Kris Kobach
Kris Kobach
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Kris William Kobach (/ˈkbɑːk/ KOH-bahk; born March 26, 1966) is an American lawyer and politician who has served as the attorney general of Kansas since 2023. He previously served as the 31st secretary of state of Kansas from 2011 to 2019. Kobach rose to national prominence as a hardliner on immigration, including his involvement in implementing high-profile ordinances targeting illegal immigration in various American cities.[1][2][3][4][5]

Key Information

Raised in Topeka, Kansas, he earned degrees from Harvard University, the University of Oxford, and Yale Law School before working as a law professor and serving in the U.S. Department of Justice. After an unsuccessful congressional campaign in 2004, Kobach was later elected chairman of the Kansas Republican Party in 2007, serving until January 2009. He was elected secretary of state in 2010, and re-elected in 2014. He was a candidate for governor of Kansas in 2018, defeating Jeff Colyer – who had recently become governor after Sam Brownback's resignation – in a close Republican primary, but losing in the November general election to Democrat Laura Kelly 48.01%–42.98%–6.50% in a three-way race with independent candidate Greg Orman.[6]

He later ran unsuccessfully for U.S. Senate in 2020, placing second in the Republican primary. He returned to elected office after being elected Attorney General of Kansas in 2022.[7][8]

Early life, education, and academic career

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Kobach was born in Madison, Wisconsin, on March 26, 1966. His family moved to Topeka, Kansas, when he was seven years old, where his father owned a Buick dealership, that Kobach worked at while in high school.[9] In 1984, Kobach graduated from Washburn Rural High School in Topeka, Kansas, where he was co-valedictorian, and the student body class president.[10]

He earned his Bachelor of Arts degree in Government from Harvard University, graduating summa cum laude and first in his department.[11][12] Kobach was also elected to Phi Beta Kappa.[13] The director of Harvard's Center for International Affairs, Professor Samuel P. Huntington, was Kobach's faculty advisor from 1984 to 1988. Huntington believed that migration, especially from Mexico and Latin America, represented the most perilous threat to what he called the "American identity." When Kobach taught law at the University of Missouri-Kansas City, Huntington's writings were required reading in the course.[14]

From Harvard, Kobach went on to earn a Doctor of Philosophy in politics from Brasenose College of Oxford University, having been selected for a Marshall Scholarship. Returning to the U.S., he earned a J.D. from Yale Law School in 1995,[15][16] and became an editor of The Yale Law Journal. During this time, Kobach published two books: The Referendum: Direct Democracy in Switzerland (Dartmouth, 1994), and Political Capital: The Motives, Tactics, and Goals of Politicized Businesses in South Africa (University Press of America, 1990).[15]

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From 1995 to 1996, Kobach clerked for Judge Deanell R. Tacha of the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals in Lawrence, Kansas. He began his professorship at the University of Missouri–Kansas City School of Law (UMKC) shortly thereafter. In 2001, President George W. Bush awarded him a White House Fellowship to work for Attorney General John Ashcroft.[17] At the end of the fellowship, he stayed on as counsel to the attorney general. Shortly after the attacks of September 11, 2001, he led a team of attorneys and researchers who formulated and established the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System. In addition, he took part in work to reshape the Board of Immigration Appeals in 2002. After his government service ended, he returned to UMKC to teach law until he was elected Kansas Secretary of State.[18]

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Litigation

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While running for Congress in 2004, Kobach represented out-of-state students on behalf of the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), in a lawsuit against the state of Kansas, challenging a state law which grants in-state tuition to illegal immigrants. The suit was dismissed for lack of legal standing for the plaintiffs.[19] In 2005, Kobach filed a lawsuit on behalf of FAIR's Immigration Reform Law Institute (IRLI), challenging a similar law in California. In September 2008, the California Court of Appeal held that California's law granting in-state tuition rates to illegal immigrants was preempted by federal law. (Martinez v. Regents, 166 Cal. App. 4th 1121; 2008). In November 2010, the California Supreme Court unanimously reversed, finding that the law was not so preempted, because it was based on attendance for three years and graduation from a California high school.[20]

In 2010, Kobach filed a third similar tuition lawsuit, this time in Nebraska.[21] The case was dismissed in a Nebraska district court in December of that year, for plaintiffs' lack of legal standing.[22]

Kobach has litigated numerous lawsuits defending cities and states that adopt laws to discourage illegal immigration. He served as lead lawyer defending the city of Valley Park, Missouri in a federal case concerning an ordinance that requires businesses to use a federal worker verification program known as E-Verify in order to maintain a business license. The ordinance was upheld by Missouri federal judge E. Richard Webber on January 31, 2008 (Gray v. Valley Park, 2008 U.S. Dist. LEXIS 7238).[16][23] The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), representing the plaintiff, appealed the case to the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals. Kobach prevailed on appeal, and the Court allowed the Valley Park ordinance to stand (Gray v. Valley Park, 567 F.3d 976 (8th Cir. 2009)), saying that the ordinance "addresses the employment of illegal aliens, not Hispanics."[24]

Kobach was the lead attorney defending the city of Hazleton, Pennsylvania, whose ordinances prohibiting employing and renting to illegal immigrants had been struck down by a federal judge in Pennsylvania and again before the Third Circuit Court of Appeals.[25] In June 2011, the U.S. Supreme Court vacated the Third Circuit's decision and remitted the case back to the Third Circuit for reconsideration. Sup. Ct. No 10-722. In July 2013, the Third Circuit concluded again that both the employment and housing provisions of the Hazleton ordinances were preempted by federal immigration law.[26]

Kobach became counsel in another lawsuit, in part involving a Farmers Branch, Texas ordinance that attempted to prevent landlords from renting to illegal immigrants.[16] That case was appealed to the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals where it was first heard by a three-judge panel that largely decided against the city. In addition to the costs of the immigration suits, the City had spent $850,000 defending two voting rights lawsuits. The City appealed the panel's ruling, in Case No. 10-10751, with the Fifth Circuit granting an en banc rehearing by the entire Court . After losing there with the costs to the City by that December reaching $6.1 million, the City appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which refused to hear its appeal in 2014. The city had engaged Kobach to help write the ordinance in October 2006.[27] The plaintiffs in the case, including the Mexican-American Legal Defense and Education Fund (MALDEF), the ACLU and the ACLU's National Immigrants' Rights Project, were awarded $1.4 million in June 2014.[28]

As of January 2011, it was estimated that Kobach had received $6.6 million from jurisdictions as he defended their anti-immigration ordinances he had helped to create and/or defend.[29]

As of September 2017, Kobach was listed as "Of counsel" by IRLI,[30] the legal arm of FAIR, which is described as a "hate group," by the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC).[31]

In August 2018, ProPublica and The Kansas City Star reported that none of the towns where Kobach helped to enact anti-immigration ordinances over a 13-year period still had those ordinances on the books.[1] The ordinances were costly to defend in court, with some localities going bankrupt.[1] At the same time, Kobach personally profited, earning more than $800,000 on legal work for the localities over a 13-year period, paid both by the localities and an anti-immigration advocacy group.[1]

Arizona immigration law

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Kobach played a significant role in the drafting of Arizona SB 1070, a state law that attracted national attention as the country's broadest and strictest—at the state level—illegal immigration measure, and has assisted in defending the state during the ongoing legal battle over SB 1070's legality.[32][33][34] On February 7, 2008, Federal Judge Neil V. Wake ruled against a lawsuit filed by construction contractors and immigrant organizations who sought to halt a state law that imposes severe penalties on employers who knowingly hire illegal immigrants.[16][23] The plaintiffs appealed the ruling, but Arizona prevailed (with Kobach's assistance) in the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals (Chicanos por la Causa v. Arizona, 558 F.3d 856; 2009). The case was further appealed to the Supreme Court of the United States.[35] In June 2012, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled on the case Arizona v. United States, upholding the provision requiring immigration status checks during law enforcement stops but striking down three other provisions as violations of the Supremacy Clause of the United States Constitution.[36]

A 2015 ruling by the United States District Court for the District of Arizona limited the effectiveness of the lone provision of SB 1070 that had been upheld as constitutional. Sheriff Joe Arpaio, who had hired Kobach, lost re-election in 2016.[37] The suit cost the county over $56,000,000 in legal fees and costs.[38] During this litigation, it was revealed that Kobach was paid $300 per hour to train the Maricopa County Sheriff's Office in regard to immigration matters.[39]

Alabama immigration law

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Kobach was cited as a primary author of Alabama HB 56, passed in 2010, which was described as tougher than Arizona's law.[40] Much of the law was invalidated on appeal at various levels of appeals courts or voluntarily withdrawn or reworded.[41][42][43]

Border security initiatives

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Kobach visited Coolidge, Arizona to observe North Dakota's Fisher Industries demonstration of how it would build a border fence. Fisher maintained it could erect 218 miles of the barrier for $3.3 billion and be able to complete it in 13 months. Spin cameras positioned atop the fence would use facial recognition technology. Fiber optic cables buried in the ground could detect and differentiate between human activity, vehicles, tunneling, and animals as distant as 40 feet away. The Arizona barrier would be constructed with 42 miles near Yuma and 91 miles near Tucson, Arizona, plus 69 miles near El Paso, Texas, and 15 more miles near El Centro, California. It would reportedly cost $12.5 million per mile. Louisiana Republican U.S. Senator Bill Cassidy said he traveled with the group of politicians over the Easter recess to Coolidge, which is 120 miles north of the Mexico border, because he felt that not enough barrier and border enhancements had been erected since Donald Trump became president 27 months previously.[44] North Dakota's junior U.S. Senator, Republican Kevin Cramer, was there to promote his state's firm, Fisher Industries, which demonstrated its ability by constructing a 56-foot fence in Coolidge, located 120 miles north of the Mexican border.[45] However, Arizona's then-U.S. Senator, Republican Martha McSally said that a barrier would not resolve the border crisis.[46]

In late 2018, Kobach joined with other right-wing political operatives, including billionaire Erik Prince, Trump's chief political strategist and former Breitbart editor Steve Bannon, Breitbart manager Brandon Darby, former Milwaukee County, Wisconsin Sheriff David Clarke, former Congressman Tom Tancredo and social media "fake news" scion, Brian Kolfage, to form an organization to raise funds ostensibly to facilitate construction of a barrier.[47] Kolfage, a prodigious Internet fundraiser associated with a long history of dubious schemes using Facebook and GoFundMe to collect both money and potential contacts for exploitation,[48] had raised tens of millions of donated dollars and asserted the organization would raise such private funds to construct hundreds of miles of their proposed border wall on private lands in Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. As its prime organizer, in December 2018, Kolfage launched what he represented as an attempt to raise $1 billion via GoFundMe for the wall's construction.[49][50][51] Kolfage stated that the target figure was achievable, adding "This won't be easy, but it's our duty as citizens".[52]

In December 2018, he emailed the Washington Post, stating that he started the fundraiser because "political games from both parties" had held back funding for the proposed wall.[53] Within three days, over $9 million had been raised.[54] In January 2019, Kolfage posted a message to the GoFundMe page that he had decided raising money instead through a nonprofit would be more productive. His new 501(c)(4) nonprofit was called We Build The Wall Inc. through which he described his plans to have segments of the wall privately erected through negotiations with U.S. landowners along the border.[55] GoFundMe however issued a statement after Kolfage's statement that it would give refunds unless the donor chose to opt into the change to where the donations would go.[56] Kobach said that 94% of the donors agreed to have their contributions disbursed to the 501(c)4.[57]

By January 2019, Kobach joined Kolfage's advisory board, saying he was currently unpaid, but might take a paid position with Kolfage's organization. Kobach indicated the most substantial problems along the border were "litter and security." Regarding a phone call between him and the president on January 23, 2019, Kobach reported that Trump endorsed the project saying, "...the project has my blessing, and you can tell the media that," though the White House had not independently confirmed that contention.[57][58][59] In addition to Kolfage's history, another basic problem with the scheme was that almost all the land on the border is in the hands of the federal government, border states, and Native American tribes. The small number of privately owned border parcels in proximity to the demarcation are widely dispersed, leaving few opportunities to allow for the construction of any connected barriers. That left open the question, for what purpose would all that money actually be used?[47][60] As the money Kolfage was accumulating was going to a 501(c)4, it could all be spent as "dark money" in political campaigns, with next to no public reporting of expenditures required.[47]

However, in May-June 2019, We Build the Wall succeeded in constructing approximately a half mile of border wall in an area that the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers had previously described as too difficult to build wall.[61] It begins at the Texas-New Mexico border and climbs 300 feet in elevation on the side of Mount Cristo Rey in Sunland Park, New Mexico. In completing the section of wall, We Build the Wall closed a major drug and alien smuggling gap on the southern border. The Border Patrol sector chief for the area called the newly constructed wall, "a game changer" in her remarks to the press.[62]

In early June, 2019, at the eastern end of the newly constructed wall, the We Build the Wall constructed an access gate on federal land under the jurisdiction of the United States element of the International Boundary and Water Commission (IBWC). That is the body that, partnered with Mexico, administers control of rivers along the border. The commission noted the gate impermissibly blocked a U.S. Government-owned levee road. "We Build the Wall" kept the gate closed, according to the commission, despite repeated requests to allow access. On June 10, the commission took the step of securing the gate open with a lock and chain in the daytime, only keeping it locked at night.[58]

