local , Jo Byong-gap, who had been appointed to Gobu in around 1892 and enforced oppressive policies including excessive taxation on agricultural produce and arbitrary seizure of villagers' assets to enrich himself. These measures exacerbated existing economic hardships, such as crop failures and , forcing many peasants to sell ancestral lands and endure increased demands for unpaid labor amid starvation. Jo Byong-gap further alienated the populace by framing and imprisoning dissenters who opposed his , intensifying local resentment toward elites and officials who prioritized personal gain over governance. Influenced by Donghak teachings emphasizing social equality and resistance to injustice, over a thousand peasants mobilized in early January 1894, raiding the Gobu county office on January 8 to directly confront the magistrate's abuses and distribute seized properties. This initial seizure on –11 marked the revolt's ignition, as rebels defeated local government forces and punished corrupt officials, reflecting not only fervor but also broader anti-yangban sentiment rooted in exploitative land practices and . Jeon Bong-jun's personal stake—his father's execution for criticizing provincial authorities—further fueled participation, aligning individual vendettas with collective demands for reform. While suppressed temporarily by government troops under Yi Yong-tae in March, the revolt's triggers underscored systemic failures in administration, where local officials like Jo Byong-gap operated with impunity, setting the stage for escalation into a larger by April.

Organization and Conduct of the Rebellion

The Donghak peasant rebellion under Jeon Bong-jun's leadership was organized through a network of local Donghak believers and aggrieved farmers, drawing on the movement's established that Jeon had ascended by the . In late 1893, Jeon mobilized initial forces in Gobu by issuing the Sabal Manifesto, signed by 20 participants in randomized order to decentralize apparent leadership and evade targeting, while expanding recruitment across villages such as Buan, Gochang, and Heungdeok through collaboration with Donghak affiliates. The army's structure was decentralized yet cohesive, comprising primarily poor tenant farmers armed with traditional weapons like spears, bows, swords, and limited muskets, supplemented by progressive elites, scholars, and nationalists opposed to government corruption and foreign influence; key co-leaders included Kim Gae-nam and Son Hwa-jung, enabling coordinated mass protests and guerrilla operations. The rebellion commenced on January 11, 1894, with Jeon's raid on the Gobu county office to punish local , seize stores, and distribute aid, rapidly swelling ranks to thousands as news spread. Conduct emphasized disciplined reform over indiscriminate violence: Jeon instituted rules prohibiting the killing of non-combatants or destruction of , focusing instead on executing corrupt officials and landlords, redistributing confiscated lands and goods to peasants, abolishing , and demanding tax reductions. Tactically, forces employed guerrilla-style raids on garrisons, improvised defenses such as converting structures into bullet shields, and direct assaults, achieving victories that captured fortress by April 27, 1894, with an estimated 13,000 fighters overwhelming underprepared royal troops. Jeon negotiated a temporary truce in , offering withdrawal in exchange for reforms like purging officials and land equity, but resumed hostilities in October 1894 upon government betrayal and Japanese intervention, leading to defeats at sites like Hwangto Pass and Ugeumchi due to inferior weaponry against modern and . Despite tactical adaptability, the rebels' reliance on numerical superiority and morale—fueled by Donghak rituals invoking divine protection—could not sustain prolonged engagements against professional armies, resulting in heavy losses, including a reduction from 20,000 to 500 fighters at Ugeumchi after a week of .

Military Engagements and Tactical Approaches

Jeon Bong-jun initiated the Donghak uprising on January 11, 1894, by leading approximately 1,000 peasants in seizing the Gobu county office (Gwana), defeating forces, freeing prisoners, and redistributing confiscated taxes and properties to farmers. The rebels employed surprise raids and mass mobilization, leveraging numerical superiority and local support against poorly prepared officials, while adhering to Donghak directives prohibiting harm to civilians or property destruction to maintain moral legitimacy. Following an initial government suppression under Yi Yong-tae, Jeon regrouped forces in Mount Paektu and recaptured Gobu in April 1894, then expanded operations by defeating the Jeolla provincial army at Hwangtohyeon and advancing toward Jeonju, where the peasant army swelled to tens of thousands. Tactics shifted toward coordinated advances with organized units, using spears, bows, and improvised weapons in open formations, supported by Donghak incantations to boost fanaticism and cohesion among illiterate farmers unaccustomed to formal military discipline. This phase culminated in the occupation of Jeonju fortress in April 1894, achieved through encirclement and pressure rather than direct assault, leading to the Jeonju Treaty on May 7, which temporarily halted hostilities without full rebel demands met. In the second uprising starting September 1894, Jeon reassembled up to 20,000 fighters in Samrye, targeting Japanese-backed government troops amid the Sino-Japanese War, with engagements including attempts to surround from multiple directions using pincer strategies from and . The rebels evolved from guerrilla raids to conventional battles but suffered decisive defeats at Ugeumchi (October 22–November 10, 1894) and Taein, where mass charges faltered against modern rifles and artillery, resulting in tens of thousands of casualties due to inferior armament and exposure in open terrain. Overall, Jeon's approaches emphasized ideological motivation over technical prowess, prioritizing rapid peasant conscription and ethical restraints to frame the revolt as righteous reform rather than banditry, though this limited adaptability against professional armies.