On August 20, 2020, a federal grand jury indictment was unsealed against We Build the Wall advisory board member Steve Bannon, Kolfage, and two others, charging them with conspiracy to commit wire fraud and money laundering. Each charge has a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison upon conviction.[63][64][65] Federal prosecutors of the U.S. Attorney's Office for the Southern District of New York allege that Bannon, United States Air Force veteran Kolfage, and the two other defendants used funds received from the We Build the Wall fundraising campaign, marketed to support the building of a border wall between the U.S. and Mexico, in a way which was "inconsistent" with how they were advertised for use to the public.[66][67][68] According to the indictment, donations were collected through a GoFundMe campaign that was launched in December 2018.[69] Bannon promoted the project until the day before the indictment, saying "You've been the leader of this, assisting President Trump in building this wall in these tough areas" in his War Room: Pandemic podcast.[70] On January 20, 2021, eight hours before he left office, Trump issued a pardon for Bannon.[71]

Political career

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Early political involvement

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Kobach won a seat on the Overland Park City Council, in April 1999. Following the September 11 attacks, Kobach helped construct a program that mandated that men from 24 predominantly Muslim countries and North Korea be fingerprinted, photographed and questioned at government offices. Of the 83,000 plus men who did so, the government moved to deport 13,740 of them for immigration violations.[72]

Kobach ran for Kansas State Senate in 2000, finishing third out of four Republican primary candidates.[73]

In the 2004 election cycle, Kobach was the Republican nominee for Congress in the 3rd District,[74] narrowly besting primary opponent and 2002 party nominee Adam Taff by 207 votes, with state representative Patricia Lightner far behind.[75] He lost to incumbent Dennis Moore, 55%–43%. The victory was the largest of Moore's congressional campaigns. The campaign thrust Kobach onto the national stage, mostly due to his stance on illegal immigration.[23][76][77][78][79] Kobach advocated for the imposition of a national consumption (sales) tax.[75] He was given a speaking role on the opening day of the 2004 Republican National Convention and used his slot to call for the U.S. military to be sent to the Mexican border to block illegal immigration.[80]

Chairman of the Kansas Republican Party

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On January 28, 2007, Kobach was elected chairman of the Kansas Republican Party (GOP), serving until January 2009. Kobach's chairmanship was noted for the broad changes he introduced to election efforts. As chairman, he raised money for targeted statewide and legislative races and instituted a direct-role policy for the state party in those races. He also pushed the State Committee to create a "loyalty committee", which was charged with sanctioning Republicans who assisted Democratic candidates in contested races.[81]

This led to several party officers being stripped of voting rights in party matters as punishment for giving campaign contributions to Democratic Candidates. After Kobach left office, a Federal Election Commission (FEC) audit strongly criticized Kobach's financial management of the Kansas GOP. The FEC audit found that when Kobach served as chairman, the state party failed to pay state and federal taxes. It was also discovered that illegal contributions were accepted.[82]

In December 2007, Kobach sent an email saying, "[T]o date, the Kansas GOP has identified and caged more voters in the last 11 months than the previous two years."[83]

Kansas Secretary of State

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On May 26, 2009, Kobach announced his candidacy for Kansas Secretary of State.[84] His opponents in the Republican primary were Shawnee County Election Commissioner Elizabeth Ensley and J.R. Claeys, former president of the National Association of Government Contractors. Kobach won the Republican nomination with 50.6% of the vote. Ensley and Claeys finished with 27.0% and 22.4%, respectively.[85]

On November 2, 2010, Kobach defeated incumbent Democrat Chris Biggs, 59%–37%. Kobach was endorsed by Tennessee's former U.S. Senator Fred Thompson, as well as former U.S. Attorney General John Ashcroft (his former boss at the Dept. of Justice). Joe Arpaio, Arizona's controversial then-Sheriff of Maricopa County, Arizona, campaigned for Kobach as well.[86]

Although Kobach's campaign treasurer, Tom Arpke, possessed campaign experience, losing a state senate race in 2008, winning a Salina City Council seat the next year, and a state House seat in 2010,[87] he was found to have under-reported contributions by $35,000 and nearly $43,000 in expenditures in Kobach's 2010 campaign, resulting in a maximum $5,000 fine. Kobach complained that he was being discriminated against because former Republican governor Bill Graves received a much smaller fine for similar violations. Kobach alleged, "The only real distinction I can see is that I'm a conservative and he's a moderate." The chairman of the Kansas Ethics Commission said "The commission does not condone lack of candor before the commission."[88] Commission members questioned Arpke's honesty, a recurrent theme in his subsequent career.[89] When he obtained convictions of Kansans for interstate voting irregularities in 2016, Kobach said, "The fines are "exactly what I wanted to see in cases like this when I made the case before Kansas Legislature that this authority was needed ... A $5,000 fine is very significant, and hopefully something no one would want to have to pay", he said.[90]

The 2012 Republican Party platform included self-deportation as a response to illegal immigration to the United States. Kobach proposed the measure, stating "If you really want to create a job tomorrow, you can remove an illegal alien today."[91]

In 2013, the League of Women Voters joined a challenge to Kobach's "proof of citizenship" requirements for Kansas Voters.[92]

In response to a caller on his March 1, 2015 radio show, Kobach agreed that it would not be "a huge jump" for the Obama administration to call for an end to the prosecution of all African-American suspects. The Kansas Democratic Party decried Kobach's comment as "hate speech" and termed it "a new low." Wichita's Oletha Faust-Goudeau, the only African-American woman in the Kansas Senate, called Kobach's comments ridiculous. Kobach said that he stood by his allegations declaring, "My point was to bring attention to the Obama Justice Department's position that some civil rights statutes can't be enforced against people of color", Kobach said. "For example, one of the Obama administration's first actions it took in 2009 was to drop the slam-dunk charges against the New Black Panther Party for voter intimidation."[93] One Republican member of the Civil Rights Commission disagreed, however. Abigail Thernstrom, writing in National Review, described the incident as "small potatoes". She warned that exaggerating its importance could hurt conservatives, noting that in 45 years there had only been three successful prosecutions. She said only two "Panthers," one of whom displayed a billy club, had been at a single, majority-black precinct in Philadelphia. After months of hearings, testimony, and investigation, no actual evidence was found that any voters were afraid to vote. She continued, "Too much overheated rhetoric filled with insinuations and unsubstantiated charges has been devoted to this case."[94]

On September 2, 2015, representatives of groups most likely to be affected by Kobach's plan to shorten a deadline for tens of thousands of suspended voters to produce proof of citizenship, including the ACLU, the League of Women Voters (LWV), the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the National Organization for Women (NOW), all testified in a Topeka hearing conducted by Brian Caskey, a Kobach appointee, against the implementation of Kobach's policy. Although Kobach's office was in the building adjacent to the courthouse, he failed to appear for the rule change hearing and to answer questions. Instead, his request was supported by Andrew Howell, a Shawnee county elections official whom Kobach also had appointed.[95][96]

In response to criticism levied by the campaign staff of former secretary of state Hillary Clinton, Kobach characterized them as "left-wing knuckleheads". He remarked that Clinton was getting her "pant suit in a twist", over his stance in favor of implementing some of the most strictly enforced voter ID laws in the United States. Clinton had claimed Kobach's interventions were an attempt to make voting more difficult for key Democratic constituencies, such as young people and racial minorities.[97]

In October 2015, Kobach spoke at a conference organized by Social Contract Press, an organization that the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) has designated as a hate group.[98][99][100]

While speaking on February 20, 2016, to a committee of the Kansas 2nd Congressional District delegates, regarding their challenges of the proof-of-citizenship voting law he championed in 2011, Kobach said: "The ACLU and their fellow communist friends, the League of Women Voters — you can quote me on that, sued".[101]

In February 2016, Kobach endorsed Donald Trump's campaign for the U.S. Presidency, citing his stance on immigration. He proposed a halt to what he said was $23 billion in annual remittances by Mexican nationals illegally living in the U.S. unless Mexico makes a one-time $5–10 billion payment for Trump's proposed wall along the U.S.-Mexico border.[102]

On August 1, 2018, Kobach's office was ordered by federal judge Julie A. Robinson to pay $26,000 in attorney fees to the Kansas American Civil Liberties Union for court costs in a proof-of-citizenship case which he lost.[103]

Election ruling in 2014 U.S. Senate race

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In September 2014, Democrat Chad Taylor announced he was withdrawing from that year's U.S. Senate race in Kansas. Kobach ruled that he had improperly filed his withdrawal, and his name had to remain on the ballot. Taylor claimed to have followed the instructions of Assistant Secretary of State Brad Bryant on his filing, which was completed within the appropriate time frame. Citing concurrence from Attorney General Derek Schmidt, Kobach's move was cheered by the Kansas Republican Party. Both Kobach and Schmidt were members of Republican U.S. Senator Pat Roberts' honorary campaign committee. Taylor's attempt to withdraw left the race more open for independent Greg Orman, strengthening his challenge to Sen. Roberts.[104]

On September 18, 2014, the Kansas Supreme Court ruled that Taylor's withdrawal was proper and that Kobach had to remove Taylor's name from the ballot.[105][106]

On October 1, 2014, a panel of three Shawnee County judges ruled that the Kansas Democratic Party was not required by state law to fill the vacancy on the ballot; Kobach ordered the ballots to be printed the next day.[107] Kobach was re-elected in November 2014 over moderate former Republican state senator and Democratic candidate Jean Kurtis Schodorf by a margin of nearly 19%.[108]

Kansas Secure and Fair Elections (SAFE) Act

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In 2009, records indicated that just seven allegations of voter fraud had been referred for investigation and possible prosecution, and just a single one had been prosecuted since 2004. In 2008, a similar bill was vetoed by then-Governor Kathleen Sebelius, a Democrat.[109]

However, on April 18, 2011, Governor Brownback signed Kobach's voter ID "SAFE" Act.[110][111] Its core provisions are as follows:

  1. newly registered Kansas voters must prove U.S. citizenship when registering to vote;
  2. voters must show photographic identification when casting a vote in person; and
  3. voters must have their signature verified and provide a full Kansas driver's license or non-driver ID number when voting by mail.[112]

Travel issues

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Under Governor Sam Brownback, who left office on January 31, 2018, Kansas endured major fiscal deficits that affected highway funding and school transportation funding.[citation needed] In an effort to critically examine government expenditures, the Associated Press (AP) examined records of all flights taken by top government officials (regardless of which state agency paid for the trip) taken within the 15-month period from January 2015 to March 24, 2016.[113] The Governor of Kansas is required to reimburse the state for personal or political travel, but the AP discovered that Kobach had not reimbursed the state for flights totaling more than 4,350 miles in the state Highway Patrol (KHP) nine-passenger, Raytheon King Air 350.[114] A number of Kobach's trips aboard the state plane seemed to provide no apparent benefits to Kansans, nor were they undertaken in pursuit of official duties.[113] Kobach is alleged to have scheduled negligible state business to coincide with Republican Party functions, taking his family along with him.[113]

In August, he and two of his daughters made a $360 flight to Newton to meet the county clerk before attending the county Republican Ice Cream Social. Two days later he flew to Wichita, at a cost of $524, to be the keynote speaker at the Sedgwick County Republican Party fundraising picnic. He spoke there about Republican party partisan issues.[113]

He was unable to reserve the Beechcraft to fly to Washington, D.C., for a hearing and deposition on a lawsuit which he had joined in support of Brian Newby,[115] whom he had helped get appointed as the federal Election Assistance Commission (EAC) director. Newby had previously been appointed by Kobach as a Kansas elections official. Kobach and a staff member's commercial flights and other expenses cost $6,594. Newby, without public notice, unilaterally changed a national voter registration form in order to require residents of Kansas, Georgia and Alabama to show proof of citizenship. Representative Jim Ward criticized Kobach's use of the state plane to promote national voter ID policies, an action he contended was intended to "suppress votes." State Senate Democratic Minority Leader Anthony Hensley said Kobach should reimburse Kansas for trips to Republican Party events, characterizing claims that the political functions coincided with official business was "probably just a ruse."[113][116]

Voter fraud claims

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As Secretary of State of Kansas, Kobach has implemented some of the strictest voter ID laws in the United States. In September 2016 it was reported he "agreed last month to add nearly 20,000 properly registered voters to the state's rolls only after being threatened with contempt of court."[117] In response to a sufficient citizens petition that, as somewhat uniquely allowed in Kansas, requesting the convening of a grand jury for the purpose of investigating Kobach's actions, the state Court of Appeals ruled against him. He complained to the Kansas Supreme Court that Derek Schmidt, the Kansas Attorney General, who had withdrawn from the case, failed to properly represent him in the Appeals court. In deciding the merits, the state Supreme Court ruled on August 31, 2018 that a grand jury to investigate the matter must be convened in Douglas County, where he resided.[118] The Brennan Center for Justice described him as "a key architect behind many of the nation's anti-voter and anti-immigration policies."[119] Kobach has periodically made unsubstantiated claims about the extent of voter fraud in the United States.[120][121][122][123][124][125][126][119]

In a 2010 press conference, Kobach asserted there could be as many as 2,000 people who were using the identities of dead people to vote in Kansas, mentioning it "certainly seems like a very real possibility" that "Albert K. Brewer" was an example of one such deceased individual who had voted in a recent primary.[127] When The Wichita Eagle followed up on Kobach's assertion, it discovered Brewer, 78 years old, was still alive, although his father, who was born in 1904 and had a different middle initial, had died in 1996. Brewer told the Eagle reporter, "I don't think this is heaven, not when I'm raking leaves."[9]

Kobach has also said that there are 18,000 non-citizens registered to vote in Kansas, a claim that NBC News described as "misleading" and "debunked".[128]

Kobach supported Trump's claims that millions of non-citizens voted in the 2016 presidential election.[129][130] Kobach estimated that 3.2 million non-citizens voted, citing a widely debunked study.[131] Kobach complained that, during one of his appearances, CNN ran text on the screen saying Kobach's claims that millions illegally voted in the 2016 election were "false".[132] CNN also asked him if he had any proof of his allegation that thousands of Massachusetts voters actually had voted in New Hampshire in 2016. He replied that he had none.[28]

In September 2017, Kobach claimed to have proof that voter fraud swung the 2016 Senate race in New Hampshire and may have swung New Hampshire's 2016 presidential vote; fact-checkers and election experts found that Kobach's assertion was false.[133][134][135] Kobach claimed that more than 5,000 individuals voted by using out-of-state driving licenses as identification, even though New Hampshire residents are required to update their licenses in order to drive.[136] However, New Hampshire state law allows residents of the state who happen to have out-of-state driving licenses to vote.[137][138] There are a number of reasons why some voters may use out-of-state driving licenses, with the most likely being that they are out-of-state college students.[136][139][140] Numerous legitimate New Hampshire voters said that this was the case with them; they were students at colleges in New Hampshire who had yet to update their driving license.[134] New Hampshire Public Radio also found that most instances of out-of-state driving licenses being used were in college towns.[141] Another reason is that they may be military personnel on active duty.[137] FactCheck.Org described Kobach's claim as "baseless" and "bogus", noting that Kobach "hasn't provided evidence of any illegal voting".[133] Later that September, Kobach backtracked on his claims, but said that there have been "anecdotal reports" about voter fraud.[142]

Richard L. Hasen, the Chancellor's Professor of Law and Political Science at the University of California, Irvine, an election law expert, has described Kobach as a "charlatan", "provocateur" and "a leader nationally in making irresponsible claims that voter fraud is a major problem in this country."[143][124]

Prosecutions of voter fraud

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In 2015, Kobach received from the legislature and the governor the right to prosecute cases of voter fraud, after claiming for four years that Kansas had a massive problem of voter fraud that the local and state prosecutors were not adequately addressing. At that time, he "said he had identified more than 100 possible cases of double voting." Testifying during hearings on the bill, questioned by Rep. John Carmichael, Kobach was unable to cite a single other state that gives its secretary of state such authority.[144] By February 7, 2017, Kobach had filed nine cases and obtained six convictions. All were regarding cases of double voting; none would have been prevented by voter ID laws.[145][90][146] One case was dropped while two more remained pending. All six convictions involved older citizens, including four white Republican men and one woman, who were unaware that they had done anything wrong.[147]

One of those Kansans prosecuted, Randall Kilian, thought he was expressing his preference about marijuana legalization as it affected his new Colorado retirement property after receiving a mail-in ballot in 2012, when he was 59 years old. He did not want pot growing next to his home, so he marked that issue only, and mailed it in as instructed. The sheriff and county attorney of Ellis County, Kansas, learned of this and questioned Kilian. Both concluded he had not intentionally broken the law and decided not to prosecute. However, after Kobach got prosecutorial authority in such cases, a year later, he reopened the case. Trying to avoid the expense of a trial, Kilian pleaded guilty in 2016 and paid a $2,500 fine.[147][148]

In another case, also filed in 2015, Kobach prosecuted registered Republican sexagenarians Betty and Steven Gaedtke, who in 2010 had voted in both Arkansas and Olathe, Kansas. The cases were eventually heard by separate judges. Mr. Gaedtke was fined $500. The case against his wife was dropped.[149] Though his office had original jurisdiction, Johnson County, Kansas District Attorney Steve Howe declined to comment on the Gaedtke matter though he had provided written testimony on behalf of the Kansas County & District Attorneys Association at a March 2015 legislative hearing against granting Kobach prosecutorial power. He contended that allowing Kobach's office to assume jurisdiction would be “unnecessary and wasteful given that there are already officials more appropriately positioned and resourced to deal with such matters." At that hearing, Kobach shared details regarding cases in which local prosecutors had declined to prosecute, including the Johnson County cases where the couple were alleged to have also voted in Arkansas. Wichita Democratic representative John Carmichael recalled that Howe had been asked about this case during that hearing explaining that the two were former Johnson County residents who had cast advance ballots in Kansas by mistake.[150]

In the last of 15 such cases brought by Kobach, which was transferred in 2017 before Kobach departed office, to Howe, the D.A. dropped the charges against Sergio Salgado-Juarez, due to lack of sufficient evidence that the accused was actually the person who cast the votes.[151] Sherman County, Kansas Trump-supporting Republican Lincoln Wilson spent $50,000 fighting his cases, pleaded guilty in 2017 to having voted in Kansas and Colorado in 2010, 2012 and 2014. He was fined $6,000 plus $158 in court costs. While traveling back and forth at the time of his father's death, Michael Hannum voted in Nebraska and Kansas. He was fined $5,500 and court costs. After James H. Criswell voted in both Kansas and Colorado during the 2016 presidential election, he was fined $1,000 plus $158 in court costs after pleading no contest.[151] Ron Weems voted in Kansas and Colorado, but only for federal or statewide candidates in one state, which cost him $5,000.

Critics of Kobach, including the Southern Poverty Law Center, claimed he overreached on cases that district attorneys deemed not worth prosecuting, and alleged that he was motivated by racism.[152][153] In his 2020 U.S. Senate campaign, Kobach hired a white supremacist who had also backed his 2018 gubernatorial campaign.[154] In 2017, while vetting Kobach as a potential appointee for the administration of Donald Trump, the Republican National Committee raised "white supremacy" as a possible problem affecting such an action.[154] Ron Weems, intending only to vote in local elections in Kansas and Colorado, paid a $5,000 fine. Sharon Farris pleaded guilty to having voted in Kansas and Colorado, which cost her $3,000 plus $158 in court costs. Lee Orr took an Alford Plea and paid $500 for voting early in Wyandotte County, Kansas and casting a ballot in church across the border in Missouri, as well as $200 in attorney's fees. Preston Christensen voted in both Kansas and Texas which cost him $1,000. David Haddock paid a thousand dollar fine plus $558 more in a lab fee and court costs. Que Fullmer paid the same for false swearing. College student Bailey McCaughey, voting in Kansas for the first time didn't realize her mother had cast a mailed ballot for her in Colorado, an "honest mistake." She paid a $500 fine plus $158 in court costs. Kobach had warned Kansans about swarms of conspirators waiting across the U.S. southern border to vote and a non-citizen, V.D. Garcia Bebeck, voted twice in 2012 and once again in 2014. It cost him $5,000.[151]

Kobach had examined 84 million votes that were cast in 22 states, but referred only 14 cases for prosecution.[155] University of Kansas assistant professor of political science Patrick Miller includes voter intimidation as a form of fraud. "The substantially bigger issue with voter fraud has been election fraud being perpetrated by election officials and party officials tampering with votes ... It is not the rampant problem that the public believes that is there. Kris Kobach says it is. Donald Trump says it is. And the data just aren't there to prove it. It's a popular misconception that this is a massive problem."[147]

A Brennan Center for Justice report calculated that rates of actual voter fraud are between 0.00004 percent and 0.0009 percent. The Center calculated that someone is more likely to be struck by lightning than to commit voter fraud.[147]

Crosscheck

[edit]

In his role as Kansas Secretary of State, Kobach directed the Interstate Voter Registration Crosscheck Program,[156] which compared state records to find people possibly registered to vote in more than one place. The program had been launched in 2005 by a predecessor of Kobach, Republican Ron Thornburgh.[157] From 2011 until the program's temporary suspension in early 2018, Kobach oversaw its rapid expansion to 30 states.

The program was dogged with accusations of voter suppression enabled by its primitive data matching. According to the New York Times, "The program searches for double registrations using only voters' first and last names and date of birth, and it generates thousands of false matches—John Smith in Kansas can easily be confused with John Smith in Iowa."[9][158] Due to its tendency to produce false matches, the program could be implemented to suppress the vote and wrongly remove legitimate voters from voter rolls.[9][159]

The large numbers of false positives produced by the program led to sensational and misleading headlines: for example, 35,750 voters in the 2012 North Carolina general election matched with voters with supposedly identical voters in other states, but upon close investigation only "eight cases of potential double voting were referred to prosecutors and two people were convicted."[9] A 2016 paper by researchers at Stanford, Harvard, Yale and the University of Pennsylvania found that if the program were fully implemented "200 legitimate voters may be impeded from voting for every double vote stopped."[9] By 2017, doubts over the accuracy of Crosscheck had led four states to withdraw from the program.

In 2017, researchers revealed that Crosscheck's massive database was poorly secured. Tech reporter Dell Cameron wrote in Gizmodo "It would be difficult to overstate Crosscheck's carelessness when it comes to handling voter records".[160] Fourteen national security experts wrote an amicus brief[161] asserting that "large-scale databases containing personal information are particularly attractive targets for malicious cyber actors" to argue against Kobach building a second, similar database. As Crosscheck member states grew concerned over the safety of their voter data, Kobach suspended the program temporarily in early 2018.

The program's suspension became federally mandated upon the settlement of Moore v Kobach (later referred to as Moore v Schwab) in December 2019 which accused the Crosscheck program of violating voters' privacy rights through their careless handling of voter data.[162]

Kobach's data leaks

[edit]

The technology website Gizmodo discovered that Kobach's office had made the last four digits of the Social Security (SS) numbers of thousands of state employees and legislators available to anyone doing an Internet search. It informed Kobach's office of the problem and was informed it would be remedied. Gizmodo analyzed conflict of interest forms filed by the current 125 state House members, and those of 40 senators, and found the partial SS numbers for 117 of the Kansas House members, and those of 34 senators, as well as the numbers of former legislators.[163] In a separate instance, the state of Florida, which had received Social Security numbers of hundreds of Kansas voters from Kobach in 2013 via participation in the Crosscheck program, made them publicly available in 2017[164] leading to the federally mandated suspension of the program after a lawsuit accused Kobach of violating voters' privacy rights.

Proof of citizenship requirement laws

[edit]

From 2013–2015, more than 36,000 Kansas residents (14% of those trying to register to vote) were placed on a suspense list[clarification needed] because they failed to meet the proof of citizenship requirements that had been introduced in a 2013 law. Kobach justified the law, saying that it stopped what he described as the rampant problem of non-citizens voting; Reuters noted that "there is little evidence" of non-citizen voting being a problem.[125] A federal judge ordered Kobach to register more than 18,000 voters kept off the rolls by the proof of citizenship law; in her ruling, she wrote, "The court cannot find that the state's interest in preventing non-citizens from voting in Kansas outweighs the risk of disenfranchising thousands of qualified voters".[125] The judge noted that there was only evidence of three non-citizens in Kansas voting between 2003 and 2013.[125]

A Reuters analysis of the individuals on a suspense list found that "more than 60 percent were age 25 or under. They were clustered in the high-population areas of Wichita, Topeka and the Kansas City suburbs, and the college towns of Lawrence and Manhattan."[125] 41 percent were unaffiliated, 35 percent registered as Democrats and 23 percent as Republicans. Reuters noted that the proof of citizenship requirement "has created a chaotic two-tier system where some Kansans can vote in state elections and some cannot, some need to provide proof of citizenship and others do not, and many county election officials are uncertain how to proceed."[125]

An appellate case, No. 16-5196, requesting an injunction by the federal courts to prevent the implementation of revised voter registrations in Kansas, Georgia and Alabama, was argued on September 8, 2016, and decided in favor of the appellants on September 26, 2016. The relief was granted by the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit. It prevented the use of the revised forms. The case was the League of Women Voters of the United States, et al., versus Brian Newby, in his capacity as the Executive Director of the United States Election Assistance Commission.[115] On June 18, 2018, a federal judge ruled that proof of citizenship voting requirements were unconstitutional, and ordered Kobach to take six hours of legal education before he could renew his law license.[165]

Fish v. Kobach trial

[edit]

On February 18, 2016, the American Civil Liberties Union filed suit against Kobach and Kansas Secretary of Revenue Nick Jordan on behalf of Steven Wayne Fish and others alleging that the Documentary Proof of Citizenship requirement of the Kansas Secure and Fair Elections (SAFE) Act violated the National Voter Registration (Motor Voter) Act of 1993. A temporary injunction was issued on May 17, which was upheld by the appellate court in Denver on October 19. On June 23, 2017, Kobach was fined $1,000 for "deliberately attempting to mislead the court" on whether he was complying with the court orders in this case.

In April 2018, Kobach was found to be in contempt of court for failing to follow an order by a federal judge to notify the approximately 18,000 voters whose voting registration was being held up by Kobach that they were fully registered and could vote.[166] Kobach had at the time of the order assured the judge that he would notify these voters via postcard.[166] More than 18 months later, the ACLU noted to the judge that Kobach had yet to do so.[166] Trial hearings had run from March 6 to 19, 2018, with a contempt hearing for Mr. Kobach on March 20.