Defeat, Trial, and Execution

Government Counteroffensives and Japanese Involvement

Following the Donghak forces' capture of Jeonju on April 27, 1894, the Joseon government intensified its military efforts, dispatching expeditions under commanders such as Yi Yong-tae, but these suffered setbacks against the numerically superior rebels. On June 3, 1894, facing the risk of further losses, the government formally requested Qing Chinese military assistance to suppress the uprising, citing its inability to quell the rebellion independently. Japan, anticipating Chinese intervention and aiming to safeguard its diplomatic and commercial interests in Korea, preemptively dispatched around 8,000 troops starting June 8, 1894, without a direct invitation from Joseon. This dual foreign involvement escalated tensions, contributing to the outbreak of the First Sino-Japanese War on July 25, 1894, while the rebels negotiated the Treaty of Jeonju on June 11, 1894, agreeing to temporary disbandment in return for promised administrative reforms. As Japanese troops lingered post-truce and began exerting political pressure on the court—installing pro-Japanese officials and enforcing reforms perceived as infringing on Korean — rallied Donghak adherents for a second uprising in early October 1894, explicitly targeting Japanese influence as a threat to national independence. The government, bolstered by Japanese support, mobilized combined forces for counteroffensives, including units and auxiliary militias totaling several thousand, coordinated with Japanese detachments equipped with modern rifles, , and disciplined tactics. These operations focused on disrupting rebel supply lines and concentrations in southwestern provinces, with Japanese units taking a direct role against peasant armies that relied on spears, bows, and limited firearms. The pivotal clash occurred in the Battle of Ugeumchi from October 23 to November 11, 1894, where approximately 20,000 Donghak fighters under Jeon's command assaulted entrenched Japanese and government positions but faltered against superior firepower, suffering thousands of casualties in failed assaults. This defeat fragmented the rebel coalition, prompting retreats and desertions; subsequent government-Japanese sweeps, including the Battle of Taein, eliminated remaining strongholds by late 1894. Japanese forces, numbering over by this phase and leveraging logistics from their broader against , proved decisive in overcoming the rebels' guerrilla tactics and morale, though their involvement extended beyond suppression to consolidating Japan's strategic foothold in Korea. The uprising's collapse by December 1894 forced Jeon into hiding, marking the effective end of organized Donghak resistance.

Capture, Interrogation, and Judicial Proceedings

Jeon Bong-jun evaded capture following the Donghak peasant army's defeat at the Battle of Ugeumchi on November 12, 1894. He was arrested on December 2, 1894, in Pinori, Sunchang County, after being betrayed by subordinates who informed government forces of his location. Transported to Hanyang (modern ) under guard, he arrived on December 18, 1894, where he faced initial confinement amid the joint Joseon-Japanese suppression efforts. Interrogations commenced on February 9, 1895, and continued through five sessions until mid-March, presided over by judicial officials including Yi Jae-jeong and involving the Japanese consul. The preserved records, termed Jeon Bong-jun Gongcho, detail probing into Jeon's personal history, orchestration of the Gobu revolt in January 1894, subsequent military mobilizations, and ties to Donghak doctrine. Jeon maintained that the uprisings addressed systemic corruption, exploitative taxation, and foreign encroachments, refusing to recant his leadership role despite physical coercion reported in some accounts. Japanese participation in the interrogations underscored their expanding influence in punitive processes. The proceedings culminated in Joseon's inaugural modern criminal trial framework, encompassing judgments for Jeon and 216 other captured insurgents, as documented in restored originals. Convicted of treasonous rebellion, Jeon received a sentence, reflecting the regime's imperative to quash peasant militancy amid internal decay and external pressures. Jeon was executed by hanging on March 30, 1895—the first such modern method employed in —alongside key lieutenants Son Hwa-jung, Kim Deok-myeong, and Choi Gyeong-seon, signaling the final suppression of Donghak leadership cores.