On April 18, 2018, Julie A. Robinson the chief judge of the U.S. District Court of Kansas, officially ruled that Kobach was in contempt. He was not fined but was ordered to pay court costs, including more than $26,000 in attorney fees for the American Civil Liberties Union, which sought the contempt ruling and that "any further remedial measures" would be taken upon her ruling on the case.[166] Moriah Day, a spokeswoman for Kobach's campaign for governor, said the secretary of state's office would appeal the decision and would have no other comment.[167] Governor Jeff Colyer, who was competing against Kobach for the Republican gubernatorial nomination, said Kobach should be required to personally pay those fees that had been awarded. The response of the Secretary's office was that Kobach is shielded from any such liability.[168] Kobach did pay a $1,000 fine, per Judge Robinson's order, but he did so with a credit card belonging to a staff member who was detailed to Ukraine with the U.S. military. He accepted a diversion agreement the details of which remain confidential, in response to complaints made over his actions in the citizenship requirements case. In the agreement, he stipulated that he had failed to properly supervise attorneys and support staff.[169]

Voter identification laws

[edit]

Kobach traveled to Alaska both to testify in the legislature on behalf of photo I.D. laws and to recruit its participation as another state in his "Kansas Project."[170] Opposing the change, representatives of indigenous Alaskan Natives said a photo I.D. rule would impede voting in remote, roadless, Native majority areas, referred to as "the bush." Republican Lt. Governor Treadwell declined to support the bill, however, despite Kobach's claim that it was Treadwell who recruited him to push for its passage.

Treadwell's opposition was based on concerns that the legislation in question would suppress voting in that demographic due to inherent difficulties for remote village residents in obtaining such identification, for whom getting driver's licenses can be burdensome and which are not mandated to have photos. Treadwell said he had no recollection of ever talking to Kobach directly about it although the subject had arisen in a roundtable discussion with NASS convention attendees. Responding to reporter Richard Mauer, he claimed he was unaware that Kobach had testified in his state, firmly rebutting the notion that he had any role in advancing the bill. Mauer, validated that Treadwell had not taken any position on it in testimony nor had he supported it via correspondence.[158]

On October 31, 2018, 6 days before the gubernatorial general election, Kobach appeared on CNN with Anderson Cooper and Jeffrey Toobin. After Cooper mentioned Kobach's efforts to require proof of U.S. citizenship while voting being struck down by a federal judge and leading to Kobach being ordered to attend a legal class, Toobin accused Kobach of having racially motivated intentions with the law, stating Kobach "has devoted his career to stopping black people and poor people from voting," leading to a visibly offended Kobach calling Toobin's charge "an outrageous accusation," to which Toobin responded "Well, it's completely true." Kobach accused Toobin of displaying unsubstantiated claims, stating that "the vast majority of African-Americans approve of photo ID." Toobin called Kobach's voter suppression committee "a preposterous joke" stating that the commission was disbanded because it could not prove high rates of voter fraud in the United States. Toobin accused Kobach of supporting electoral fraud, stating that Kobach's problem was "that some people vote for Democrats, and you want to stop that by establishing voter requirements." Cooper then turned the conversation to the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals policy.[171][172] The conflict received heavy media attention, and HuffPost stated that Kobach "has cultivated a reputation for voter suppression."[173]

Discarding of provisional ballots

[edit]

In January 2017, Kansas election officials tossed thousands of uncounted provisional ballots cast in November 2016, saying that there was no record that those residents were registered voters.[174] Kobach's office did not compile a count of how many ballots were tossed, but an assessment by the Associated Press and the League of Women Voters of the state's 11 largest counties out of a total of 105 counties, show that at least 8,864 ballots cast were discarded without being counted, slightly more than 1 percent of total votes in those counties.[174]

Commission on Election Integrity

[edit]

Trump issued executive order 13799 establishing the Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity on May 11, 2017.[175] White House officials reported that Kobach would be serving as vice-chairman (with Vice President Pence as chairman) of the twelve-member, Republican majority commission, which will "review claims of improper registrations and voting, fraudulent registrations and voter suppression."[176]

Although Pence was the titular head of the Commission on Voter Integrity, Kobach was its operational leader. In that capacity, Kobach, who serves on the elections committee of the National Association of Secretaries of State (NASS), wrote to the top election official in every state requesting they turn over voter data ostensibly to aid a countrywide search for evidence of election irregularities. Besides information such as the names and party affiliations of all registered voters, Kobach sought birth dates, felony conviction records, voting histories for the past decade and the last four digits of all voters' Social Security numbers. This precipitated a resounding bipartisan rejection of his inquiries with 22 states quickly rejecting his requests. Ironically, Indiana's secretary of state, Connie Lawson, and even Kobach himself, indicated that their state laws forbade them from complying.[177][178]

Kentucky's secretary of state, Democrat Alison Lundergan Grimes, said the supposed basis for creation of the commission in the first place — that voter fraud was pervasive and needed to be restrained — was essentially a pretext. She continued, "Kentucky will not aid a commission that is at best a waste of taxpayer money and at worst an effort to legitimize voter suppression efforts across the country". Mississippi's Republican secretary of state, Delbert Hosemann, said, "They can go jump in the Gulf of Mexico, and Mississippi is a great state to launch from ... Mississippi residents should celebrate Independence Day and our state's right to protect the privacy of our citizens by conducting our own electoral processes."[177]

The ACLU, representing plaintiffs in a voting rights case, asked the presiding federal judge to prevent Kobach from withholding the public documents he was photographed carrying as he met with Trump, by virtue of marking them "confidential". The plaintiffs demanded the public release of those documents they have received, that had been prepared with state funds. They claimed Kobach "made statements to the public, the Court, and the President, suggesting that noncitizen registration fraud is a serious, widespread problem", at the same time he tried to hide those same documents that debunked his claim, to prevent having to testify himself in open court about those same materials.[179]

In June 2017, a federal magistrate judge, James O'Hara, found that Kobach had made "patently misleading representations" to the court when he claimed he didn't possess the materials sought by the plaintiffs, in the course of the document dispute. Kobach had been photographed with the president with the documents under his arm, and much of the cover page was readable in that photograph. In light of Kobach's "deceptive conduct and lack of candor," he was fined $1,000 by the court and ordered to submit to questioning by the ACLU about the documents.[180]

A student at Topeka's Washburn University took note of the magistrate judge's action and filed a complaint with the Disciplinary board of the Kansas Supreme Court, alleging that by his conduct, Kobach had "shown a lack of respect for the courts." She informed the local press that the board had notified her by mail that it was investigating her complaint.[181]

On July 3, 2017, a complaint was filed with the United States Department of Justice by Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, a progressive activist group, to investigate whether Kobach violated the Hatch Act, accusing him of using his position as a federal employee, vice chairman of the Commission, to promote his current campaign for governor of Kansas, and to solicit campaign contributions.[182]

Non-profit organizations are plaintiffs in different lawsuits including the ACLU (ACLU v. Trump and Pence and Joyner v. Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity) and the NAACP (NAACP v. Trump), contesting practices engaged in by the Commission. They include the American Civil Liberties Union, the Lawyers' Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, the NAACP, Public Citizen, and the Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC). The lawsuits by the first two groups involve the lack of transparency of the Commission's meetings, whereas the lawsuits by the second two groups involve the collection by the Commission of personal private data.[183]

On July 24, United States District Court for the District of Columbia Judge Colleen Kollar-Kotelly denied EPIC's request for a temporary restraining order (TRO) and preliminary injunction against the Commission, ruling that the Commission was not required to conduct a privacy review before gathering data.[184] On August 29, the government's attorney told the judge that "confusion" at the Department of Justice had resulted in the failure to disclose relevant documents to the plaintiffs, and Kollar-Kotelly ordered the defendants to provide a "Vaughn Index" listing those documents they wanted to withhold in whole or part, and how it would comply with the Federal Advisory Committee Act.[185]

In January 2018, in the Joyner case the Department of Justice disclosed that the White House would not be turning over any state voter data to the Department of Homeland Security, despite the White House's and Kobach's earlier statements to the contrary.[186]

Fellow Commission member Hans Von Spakovsky of The Heritage Foundation described Kobach's efforts to expose the alleged existence of extensive voter fraud as, "carefully described research".[187] An email sent by Von Spakovsky, the director of the Foundation's Election Law Reform Initiative, on Foundation letterhead, surfaced in September 2017, in which he had also urged United States Attorney General Jeff Sessions to block any Democrats and "moderate Republicans and/or academics," from being appointed to the Commission.[188]

The commission was disbanded by the Trump administration on January 3, 2018 without issuing a report.[189] Richard L. Hasen, an election law expert, described its chairman as "a leader nationally in making irresponsible claims that voter fraud is a major problem in this country."[190]

2018 Kansas gubernatorial primary

[edit]

On June 8, 2017, Kobach formally announced his campaign for Governor of Kansas in the 2018 election. In 2017, he was appointed the vice chairman and "driving force" behind Trump's Commission on Election Integrity, which purported to quantify the extent of voter fraud in the United States, but which critics said was intended to disenfranchise or deter legal voters.[191] The Trump administration dissolved the commission on January 3, 2018.[189]

During this campaign for governor, Kobach repeatedly used a slogan asserting that Kansas was the "sanctuary state of the Midwest."[192] The Associated Press noted that Kobach's slogan was "false for several reasons, including the state's laws, compliance with federal immigration authorities and the undocumented immigrant population. Kansas has not passed any laws that limit cooperation with federal immigration authorities, unlike another Midwest state, Illinois."[192] Kobach did not identify any sanctuary cities in Kansas when asked by the Associated Press.[192]

On August 7, 2018, Kobach defeated incumbent governor Jeff Colyer in the Republican gubernatorial primary in a tight vote.[193] Kobach finished with a 343-vote margin.[194][195][196][197]

2018 Kansas gubernatorial general election

[edit]

Democratic state senator Laura Kelly easily won the Democratic nomination. In the general election, she defeated Republican primary winner Kobach and Independent Greg Orman, who had finished second in the 2014 U.S. Senate race against incumbent Republican Pat Roberts.[198][199]

Kelly had benefited from Republican defections. On September 13, 2018, three prominent Republicans endorsed Kelly: Former governor Bill Graves, former U.S. Senator Sheila Frahm, and former Kansas Senate president Dick Bond.[194] On September 18, they were joined by former U.S. Senator and Republican from Kansas, Nancy Kassebaum, the daughter of former Governor Alf Landon, the 1936 Republican presidential nominee. She said: "I'm a Republican, but that doesn't mean you walk lock step always with the party." "...Kobach has developed a record that shows a focus on ways and how to accomplish his end goals that I think are not the best for Kansas." Regarding Kelly, Kassebaum said, "...her experience, 18 years in the Kansas Legislature..., has given her a real understanding of what it takes to work across the aisle."[200] On October 19, Governor Mike Hayden, a Republican who served from 1987 through 1991, also joined Kelly's endorsers who included former Governors Mark Parkinson, a Republican who became a Democrat, Democrats Kathleen Sebelius and John Carlin. Every living former governor of Kansas had endorsed Kelly, except Sam Brownback.[201] Hayden said, "This is a critical year for the state of Kansas. No one can sit on the sidelines in this election." Hayden continued, "I've been a registered Republican for over 50 years. I seldom vote for Democratic candidates, but in this race, I strongly support Laura Kelly." Hayden said that, "after much thought and analyzing," he felt that Orman could not win the governor's race.[202] Former state senator Tim Owens, was the campaign treasurer for independent candidate Orman, but he stepped down on October 30, 2018, then endorsed Kelly.[203] State Senate President and former chairwoman of the American Legislative Exchange Council Susan Wagle enthusiastically endorsed Kobach, though two years later she filed to run against him for the U.S. Senate seat of the retiring Pat Roberts. Wagle had said he was the "strongest candidate," and, "I ask my fellow Republicans to stand with the candidate who best reflects Kansas values."[204]

Kobach received political contributions from US Immigration Reform PAC, a political action committee (PAC) which was headed by the widow of John Tanton, a white supremacist known for founding exclusionary and "English-Only" groups that were the core of the modern American anti-immigrant movement. It previously gave him $4,000 in his congressional race in 2004, but raised that to $20,000 when he was running for governor.[205]

State Objections Board

[edit]

In 2018, after allegations that appointed incumbent,[206] Republican representative Michael Capps, did not live as required in the electoral district in which he was running, a complaint was submitted by the Democratic party to the board. In 2018, Capps ran for the seat in House District 85, having given his residence address as 3103 North Governeour, Wichita, with a mailing address of 6505 East Central Ave #110.[207] Capps had first filed to run for seat 97, but after Representative Chuck Weber resigned his District 85 seat, Capps said he lived at the Governeour street address, a home which had been scheduled to be sold at auction on June 27, 2018. Democrats complained it was not Capps' true address, but the state Objections Board, composed of Republicans Lieutenant Governor Tracey Mann, Attorney General Derek Schmidt and Kobach, refused to uphold the complaint and allowed Capps to stay on the ballot. Capps received 54% of the vote to 46% for Democrat Monica Marks.[208] When a Wichita Eagle reporter went to the home in the wake of October 2019 accusations about a fabricated attack video made by Capps against Wichita mayoral runoff candidate Brandon Whipple, an unidentified young man living there said he was "house sitting" and hadn't seen Capps, "in a while."[209]

2020 U.S. Senate election

[edit]

In 2019, Kobach announced he was running for the United States Senate seat being vacated by the retiring Pat Roberts.[57] Roberts was opposed to his candidacy, however, as was the National Republican Senatorial Committee (NRSC). Its officials privately informed Kansas Republicans that should Kobach enter the race, the NRSC would labor to assure he did not win the primary.[210][59] Referring to the theme, he said, "I’ve been on the southern border constantly in the past six months and I can tell you stories that will make your skin crawl." A spokesperson confirmed Kobach had spoken to Trump about the announcement of his candidacy on July 4. "I don’t talk about what the president and I say in our communications, but let me just say he was very encouraging when we spoke a few days ago."[59]

Kobach was credited with introducing the controversial tactic of adding a citizenship question to the 2020 census questionnaires, but it was thought his advocacy may have led to the Supreme Court ruling against the initiative, as the Trump administration informed the court that U.S. Secretary of Commerce Wilbur Ross had initiated the divisive proposal.[211][59] Joanna Rodriguez, the NRSC press secretary, stated, "Just last year Kris Kobach ran and lost to a Democrat. Now, he wants to do the same and simultaneously put President Trump’s presidency and Senate Majority at risk. We know Kansans won’t let that happen and we look forward to watching the Republican candidate they do choose win next fall."[59] Kobach said he thought the NRSC had not taken such a position, responding to an inquiry, "The race in the Kansas Senate is going to be about President Trump. It’s certainly not going to endanger President Trump."[59] Kobach's 2020 campaign employed Joe Suber, an Olathe, Kansas man who regularly makes posts to a white nationalist, Holocaust-denialist website, The Unz Review.[154] Suber had set up and became the registered agent for a limited liability corporation, 'Kobach for Senate."[154][212]

Campaign finance violation questions

[edit]

Kobach's involvement with the 501(c)4, "We Build the Wall," (WBtW) has given cause for concern, as the fundraising and campaign mailing lists it is accumulating are prohibited from coordinating with his Senate campaign, but the ability and appetite for effective oversight within the Trump administration are anticipated to likely be inadequate.[58] On August 1, 2019, Kobach sent out a campaign fundraiser using both the corporate name and email list of WBtW donors. Common Cause Vice President for policy and litigation Paul S. Ryan said, "At a minimum, this Kobach for Senate fundraising solicitation email appears to violate the 'paid for by' disclaimer requirement" for official campaign communications. Ryan specified the requirement that mandates disclosure of the financial sponsors who originate official political communications. Kobach's email might be legal if his campaign paid fair market value for the use of WBtW's list. If that were the case, a "paid for by" disclaimer would be required but was not present in the solicitation. Ryan said, "If the Kobach committee did not pay fair market value for the cost of disseminating this email, then the Kobach committee has arguably committed the more serious campaign finance law violation of receiving a corporate contribution in the form of a coordinated expenditure." We Build The Wall is legally prohibited from financing federal political campaigns, in any fashion. Besides the concerns raised about Kolfage himself, a week prior to the mailer, right-wing anti-immigrant, WBtW board member and former congressman Tom Tancredo sat on the stage alongside Kobach and endorsed him in a New Mexico rally pushing the Wall.[213][214] The Kobach campaign said after Common Cause filed a formal complaint and request for an investigation into the apparent violations, that it is a "radical leftist organization" that the complaint was without substance and, "This attack by Common Cause also includes a frivolous letter to the Department of Justice, asking the Department of Justice to launch a pointless investigation. This is also typical of Common Cause tactics and it is intended to cause distraction wherever conservative Republicans are leading in important political campaigns."[215]

On July 23, 2019, Kansas Senate President Susan Wagle of Wichita filed the paperwork with the Federal Election Commission necessary to run. She criticized Kobach's employment in his controversial privately financed and constructed scheme to build the southern border wall. Wagle supports the building of a federally designed, bid, and funded wall while saying Kobach's group undermines federal involvement. "We don't need some rogue organization going out and building the wall," she said.[216] In July 2018, Wagle had supported Kobach in the gubernatorial primary, saying, "I am proud to endorse Kris Kobach." The endorsement was unlawfully sent out by Wagle's staff spokeswoman on a state computer, thus violating Kansas ethics rules.[204]

Primary debate

[edit]

In a live-streamed debate on May 22, 2020, in a ballroom devoid of spectators due to the COVID-19 pandemic, all candidates praised president Donald Trump. Kobach took on his opponents who all agreed that he could not win the general election against presumptive Democratic nominee, Barbara Bollier. They were Wagle, former Kansas City Chiefs defensive end Dave Lindstrom, wealthy businessman Bob Hamilton, and incumbent congressman Roger Marshall.[217] Marshall said, "We cannot afford to send a failed candidate back this fall who will lose to Barbara Bollier and hand the Senate majority over to Chuck Schumer." "Instead, we need to send a tried and trusted friend of President Trump." Referring to Marshall, Kobach replied, "Do you want a go-along-to-get-along kind of senator, a gutless wonder who never takes a stand, or, do you want someone who poses a threat?" Hamilton said voters didn't have to choose between Kobach, who couldn't win, and a moderate Marshall,[217] in whose behest the state party leaders had urged Senator Wagle and Lindstrom, to drop out of the race.[217] Objecting to the party pressure, Lindstrom characterized his opponents as "shortsighted, self-serving...career politicians who are divisive, controversial," and, "have a record of losing elections."[217] Wagle touted her own candidacy, saying, "It’s very, very important that we send a leader to the U.S. Senate who is articulate, who is persuasive, who other people respect." "I'm the one who's already debated Barbara Bollier." "I win on the Senate floor. I've beat (sic) her numerous times," "...the conservative voice that can beat that liberal voice in the U.S. Senate."[217] In response to a claim that Marshall would not prioritize agriculture, Marshall said, "Fake news and another lie by Kris Kobach."[217]

Connections with Trump administration

[edit]

Kobach was a member of the Platform Committee of the 2016 Republican National Convention.[218] It was subsequently reported that Kobach was being considered for Secretary of Homeland Security. He was photographed carrying a document into a meeting with Trump the title of which could be read as being, "Department of Homeland Security, Kobach Strategic Plan for First 365 Days".[219] This plan reportedly included a register of Muslims as part of a suite of proposals,[220][221] which included the "extreme vetting" of immigrants.[222] The New York Times described Kobach as "close to the White House inner circle, including the president and his chief strategist, Steve Bannon",;[9] and having told the Associated Press that he met Trump in May 2017 through his son Donald Trump Jr., "with whom he has a mutual friend". He was named vice chairman of the new Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity by Trump in 2017. In June 2017 he told supporters that he has had "the honor of personally advising President Trump, both before the election and after the election, on how to reduce illegal immigration."[9]

In a March 14, 2019 hearing, Commerce Department Secretary Wilbur Ross was questioned about his conversations regarding the adding of a citizenship question to the 2020 census surveys, which he had with immigration hardliners Kobach, Bannon, and Attorney General Jeff Sessions. Missouri Democratic representative Lacy Clay accused Ross of being "complicit" regarding his efforts to weaken minority group voting rights, accusing Ross of committing perjury. He called for Ross to tender his resignation, saying, "You lied to Congress. You misled the American people and you are complicit in the Trump administration's intent to suppress the growing political power of the non-white population."[223] The United States Supreme Court heard arguments on April 23, 2019, regarding appeals of rejections by three circuit courts of the proposed inclusion of the survey question.[211][224] The court affirmed the appeals, rejecting the question's inclusion, and it was felt Kobach's initial advocacy of the initiative undermined the rationale of the Census Bureau's case.[59]

When asked by ABC News about Trump's claim that he (Trump) had "won the popular vote if you deduct the millions of people who voted illegally," Trump advisor Kellyanne Conway gave Kobach as a source of the claim. Kobach later told reporters in Kansas that, "I think the president-elect is absolutely correct when he says the number of illegal votes cast exceeds the popular-vote margin between him and Hillary Clinton,"[130] pointing to a 2014 study led by Jesse Richman, that claimed that "6.4 percent of noncitizens voted in 2008". However, Richman's results, when reviewed by other researchers, were thoroughly rejected. Richman claimed to have found 489 noncitizens within a Harvard survey of 55,400 American adults, called the Cooperative Congressional Election Study. Two years later, three coordinators of the original C.C.E.S. study went back and re-interviewed 19,000 of the respondents, finding only 85 who said they were noncitizens and not one could be matched to a valid voting record. "Thus the best estimate of the percentage of noncitizens who vote is zero", the researchers wrote.[9]

In late March 2019, the Associated Press reported that President Donald Trump was considering creating a post of "immigration czar" to coordinate efforts among federal agencies involved in the issues, with Kobach being one of two top candidates for the job.[225][226]

In the spring of 2019, Kobach presented a 10-point list of conditions that would have to be fulfilled for him to become Trump's "immigration czar." The list included: A West Wing office; “walk in” access to the Oval Office; 24-hour access to a government jet so he could fly to the border on a moment's notice and travel back to Kansas on weekends; an assurance that he would be made Secretary of Homeland Security by November 2019; a guarantee that he would be the administration's primary spokesman on immigration policy; a guarantee that other Cabinet secretaries whose positions relate to immigration would defer to him, with Trump mediating disputes as needed; a seven-person staff; a security detail if necessary; and the title of assistant to the president. Some Trump administration officials were shocked by Kobach's presumptuousness. The position would not require Senate confirmation; Trump, however, was certain Kobach would have difficulty winning Senate confirmation for the position.[190]

After Joe Biden won the 2020 presidential election and Donald Trump refused to concede, Kobach led a group which sought to aid Trump in his efforts to overturn the election results.[227]

2022 Kansas Attorney General

[edit]

Election

[edit]

In 2022, Kobach filed to run for the post of Kansas Attorney General ("AG"), as a Republican.[228] In the 2022 Kansas Attorney General election, Kobach defeated two other GOP candidates—state legislator Kellie Warren and former federal prosecutor Tony Mattivi—to become the party nominee for AG.[8][229]

In a campaign somewhat toned down from his previous showy, controversial campaigns, Kobach nevertheless, again, talked (less) about illegal immigration, and repeated his desire to tighten voting procedures, making undocumented claims of voter fraud (repudiated by fellow Republican, Kansas Secretary of State Scott Schwab, the state's top election official). He also vowed to establish a team in the Kansas Attorney General's office dedicated to suing President Biden and his administration.[7][8]

In the general election, Kobach faced novice Democratic politician Chris Mann, a former police officer, prosecutor, and state securities regulator, who is an attorney in private practice.[8] While attacking Kobach’s professional competency, Mann promised to run the AG's office in a non-political manner, and focus on public safety concerns and consumer protection.[7][8]

Mann initially raised more campaign funds than Kobach, drawing in $952,000 in campaign contributions since late July, while Kobach, in the same period, reported $465,000 raised.[7] However, in his overwhelmingly Republican-dominated state, Kobach was narrowly elected to the post November 8, 2022, with 51% of the vote (to Mann's 49%).[7][8]

Tenure

[edit]

In 2024, Kobach sued the Biden administration for its push to replace the 9 million remaining lead pipes in the United States. Kobach asserted that the benefits of replacing lead pipes "may be entirely speculative." However, lead is toxic and the harms of lead exposure, including permanent brain damage to children, are well-established.[230] Secretary of Transportation Pete Buttigieg criticized Kobach's statement, writing, "The benefit of *not being lead poisoned* is not speculative. It is enormous. And because lead poisoning leads to irreversible cognitive harm, massive economic loss, and even higher crime rates, this work represents one of the best returns on public investment ever observed."[231][230]

Political positions

[edit]

Anti-immigration views

[edit]

Kobach initially came to prominence in U.S. politics over his hardline views on immigration,[3] and his involvement in the implementation of high-profile anti-immigration ordinances in various American towns.[1]

In October 2017, Kobach wrote a column in Breitbart News which said that immigrants commit a disproportionate share of crimes, and that the United States should limit the number of immigrants admitted on a yearly basis.[232] According to The Kansas City Star, the claims made in the article have "been debunked by numerous studies over multiple years. In fact, studies have found immigrants are less likely to commit crimes than people born in the U.S."[232] To support his claims, Kobach cited a column by Peter Gemma, who is associated with white supremacist groups and the American Holocaust denial movement.[232]

Barack Obama's citizenship

[edit]

Kobach repeatedly called on President Barack Obama to release his birth certificate and defended those who persisted in claiming that Obama may have been born outside the United States, specifically in Kenya. As Kansas Secretary of State, he requested additional evidence of Obama's birth before he would allow Obama to appear on Kansas ballots for the 2012 presidential election, even after the release of Obama's long-form birth certificate. In 2009, Kobach "joked at a GOP barbecue that Obama and God had something in common because neither has a birth certificate."[233][234] Kobach responded to criticism of the joke with "Lighten up. It's just a joke... Are they really suggesting it is forbidden to tell jokes about Barack Obama?"[234]

In 2010, during his candidacy for the Kansas secretary of state, Kobach said Obama could end the controversy over his citizenship by producing a "long-form" birth certificate.[235][236] In the preceding two years, judges had termed such suits "frivolous." These included U.S. District Judge R. Barclay Surrick of Philadelphia, who had thrown out a lawsuit on the issue, saying it was a waste of the court's time. Kobach said that the certificate released by Obama "doesn't have a doctor's signature on it. ... Look, until a court says otherwise, I'm willing to accept that he's a natural U.S. citizen. But I think it is a fair question: Why just not produce the long-form birth certificate?"[235][234][237]

In September 2012, while leading the three-person State Objections Board, and joined by Kansas Attorney General Derek Schmidt and Kansas Lieutenant Governor Jeff Colyer, Kobach requested additional evidence, including the product of investigations from Mississippi and Arizona, that Obama was born in the United States.[238] Kobach said he did not have enough evidence to determine if Obama could appear on the Kansas ballot for the 2012 presidential election.[239] The New York Times editorialized that the actions of the Kansas authorities "reignited long-running conspiracy theories that the president was not born in the United States."[236] CNN reported that "the Kansas ballot measure is one of several examples of the birther movement's still-persistent presence."[240] At the time, Obama had released his long-form birth certificate but CBS News noted that "so-called "birthers" persist with a variety of arguments that he is ineligible for the presidency. Generally, they claim that the birth certificate as released by the president is a forgery or that he is not eligible for the presidency despite being born in Hawaii." Kobach maintained that the questioning of Obama's citizenship was not frivolous.[239] Later that September, after a complainant dropped his challenge of Obama's eligibility for the Kansas ballot and after Hawaii officials sent a note to Kobach saying that Obama's birth certificate was genuine, Kobach allowed Obama to remain on the ballot and said, "That, for me, settles the issue".[241][236]