Assessments and Legacy

Short-Term Political Consequences

The suppression of the Gobu Revolt and subsequent peasant armies under Jeon Bong-jun's command exposed the Joseon Dynasty's military frailty, compelling the court to request Chinese intervention in April 1894, which served as a for Japanese forces to deploy troops and initiate the on July 25, 1894. This conflict, resolved by Japan's victory and the on April 17, 1895, terminated China's suzerainty over Korea, thereby dismantling the traditional East Asian tributary order but immediately amplifying Japanese political and economic leverage in . In direct response to the uprising's demands against and inequality, the government promulgated the initial Gabo Reforms beginning July 27, 1894, which abolished the hereditary slave () system affecting roughly one-third of the population, eliminated the topknot mandate symbolizing Confucian hierarchy, and curtailed privileges, though these changes were enacted under duress from Japanese military presence and reformist factions aligned with . The reforms centralized administrative power, introduced modern legal codes, and promoted currency standardization, yet they alienated conservative elites and failed to resolve underlying agrarian distress, as peasant grievances persisted amid wartime disruptions. Jeon Bong-jun's capture in early 1895 and subsequent execution by hanging symbolized the regime's decisive quelling of organized rural resistance, with government forces executing or capturing thousands of rebels in the months following the Battle of Ugeumchi in October 1894, thereby restoring nominal order but at the expense of deepened internal divisions and reliance on foreign-backed troops. This crackdown fragmented Donghak networks temporarily, shifting political initiative to urban intellectuals and pro-Japanese modernizers, whose influence culminated in the short-lived Gabo Regency's pro-Tokyo orientation until its collapse amid anti-foreign backlash later in 1895.

Long-Term Historical Interpretations

In Korean , the Donghak Peasant Revolution led by Jeon Bong-jun has undergone significant reinterpretation over time, evolving from a portrayal as mere or disturbance in late records and early 20th-century colonial-era accounts to a celebrated peasant or emphasizing and demands. This shift accelerated after Korea's liberation from Japanese rule in , with South Korean scholars framing it as a precursor to modern and resistance against both domestic exploitation and foreign , particularly Japanese intervention in 1894. North Korean historiography, by contrast, emphasizes its class-struggle dimensions, aligning Jeon's uprising with Marxist narratives of proletarian revolt against feudal landlords, though this view has been critiqued for overlooking the movement's religious and restorative Confucian elements. Jeon Bong-jun himself is often interpreted as embodying the (common people) spirit, a symbol of grassroots agency in challenging elite corruption rather than purely ideological radicalism; his background in a fallen family and exposure to Donghak teachings, which blended shamanistic and egalitarian ideas, positioned him as a bridge between traditional and popular . Contemporary assessments highlight the uprising's conservative character, evidenced by petitions for restoring Confucian moral governance and punishing officials like Jo Byong-gap, rather than wholesale systemic overthrow, challenging romanticized views of it as proto-communist or fully egalitarian. Nonetheless, Jeon's tactical leadership in battles such as Hwangto Pass and has cemented his legacy as a martial hero akin to , inspiring modern depictions in , film, and memorials that underscore resistance to injustice over abstract . These interpretations reflect broader debates in Korean historical scholarship on agency and causation: while from uprising manifestos supports causal links to localized grievances like tax burdens and grain seizures, some analyses caution against projecting modern democratic or nationalist teleologies onto 1894 events, prioritizing instead the Donghak faith's role in mobilizing peasants without clear anti-monarchical intent. Jeon's execution on April 4, 1895, following his capture, further symbolizes the limits of peasant mobilization against state and foreign forces, influencing long-term views of the revolt as a tragic but formative assertion of in Korea's transition to .