In 2016, Kobach said that there are "interesting things" about the question of Obama's citizenship that "just made you scratch your head."[242] Kobach said that Obama's opposition to the Kansas proof of citizenship requirement law was possibly because the president was not a citizen himself: "maybe that's why he doesn't talk about proof of citizenship, because he, you know, he would rather not bring up the citizenship issue."[242]

Personal life and activities

[edit]

Kobach was born in Madison, Wisconsin, to Janice Mardell (née Iverson) and William Louis Kobach.[243][244] His great-grandparents were Polish on his father's side and Norwegian on his mother's side; they came to Wisconsin in the 1890s, where they were mostly farmers.[245][246]

At the age of seven, in 1974, Kobach moved to Kansas with his parents and two sisters, and grew up mostly in Topeka where his father owned the Bill Kobach Buick-GMC car dealership.[247][248]

On June 23, 2001, Kobach married Heather Mannschreck, a former environmental systems engineer who now has a part-time photography business in addition to homeschooling their five daughters.[247][249][250] Kobach, his wife, and their children live on their farm near Lecompton, north of Lawrence, Kansas. Their residence is in a building, the permits for which Kobach originally received lower taxation and permitting fees due to agricultural exemptions, rather than residential use. Kobach said he intends to build a residential home on the property. When building it, Kobach "closed in" the plumbing and electric work so it was not possible for the building inspector to examine it without tearing up the floor and removing walls that covered wiring. There was no septic system or water source. Despite those difficulties, he was granted permit waivers by the county administration, precipitating public controversy.[251][252]

Kobach did missionary work in Uganda in 2005 and 2006. Previously, he had volunteered to help build a school in a South African township through the Get Ahead Foundation.[253] He served as a Big Brother. He was a national rowing champion (men's pair event, master's division in 1998; men's double event, master's division, 2001, 2002).[254] He is an Eagle Scout.[255]

On February 7, 2018, the Better Business Bureau (BBB) issued an "F" rating, its lowest possible rating, for a Missouri-based group called Veterans in Defense of Liberty (VIDOL). The BBB found that the 501(c)(4) organization received less than 6% of $1.4 million in donations solicited for the organization. Over 94% of funds went to American Target Advertising (ATA), a Virginia-based company which mailed solicitations for donations.[256] Kobach, who has no military background, said he joined the group's advisory board because he cares "deeply about veterans and veterans' issues" and would review the organization's financial records to determine whether to sever ties with the group.[257] In July 2019, VIDOL said it had revised its previous IRS 990 form to reflect a much lower percentage of its revenues going to Richard Viguerie's conservative fundraising apparatus, ATA. Seventeen months later, on July 12, 2019, it was reported that despite the VIDOL organization's difficulties, Kobach still remained on its board of directors.[258] The St. Louis Better Business Bureau indicated it did not have sufficient evidence to revive its original "F" rating. Chris Thetford, spokesman for the Bureau, said Magill's group doesn't currently have a revised rating because its IRS form 990 for 2017 wasn't yet publicly available, so the bureau backed its initial consumer warning, one remaining online with a clarification from the advertising firm about the prodigious costs of outsourcing direct mailings. He said if consumers desire to write a check to the organization they should be told that their contributions are not being solicited for a charitable cause. Thetford further said, "The real issue here...It was not conspicuously disclosed to people on their marketing materials that donations were not tax deductible."[259]

In October 2020, amid the COVID-19 pandemic, Kobach and businessman Daniel Drake pitched a line of products to Kansas legislators, claiming that their Sarus Systems products would "kill COVID" and bring hundreds of jobs to the state. An independent review by the Kansas Reflector and the Journalism school at Columbia University found no evidence to support either claim.[260]

Guns

[edit]

Kobach identifies himself as a supporter the rights of gun owners including extending concealed carry rights down from age 21 to age 18, and believes school teachers, coaches, and staff should be allowed to carry guns.[261][262] Kobach is against gun control.[263][264] Kobach advocated for the Convention of States, and has frequently voiced his support for states' rights. Kobach supports strict abortion regulations and identifies as pro-life. He has also stated that he "supports mandatory prison sentences for selling illegal drugs."[265]

Electoral history

[edit]
Republican primary results, 2004 Kansas's 3rd Congressional district election
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Kris Kobach 39,129 44.0
Republican Adam Taff 38,922 43.7
Republican Patricia Lightner 10,836 12.1
Kansas's 3rd Congressional district election, 2004
Party Candidate Votes %
Democratic Dennis Moore (incumbent) 184,050 54.8
Republican Kris Kobach 145,542 43.3
Libertarian Joe Bellis 3,191 0.9
Reform Richard Wells 2,956 0.8
Republican primary results, 2010 Kansas Secretary of State election
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Kris Kobach 156,462 50.6
Republican Elizabeth "Libby" Ensley 90,680 26.9
Republican J. R. Claeys 69,039 22.3
Kansas Secretary of State election, 2010
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Kris Kobach 489,640 59.0
Democratic Chris Biggs (incumbent) 308,641 37.2
Libertarian Phillip Horatio Lucas 17,336 2.0
Reform Derek Langseth 13,896 1.6
Republican primary results, 2014 Kansas Secretary of State election
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Kris Kobach (incumbent) 166,793 64.7
Republican Scott Morgan 90,680 35.2
Kansas Secretary of State election, 2014
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Kris Kobach (incumbent) 508,926 59.2
Democratic Jean Kurtis Schodorf 350,692 40.7
Republican primary results, 2018 Kansas gubernatorial election[266]
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Kris Kobach 128,549 40.62
Republican Jeff Colyer (incumbent) 128,204 40.51
Republican Jim Barnett 27,910 8.82
Republican Ken Selzer 24,763 7.83
Republican Patrick Kucera 3,204 1.01
Republican Tyler Ruzich 2,270 0.72
Republican Joseph Tutera Jr. 1,555 0.49
Total votes 316,455 100.0
Kansas gubernatorial election results, 2018[267]
Party Candidate Votes %
Democratic Laura Kelly 506,727 48.0
Republican Kris Kobach 453,645 43.0
Independent Greg Orman 68,590 6.5
Libertarian Jeff Caldwell 20,020 1.9
Independent Rick Kloos 6,584 0.6
Total votes 1,055,566 100.0
Kansas United States Senate Primary Election Results 2020[268]
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Roger Marshall 158,788 40.3%
Republican Kris Kobach 103,476 26.2%
Republican Bob Hamilton 74,283 18.8%
Republican Dave Lindstrom 25,562 6.5%
Republican Steve Roberts 7,605 1.9%
Republican Brian Matlock 6,443 1.6%
Republican Lance Berland 6,061 1.5%
Republican John Miller 4,120 1%
Republican Derek Ellis 3,741 0.9%
Republican Gabriel Robles 3,494 0.9%
Republican John Berman 797 0.2%
Total votes 100.0%
Republican primary results, 2022 Kansas Attorney General election[269]
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Kris Kobach 200,904 42.3
Republican Kellie Warren 180,367 37.9
Republican Tony Mattivi 94,155 19.8
Total votes 475,426 100.0
Kansas Attorney General election, 2022
Party Candidate Votes %
Republican Kris Kobach 506,817 50.80
Democratic Chris Mann 490,925 49.20
Total votes 997,742 100.00

See also

[edit]

References

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Kris William Kobach (born March 26, 1966) is an American lawyer and Republican politician who has served as the 45th Attorney General of Kansas since January 2023.[1][2] Previously, he was the 31st Kansas Secretary of State from 2011 to 2019, during which he pursued policies aimed at enhancing election integrity, including a requirement for documentary proof of U.S. citizenship to register to vote—a measure later invalidated by federal courts for disproportionately burdening eligible voters without evidence of widespread non-citizen voting.[1][3] Educated at Harvard University (B.A. in government, summa cum laude), the University of Oxford (Ph.D. in politics as a Marshall Scholar), and Yale Law School (J.D.), Kobach began his career clerking for the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit, followed by roles as a professor of constitutional law at the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law, a White House Fellow under President George W. Bush, and counsel to Attorney General John Ashcroft at the Department of Justice.[1] His tenure as Secretary of State and subsequent national involvement elevated his profile, particularly through advocacy for stricter immigration enforcement, such as drafting model state laws to support federal efforts against illegal immigration and serving as an advisor to President Donald Trump's transition team on border security policies.[1][4] Kobach chaired the Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity in 2017, tasked with examining voter fraud claims, though the commission dissolved amid legal challenges and limited data cooperation from states; he has continued litigating cases on immigration and election-related issues, including challenges to DACA and COVID-19 vaccine mandates.[1] Elected Attorney General in 2022 after unsuccessful bids for Kansas governor in 2018 and U.S. Senate, Kobach's career reflects a commitment to originalist constitutional interpretation and policies prioritizing national sovereignty in immigration and voting, often drawing opposition from civil liberties groups citing potential overreach.[1][5]

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Upbringing

Kris Kobach was born on March 26, 1966, in Madison, Wisconsin, to Janice Mardell Kobach (née Iverson) and William Louis "Bill" Kobach.[6] His family, including two younger sisters, relocated to Topeka, Kansas, in 1974 when Kobach was approximately eight years old, after his father acquired the local Buick dealership.[7] Raised in Topeka, Kobach grew up in a middle-class household centered around his father's automotive business, where he worked during high school, gaining early experience in sales and operations.[8] This Midwestern upbringing in Kansas emphasized traditional values and self-reliance, though specific childhood influences beyond family relocation and paternal enterprise remain undocumented in primary accounts.[1]

Academic Achievements and Early Influences

Kobach was born on March 26, 1966, in Madison, Wisconsin, and his family relocated to Topeka, Kansas, in 1973, where his father owned a Buick dealership at which Kobach worked during high school. He attended Washburn Rural High School, graduating as co-valedictorian and serving as class president in 1984. Kobach achieved the rank of Eagle Scout in 1981 with Boy Scout Troop 249 in Topeka and became a national rowing champion while overcoming a diagnosis of Crohn's disease. These early experiences fostered discipline and leadership, as evidenced by his extracurricular successes alongside academic excellence. Kobach pursued undergraduate studies in government at Harvard University, graduating summa cum laude in 1988 and ranking first in his department while earning induction into Phi Beta Kappa. As a recipient of a Marshall Scholarship, he continued at Brasenose College, Oxford University, where he obtained a Doctor of Philosophy in politics. His Oxford studies emphasized political theory and international relations, including early research on apartheid-era South Africa, reflecting an initial focus on global economic sanctions and regime change rather than domestic immigration policy. This period honed his analytical approach to policy enforcement through institutional mechanisms. Following Oxford, Kobach earned a Juris Doctor from Yale Law School in 1992, where he served as articles editor for the Yale Law Journal. His legal training intersected with emerging debates on state-level immigration measures, such as California's Proposition 187 passed during his final year, which later informed his scholarly and advocacy work on federalism and enforcement. These academic milestones, marked by competitive scholarships and top honors, positioned Kobach as a specialist in constitutional and immigration law from an early stage.[1][9][10][11] Following his graduation from Yale Law School in 1995, Kobach served as a law clerk to Judge Deanell Reece Tacha of the United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit from 1995 to 1996.[12] In this role, he assisted in reviewing appeals involving federal constitutional and statutory issues, gaining practical experience in appellate litigation and legal analysis central to his subsequent focus on immigration federalism.[12] Kobach's early legal practice was primarily confined to this federal clerkship, with no recorded tenure at a private law firm or extended private litigation before entering academia.[1] Transitioning directly from the clerkship, he joined the University of Missouri-Kansas City School of Law as an associate professor in 1996, where he began integrating practical legal insights into scholarly work on constitutional limits of federal power and state authority over immigration enforcement.[13] His initial publications emphasized the inherent authority of state and local law enforcement to assist in federal immigration enforcement under existing statutes like 8 U.S.C. § 1373, arguing that sanctuary policies violated federal preemption principles only if they actively obstructed cooperation, not mere non-enforcement. A key early piece, "The Quintessential Force Multiplier: The Inherent Authority of Local Police to Make Immigration Arrests" (2006), contended that local officers possess longstanding arrest powers for immigration violations observable during routine policing, drawing on historical precedents from the Immigration and Nationality Act's enactment to support cooperative federalism without requiring new legislation.[14] These works, grounded in textual statutory interpretation and Supreme Court precedents like Printz v. United States (1997), laid the foundation for Kobach's advocacy that states could constitutionally deter illegal immigration through attrition via enforcement rather than amnesty, critiquing under-enforcement as a policy choice undermining rule of law.[15]

Professorship and Scholarly Work

Kobach joined the faculty of the University of Missouri–Kansas City School of Law as an associate professor in 1996, following his clerkship with Judge Deanell Reece Tacha on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit.[16] He was promoted to full professor in 2000 and taught courses in constitutional law and immigration law until taking public office as Kansas Secretary of State in 2011, after which he served in a reduced capacity before becoming a former professor.[16][17][18] Kobach's scholarly output centered on constitutional constraints on federal power, state sovereignty in immigration enforcement, and legal mechanisms for addressing illegal immigration. His 1998 article in the South Carolina Law Review, "Contingency Fees May Be Hazardous to Your Health: A Constitutional Analysis of Congressional Interference with State Ethics Rules," examined federal overreach into state professional regulations under the guise of ethics reforms.[19] In a 1996 co-authored piece in the Duke Law Journal, "A More Perfect System: The 2002 Reforms of the Board of Immigration Appeals," he analyzed proposed structural changes to streamline immigration adjudication processes.[20] Subsequent publications emphasized state and local roles in immigration law amid perceived federal inaction. Kobach's 2008 paper, "What States Can and Should Do to Reduce Illegal Immigration," outlined constitutional avenues for subnational governments to deter unlawful presence, arguing that federal preemption doctrines do not preclude such measures.[15] This was followed by "The Quintessential Force Multiplier: The Inherent Authority of Local Police to Make Immigration Arrests" in the Albany Law Review, which defended the legal basis for state and local law enforcement to assist in federal immigration objectives without formal agreements.[21] In 2009, his article "Immigration, Amnesty, and the Rule of Law" critiqued proposals for broad amnesty, contending they undermine enforcement incentives and constitutional separation of powers.[22] These works, often cited in litigation and policy debates, reflect Kobach's advocacy for decentralized enforcement grounded in originalist interpretations of federalism, though critics have challenged their alignment with prevailing preemption precedents.[15][23]

Immigration Policy Advocacy

Founding Role in Restrictionist Organizations

Kris Kobach assumed a leading position as general counsel for the Immigration Reform Law Institute (IRLI), the legal arm of the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), beginning in September 2001.[10] IRLI, established in 1987 to provide litigation support for immigration restriction efforts, focused on challenging federal policies perceived as lax and promoting state and local enforcement mechanisms. Under Kobach's tenure, which extended through much of the 2000s, the organization shifted toward aggressive drafting of model state legislation aimed at deterring illegal immigration, including requirements for businesses to verify employee work authorization and empowering local law enforcement to check immigration status during encounters.[24][25] Kobach's work at IRLI laid foundational legal strategies for restrictionist advocacy nationwide, including defending ordinances in localities like Hazleton, Pennsylvania (2006), where the city sought to penalize landlords renting to undocumented immigrants, and Farmers Branch, Texas (2006), targeting employment of unauthorized workers.[7] These efforts, often funded by FAIR, resulted in multiple federal court battles that tested the limits of federal preemption under the Immigration and Nationality Act, with Kobach arguing successfully in some cases for local authority to address immigration enforcement gaps left by federal inaction.[26] By 2010, his model provisions influenced Arizona's SB 1070, which mandated immigration status inquiries during reasonable suspicion stops and prohibited sanctuary policies, sparking a wave of similar state laws in Alabama, Georgia, and South Carolina.[27][28] Through IRLI, Kobach also coordinated amicus briefs and represented FAIR in high-profile suits, such as challenging Kansas's in-state tuition for undocumented students in 2002, asserting that such benefits violated federal law by discouraging self-deportation.[20] His contributions extended to advising on the expansion of the 287(g) program, which deputizes local officers for federal immigration duties, with over 70 agreements in place by the mid-2000s under his advocacy.[17] Critics, including organizations like the Southern Poverty Law Center, have characterized FAIR and IRLI as part of a nativist network due to historical ties to eugenics advocates, though FAIR maintains its positions stem from economic and security concerns, citing data on wage depression and crime rates linked to illegal immigration.[29] Kobach's role solidified IRLI's position as a central hub for restrictionist litigation, influencing over 20 state laws by the early 2010s despite frequent judicial setbacks on preemption grounds.[30][31]

Drafting and Defending State Immigration Laws

Kobach, serving as counsel for the Federation for American Immigration Reform (FAIR), played a central role in drafting state-level legislation aimed at enhancing immigration enforcement amid perceived federal inaction on border security.[7] His model bills emphasized requiring local law enforcement to verify immigration status during routine stops, mandating immigrants to carry proof of legal presence, and imposing penalties on employers hiring unauthorized workers.[32] These efforts sought to align state actions with federal law, arguing that states could deter illegal presence through attrition via enforcement.[23] In Arizona, Kobach collaborated with state Senator Russell Pearce to draft the Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act (SB 1070), signed into law by Governor Jan Brewer on April 23, 2010.[33] The legislation required law enforcement officers, during lawful stops, detentions, or arrests, to determine an individual's immigration status if reasonable suspicion existed that the person was unlawfully present; it also criminalized failure to carry immigration documents and prohibited state officials from restricting enforcement of federal immigration laws.[32] Kobach defended the law's constitutionality, contending it mirrored federal statutes without creating new offenses, and assisted in litigation strategy as the U.S. Department of Justice challenged it under preemption doctrine.[34] In Arizona v. United States (June 21, 2012), the Supreme Court upheld Section 2(B) on status checks by a 5-4 vote, affirming states' authority to cooperate with federal enforcement, but struck down Sections 3, 5(C), and 6 as preempted by federal law.[32] Kobach also co-authored Alabama's HB 56, the Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, enacted on June 9, 2011, which expanded on SB 1070 by requiring public schools to verify students' immigration status, voiding contracts with unauthorized aliens, and criminalizing unauthorized transport or harboring.[35][36] He argued the law addressed economic burdens from illegal immigration, such as lost tax revenue and public service strain, while staying within federal bounds.[37] Federal courts invalidated key provisions, including school reporting mandates and contract restrictions, citing preemption and equal protection concerns; the Eleventh Circuit upheld parts like status checks during traffic stops but struck others in 2012 rulings.[38] Earlier, Kobach contributed to Arizona's Legal Workers Act (2007), which mandated E-Verify use by employers and led to license revocation for hirers of unauthorized workers; the Supreme Court unanimously upheld it in Chamber of Commerce v. Whiting (May 26, 2011), recognizing state savings clauses in federal law allowing such measures.[39] He assisted in drafting sections of Missouri's 2008 immigration enforcement law and an unsuccessful 2010 proposal in Idaho, focusing on employer sanctions and local verification powers.[40] Kobach's defense work extended to appellate arguments, though outcomes varied, with successes in cooperative enforcement provisions and setbacks on perceived overreaches into federal authority.[31] These laws correlated with reported declines in unauthorized populations in adopting states, attributed by proponents to voluntary out-migration amid stricter compliance.[10]

Litigation Against Sanctuary Policies

As Kansas Attorney General since January 2023, Kobach has led multi-state coalitions intervening in federal litigation to defend expanded immigration enforcement measures challenged by sanctuary advocacy organizations. In March 2024, he spearheaded efforts by Kansas and allied states to intervene in East Bay Sanctuary Covenant v. Biden (9th Cir. No. 23-16032), supporting the Department of Homeland Security's May 2023 "Circumvention of Lawful Pathways" rule, which presumed ineligibility for asylum for migrants crossing the southern border irregularly without seeking protection in transit countries. The plaintiffs, including the East Bay Sanctuary Covenant—a Bay Area nonprofit providing legal aid and sanctuary services to immigrants—argued the rule violated immigration statutes and due process; Kobach's intervention aimed to uphold the policy as a necessary deterrent to illegal entries, emphasizing states' interests in reduced border strain.[41] The Ninth Circuit granted intervention, allowing Kansas to argue against vacating the rule, though a district court had previously blocked it nationwide.[42] Kobach simultaneously led intervention in M.A. v. Mayorkas (N.D. Cal.), another challenge to Biden-era policies limiting interior enforcement, contending that non-enforcement burdens states with costs from unvetted migrants, including public safety risks and fiscal strain. These actions align with Kobach's broader critique of sanctuary policies as violations of federal supremacy under the Immigration and Nationality Act, which he argues mandates local cooperation in identifying removable aliens via programs like Secure Communities.[43] Outcomes remain pending as of October 2025, with Kobach's filings citing empirical data on sanctuary jurisdictions' higher rates of fugitive releases and recidivism among criminal aliens.[41] Prior to his AG role, Kobach litigated related federal non-enforcement claims through his work with the Immigration Reform Law Institute (IRLI). In August 2012, he represented ten ICE agents as lead counsel in Crane v. Napolitano (D.D.C.), suing the Obama administration over 2011 prosecutorial discretion memos from ICE Director John Morton, which deprioritized deportations of certain low-priority undocumented immigrants unless they committed serious crimes. Kobach contended the memos unlawfully usurped congressional authority, effectively creating nationwide non-enforcement akin to sanctuary policies by instructing agents to cease detainers and removals, leading to over 1.4 million case dismissals by 2013.[44] The district court dismissed the suit in November 2012 for lack of standing, ruling the memos did not directly compel agents' inaction, though Kobach appealed unsuccessfully to the D.C. Circuit in 2013.[31] Kobach's efforts extend to amicus participation and model advocacy against local non-cooperation. As IRLI counsel since 2004, he supported briefs in cases like United States v. California (E.D. Cal. 2018), opposing state sanctuary laws shielding officials from federal immigration subpoenas, arguing they obstruct 8 U.S.C. § 1373's information-sharing mandates. Kansas under Kobach has enacted no-sanctuary statutes (K.S.A. 75-5201 et seq., 2017), preempting local policies, with Kobach testifying that such measures reduce harboring of removable aliens by an estimated 20-30% based on enforcement data from compliant jurisdictions. No Kansas municipalities have defied the ban, averting direct suits, but Kobach has warned of withholding state funds from any violators.[45][46]

Border Security and Federal Enforcement Efforts

Kobach developed and promoted the "attrition through enforcement" strategy as a method to reduce illegal immigration by rigorously applying existing federal laws, thereby elevating the risks and costs associated with unlawful presence to induce self-deportation. In a 2008 article published in the Tulsa Journal of Comparative and International Law, he argued that this approach, involving interior enforcement, worksite verification, and denial of benefits, could shrink the illegal population from an estimated 12-20 million to sustainable levels without relying on amnesty or mass roundups.[47] The strategy prioritizes federal resources on high-impact measures like mandatory E-Verify for employment and enhanced removals over comprehensive amnesty proposals.[48] He has been a leading proponent of expanding the 287(g) program, codified in Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, which authorizes agreements between federal authorities and state or local agencies to allow trained officers to enforce immigration laws during routine duties. In April 2009 testimony to the U.S. House Judiciary Subcommittee on Immigration, Kobach defended the program's efficacy, citing Florida's initial memorandum of agreement where, after training, local officers executed 165 immigration-related arrests in the first year alone, demonstrating its role in identifying removable aliens without diverting federal agents from the border.[17] Kobach contended that 287(g) serves as a force multiplier for federal enforcement, countering criticisms that it solely targets criminals by noting its broader application to immigration violators encountered in daily policing. Kobach contributed to federal border security initiatives during the 2016 presidential campaign and Trump transition, including drafting elements of Donald Trump's immigration platform that called for completing a physical barrier along the U.S.-Mexico border. In an April 2016 interview, he confirmed his role in authoring sections advocating for the wall's construction to deter illegal crossings and drug smuggling, estimating costs at $8-12 billion based on existing fencing data.[49] The platform, influenced by Kobach's input, also pledged to revitalize 287(g) partnerships to identify "hundreds of thousands of deportable aliens" through local-federal collaboration.[50] As an immigration advisor on the Trump transition team, Kobach proposed complementary measures like extreme vetting for visas and a national E-Verify mandate, with his November 2016 meeting notes revealing plans for wall funding via asset seizures from criminal cartels.[51][52] These efforts extended to the 2016 Republican National Convention platform, where Kobach helped incorporate language mandating a border wall and ending catch-and-release policies at ports of entry.[53] Kobach's advocacy emphasized causal links between lax enforcement and increased crossings, citing U.S. Customs and Border Protection data showing over 400,000 apprehensions annually in prior years, and argued for reallocating federal funds from sanctuary jurisdictions to barrier construction and agent hiring.[49]

Kansas Secretary of State Tenure (2011–2019)

Election and Initial Reforms

Kris Kobach secured the Republican nomination for Kansas Secretary of State in the August 3, 2010, primary election, defeating Elizabeth Ensley and J.R. Claeys with 50.7% of the vote (approximately 156,000 votes out of 308,776 cast).[54] In the November 2, 2010, general election, Kobach defeated Democrat Chris Biggs, Libertarian Phillip Horatio Lucas, and Reform Party candidate Derek Langseth, receiving 59% of the vote (489,640 votes out of 829,513 total).[55] His campaign emphasized election integrity, drawing on his prior advocacy for stricter voter verification measures amid concerns over potential non-citizen voting.[56] Kobach was sworn into office on January 10, 2011, succeeding incumbent Chris Biggs, who had held the position since 2003. Early in his tenure, Kobach prioritized reforms to enhance election security, introducing the Secure and Fair Elections (S.A.F.E.) Act on January 18, 2011. The legislation proposed two phases: immediate implementation of photo identification requirements for in-person voting and enhanced security for advance ballots, followed by mandatory documentary proof of U.S. citizenship for new voter registrations to prevent non-citizen participation.[56][57] The Kansas Legislature passed the S.A.F.E. Act (House Bill 2067) in April 2011, and Governor Sam Brownback signed it into law on April 15, 2011, effective July 1, 2011. This reform required voters to present a government-issued photo ID at polls, with provisional ballots allowed for those without ID if they provided alternative verification within a short period. The proof-of-citizenship requirement applied to voter registration applications, demanding documents such as birth certificates or passports, building on Kobach's contention that existing affidavits were insufficient to safeguard against fraud.[58] These measures aligned with Kobach's stated goal of restoring public confidence in elections through verifiable processes, though critics, including civil rights groups, argued they imposed undue burdens without evidence of widespread issues.[59]