Controversies Over Motivations and Outcomes

Historians debate the primary motivations behind Jeon Bong-jun's leadership in the Gobu Revolt and broader Donghak uprising, with some emphasizing economic grievances such as excessive taxation, land expropriation by elites, and local corruption exemplified by officials like Jo Byeong-gap in Gobu County, while others highlight the religious and millenarian ideology of Donghak, which blended shamanistic, Confucian, and anti-foreign elements to promise spiritual renewal and expulsion of Western influences. Jeon, emerging from a rural background with exposure to Donghak teachings, framed the revolt through manifestos demanding punishment of corrupt officials and restoration of moral order, but scholarly reappraisals argue his actions reflected a conservative aim to reinforce traditional Confucian hierarchies rather than enact radical social restructuring, given his ties to local elite networks and the uprising's "expel the barbarians and reform customs." This conservative interpretation contrasts with progressive narratives in Korean historiography that portray the movement as a proto-democratic or class-based challenge to , potentially influenced by post-colonial reinterpretations that align it with anti-imperialist struggles. The outcomes of the revolt under Jeon's command remain contentious, as initial successes in capturing Gobu on January 11, 1894, and pressuring the government to issue reform edicts in April 1894—addressing grievances like tax relief and measures—were overshadowed by military defeat and foreign interventions. Critics contend the uprising inadvertently accelerated Korea's vulnerability by prompting Qing to dispatch troops, which in turn provoked Japan's 1894 invasion, culminating in the Sino-Japanese War and the that weakened sovereignty and paved the way for Japanese dominance. Proponents of a positive legacy argue it demonstrated peasant agency and inspired later righteous armies against Japanese rule, fostering a of popular resistance, though shows limited structural reforms endured beyond temporary concessions, with the movement's suppression resulting in over 10,000 deaths and Jeon's execution on April 24, 1895. These debates underscore tensions between viewing the revolt as a catalyst for unintended geopolitical catastrophe versus a morally driven, if quixotic, assertion of local autonomy against elite malfeasance.

References

  1. https://world.kbs.co.kr/service/contents_view.htm?lang=e&menu_cate=history&id=&board_seq=60248&page=11&board_code=korean_story
  2. https://www.knowingkorea.org/contents/view/184/General-Jeon-Bong-jun-leader-of-the-Donghak-Peasant-Movement
  3. https://gwangjunewsgic.com/features/jeolla-history/the-donghak-peasant-rebellion/
  4. https://www.transparency-korea.org/?p=500
  5. https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/opinion/20211206/donghaks-humanistic-egalitarianism
  6. https://www.mdpi.com/2077-1444/11/5/265
  7. https://www.jungtosociety.org/pomnyun_241126/
  8. https://www.mdpi.com/2077-1444/13/6/531
  9. https://www.koreatimes.co.kr/opinion/20141016/the-anniversary-of-donghak-revolution
  10. https://www.korea.net/NewsFocus/Society/view?articleId=170844
  11. https://www.connexions.org/CxLibrary/Docs/CxP-Donghak_Peasant_Revolution.htm
  12. https://stories.workingclasshistory.com/article/12697/donghak-peasant-revolution
  13. https://richardpennington.com/2021/01/06/jeon-bong-jun-koreas-spartacus/
  14. https://www.1894.or.kr/eng/?menu=186
  15. https://fiveable.me/history-of-korea/unit-6/donghak-peasant-revolution/study-guide/F9nqyHNzq42qP1nb
  16. https://www.usenuri.co.kr/news/226207
  17. https://www.jacar.go.jp/english/jacarbl-fsjwar-e/smart/about/p002.html
  18. https://omniatlas.com/maps/asia-pacific/18940609/
  19. https://media.khu.ac.kr/bbs/board.php?bo_table=english&wr_id=19580028
  20. http://journal.kci.go.kr/imhc/archive/articleView?artiId=ART000987531
  21. https://www.jiwon-yoon.com/korean-land-reform-and-democracy/
  22. https://contents.history.go.kr/id/hm_117_0060
  23. https://www.jjan.kr/article/20240912580205
  24. https://theme.archives.go.kr/next/pages/new_newsletter/2017/html/vol_101/sub02_2.html
  25. https://www.khan.co.kr/article/202005102146015
  26. https://www.britannica.com/event/Donghak-Uprising
  27. https://www.britannica.com/place/Korea/The-Donghak-Uprising-and-government-reform
  28. https://koreajoongangdaily.joins.com/2003/01/06/features/THIS-WEEK-IN-HISTORYA-revolutionary-a-musician-and-a-restriction-on-marriage/1911850.html
  29. https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00734.x
  30. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44000397
  31. https://transnationalhistory.net/world/2021/09/the-motivations-of-koreas-peasantry-and-its-connection-to-the-tonghak-uprisings/
  32. https://www.universitypressscholarship.com/view/10.21313/hawaii/9780824839659.001.0001/upso-9780824839659-chapter-002
  33. https://drbenjaminhabib.com/2024/12/20/the-ir-classroom-millenarian-movements-east-asia/
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