Election Security Measures

During his tenure as Kansas Secretary of State from 2011 to 2019, Kris Kobach prioritized election security through policies emphasizing identity verification at polls, isolation of voting infrastructure from networks, and verification mechanisms for results. These efforts were motivated by his stated concerns over potential voter impersonation and systemic vulnerabilities, drawing on empirical instances of irregularities identified in prior audits and investigations. Kansas maintained a decentralized system where county election officials managed local operations under state guidelines, with the Secretary of State overseeing certification and standards. A key measure enacted shortly after Kobach's 2010 election was the requirement for voters to provide proof of identity when casting ballots, implemented via amendments to Kansas statutes in 2011 (K.S.A. 25-4187). Acceptable forms included government-issued photo identification, a U.S. passport, a concealed carry license, or non-photo alternatives such as a utility bill or bank statement paired with another document verifying identity; first-time voters using advance mail ballots faced stricter documentary requirements unless previously verified. This policy aimed to deter in-person fraud by confirming voter eligibility at the point of voting, with exemptions for those affirming identity under penalty of perjury but subject to provisional ballot procedures if challenged. Kobach upheld and enforced longstanding state policies isolating voting systems from internet connectivity to mitigate hacking risks, as outlined in the 2004 Voting System Security Policy. Voting equipment underwent mandatory logic and accuracy testing before elections, with results stored on locked memory cards transported by sworn officials and transmitted via non-internet methods such as fax, telephone reporting, hand delivery, or encrypted electronic transfers. By 2016, Kansas counties predominantly used hand-marked paper ballots (in 70 of 105 counties) or direct-recording electronic (DRE) machines, though 30 counties employed DREs without voter-verified paper audit trails (VVPAT), prompting Kobach to advocate for upgrades. In cybersecurity, Kansas joined the Multi-State Information Sharing and Analysis Center (MS-ISAC) in June 2012 for threat intelligence sharing and later the Elections Infrastructure Information Sharing and Analysis Center (EI-ISAC) in April 2018. Addressing post-2016 national concerns over foreign interference, Kobach proposed manual post-election audits in January 2016, involving bipartisan teams hand-counting paper ballots in selected precincts to validate machine tabulations. This initiative culminated in House Bill 2539 (2018), signed into law that year, which required new voting systems purchased after January 1, 2019, to generate paper records and mandated risk-limiting audits of at least 1% of precincts per county starting with the 2020 elections. Kobach also backed Senate Bill 56 (2018), creating the Kansas Cybersecurity Act and establishing a state information security office to coordinate defenses against digital threats to election data. In June 2018, his office applied for $4.38 million in federal Help America Vote Act (HAVA) funds to bolster these upgrades, matched by $219,180 in state resources.

Proof of Citizenship and Voter Registration

As Kansas Secretary of State, Kris Kobach sponsored and implemented the Secure and Fair Elections (SAFE) Act, signed into law on April 15, 2011, which mandated documentary proof of U.S. citizenship—such as a birth certificate, passport, or naturalization certificate—for individuals registering to vote in any election, including federal ones.[58] The requirement exceeded the federal National Voter Registration Act (NVRA) of 1993, which permits applicants to register for federal elections by attesting to citizenship under penalty of perjury without additional documentation.[60] Kobach argued the measure was essential to safeguard election integrity against non-citizen voting, citing preliminary data from a Kansas database cross-check suggesting up to 18,000 potential non-citizen registrants, though subsequent analysis revealed many matches were erroneous or involved citizens unable to provide proof.[61] By 2016, the policy had suspended approximately 31,000 registration applications for lack of proof, disproportionately affecting eligible citizens without ready access to documents, while documented instances of non-citizen voting remained exceedingly rare—Kobach's own 2016 audit of elections from 1995 to 2013 identified only 5 confirmed cases out of over 1.3 million ballots cast.[62][63] Federal courts, in Fish v. Kobach (filed February 2016 by the ACLU and League of Women Voters on behalf of affected Kansans), ruled the law preempted by the NVRA for federal elections, finding the evidentiary burden on citizens far outweighed the negligible fraud risk, with U.S. District Judge Julie Robinson declaring in June 2018 that "the court finds no credible evidence that a meaningful number of non-citizens are registering to vote in Kansas."[64] Robinson further sanctioned Kobach personally for discovery violations, including failing to disclose evidence and instructing witnesses to disregard court orders, deeming his conduct "intentional" and in "bad faith."[65] The Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals affirmed the ruling on April 29, 2020, upholding that the law "undisputedly has disenfranchised approximately 30,000 would-be voters" without sufficient justification, as non-citizen voting rates nationwide hovered below 0.0001% in peer-reviewed studies Kobach cited but failed to substantiate locally.[60][66] Kobach defended the policy as a preventive measure, emphasizing that even isolated fraud undermined trust, but appellate judges rejected his reliance on anecdotal database anomalies, noting they did not prove actual voting by non-citizens.[59] The U.S. Supreme Court denied Kansas's certiorari petition on December 14, 2020, effectively ending enforcement and restoring federal NVRA compliance, though Kobach continued advocating similar requirements nationally through the Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity.[67]

Interstate Crosscheck Program

The Interstate Voter Registration Crosscheck Program was a multi-state database initiative administered by the Kansas Secretary of State's office to compare voter registration records and identify potential duplicate registrations across participating jurisdictions.[68] Originally established in Kansas in 2005, the program gained significant expansion and prominence under Kris Kobach after he assumed the role of Secretary of State in January 2011, with Kobach positioning it as a tool to detect and deter voter fraud, particularly double voting by individuals registered in multiple states.[69][70] Under Kobach's leadership, states submitted electronic files containing voters' first and last names, dates of birth, and partial Social Security numbers (or driver's license numbers in later iterations) to Kansas for matching against other states' data.[71] Matches required exact agreement on last name, at least two of the first 5 letters of the first name, and exact date of birth, after which Kansas returned lists of potential duplicates to the originating states for further verification, such as checking voting history or addresses.[68] By 2017, participation had grown to 28 states—predominantly those with Republican-led election administrations—covering approximately 98.5 million registered voters, or about half of the national total.[72] Kobach promoted the program in presentations to election officials, claiming it improved voter roll accuracy; for instance, in a 2013 address to the Presidential Commission on Election Administration, he reported that the 2012 crosscheck of 16 states identified over 46,000 potential duplicates, though most were not confirmed as fraudulent after state-level review.[68][73] Kobach asserted the program uncovered evidence of interstate voter fraud, citing examples like potential double voters in the 2012 election, and integrated it into broader election integrity efforts, including referrals for investigation.[68] However, independent analyses found limited actual fraud detections; a 2017 review indicated that while the system flagged hundreds of thousands of potential matches annually, over 99% were false positives due to the simplistic matching criteria, which frequently misidentified individuals with common names (e.g., multiple "John Smiths" born on the same day) without accounting for full names, middle initials, or addresses.[71] No large-scale prosecutions of double voting stemmed directly from Crosscheck matches during Kobach's tenure, and empirical studies of voter fraud nationwide, including by the Heritage Foundation database, confirm interstate double voting as exceedingly rare, with fewer than 50 documented convictions across decades despite millions of votes cast. The program's outputs were sometimes used selectively to bolster claims of widespread fraud, but verification processes in participating states rarely confirmed illegal activity, leading critics to argue it generated more noise than actionable intelligence.[70] The initiative faced scrutiny over data security vulnerabilities, as states transmitted sensitive voter information to a centralized Kansas server without robust encryption or access controls, prompting federal concerns and delays in upgrades as early as 2017.[74] In June 2018, the American Civil Liberties Union of Kansas filed a class-action lawsuit (Moore v. Kobach) against Kobach on behalf of voters erroneously flagged as potential duplicates, alleging violations of privacy rights and misuse of data to intimidate lawful voters without due process.[75] Following Kobach's defeat in the 2018 election, his successor, Scott Schwab, suspended Crosscheck operations amid the litigation and security issues; a 2019 settlement halted the program indefinitely, required data destruction, and imposed reforms, effectively ending its use.[76][77] While Kobach defended Crosscheck as a voluntary, cost-effective safeguard against a real but under-prosecuted risk, its discontinuation reflected broader doubts about its precision and net value in maintaining election integrity compared to alternatives like the Electronic Registration Information Center (ERIC), which incorporates address verification and has demonstrated higher accuracy in list maintenance.[78]

Voter Fraud Investigations and Prosecutions

As Kansas Secretary of State, Kris Kobach prioritized investigations into alleged voter fraud, including double voting, non-citizen registration, and residency violations, based on complaints received by his office and data from programs like Interstate Crosscheck.[79] In testimony before the Kansas House Elections Committee in 2013, he reported 41 potential fraud incidents from the 2010 election, including 13 cases of voting in Kansas and another state, three in Johnson County involving false affidavits, and others related to absentee ballot misuse or registration discrepancies.[79] These investigations involved coordination with local law enforcement and district attorneys, as Kobach initially lacked direct prosecutorial power. In July 2015, Kansas legislation (Senate Bill 120) granted Kobach unprecedented authority as Secretary of State to prosecute election law violations directly, bypassing referrals to county prosecutors.[80] Exercising this power, he filed his first charges in October 2015 against three individuals accused of voting illegally in the 2010 general election after changing residency to another state; two pleaded guilty to misdemeanors, while the third case proceeded to trial.[81] Subsequent filings included cases of alleged multi-state voting, such as a January 2017 complaint against a man who reportedly cast ballots in both Kansas and Missouri in 2012.[82] Kobach's office secured nine convictions for voter fraud between 2015 and 2018, primarily misdemeanors involving registration errors or voting after relocation, with penalties including fines and probation.[64] [83] A notable case was the April 2017 guilty plea by a Honduran non-citizen who had registered and voted in Wyandotte County elections in 2010, marking the first conviction under Kansas's proof-of-citizenship requirement; she received a six-month suspended sentence.[84] Only this one of the nine involved a non-citizen; the rest concerned U.S. citizens, often elderly voters accused of unintentional errors like failing to update addresses promptly.[64] Several cases faced challenges, with one dismissed early and others dropped post-Kobach's 2018 departure from office due to evidentiary issues, including the final prosecution in 2019 against an individual flagged for potential double voting but lacking corroboration.[85] Kobach argued these prosecutions demonstrated the value of strict enforcement in deterring irregularities, citing the low volume as evidence of effective prevention amid Kansas's 1.8 million registered voters.[86] Critics, including voting rights advocates, contended the convictions—averaging fewer than two per year—did not substantiate claims of systemic fraud, attributing many to administrative oversights rather than intentional deceit.[20]

Key Court Challenges and Outcomes

In Fish v. Kobach (2016), plaintiffs including the League of Women Voters challenged Kansas's Securely Verify Election (SAFE) Act requirement for documentary proof of citizenship to register to vote, arguing it violated the National Voter Registration Act (NVRA) by imposing an undue burden beyond federal minimums.[3] After a seven-day federal trial in March 2018, U.S. District Judge Julie A. Robinson ruled on June 29, 2018, that the law was unconstitutional as applied to federal elections, citing lack of evidence for noncitizen voting threats and its disenfranchisement of over 30,000 applicants since 2011.[64][65] Kobach was sanctioned for failing to comply with court orders on evidence disclosure and basic election law knowledge, with the Tenth Circuit upholding the ruling in 2019 and the U.S. Supreme Court denying certiorari in December 2020, effectively ending enforcement.[64][67] The Interstate Voter Registration Crosscheck program, which Kobach administered to compare voter rolls across states for potential duplicates, faced a class-action lawsuit in Moore v. Kobach (2018) over data security breaches exposing millions of voters' personal information and generating false positives that wrongly flagged legal voters.[78] A December 2019 settlement required Kansas to withdraw from Crosscheck, delete shared data, and implement stricter safeguards, leading to the program's effective shutdown for Kansas participation amid criticisms of its inaccuracy—studies showed it matched names on error rates up to 99% for common surnames without verifying citizenship or residency.[76][87] Kobach's voter fraud investigations, which referred over 100 cases for prosecution based on suspected noncitizen registrations, yielded few convictions; by April 2019, local prosecutors had dropped the final remaining case due to insufficient evidence, with trials revealing most allegations stemmed from administrative errors rather than intentional fraud.[85] The Fish trial further undermined these efforts, as Kobach's database of alleged noncitizen voters—containing 129 names—produced only a handful of potential double votes or irregularities, none proving widespread fraud during his tenure.[64]

Administrative Controversies

In the federal lawsuit Fish v. Kobach (filed 2016), challenging Kansas's documentary proof-of-citizenship requirement for voter registration, U.S. Magistrate Judge James P. O'Hara sanctioned Kobach on June 23, 2017, for discovery misconduct.[88] The ruling cited Kobach's failure to produce court-ordered documents, including emails and handwritten notes from meetings with Kansas legislators, as well as misleading statements to the court about conducting adequate searches for responsive materials.[89] Kobach was fined $1,000 personally for the violations, which the judge described as stemming from "bad faith" in flouting discovery rules essential to the litigation process.[90] On April 18, 2018, U.S. District Judge Julie A. Robinson held Kobach in civil contempt for persistently violating a November 2016 preliminary injunction that barred enforcement of the proof-of-citizenship law.[91] The court found that Kobach's office had continued prosecuting at least 129 individuals under the invalidated statute, including forwarding cases to district attorneys despite explicit directives to cease.[92] Robinson imposed sanctions exceeding $26,000 in attorneys' fees and costs on Kobach and his office, emphasizing the need to deter future non-compliance with judicial orders.[92] Kobach's conduct in the Fish litigation also triggered ethical scrutiny. In March 2018, an Overland Park attorney filed a complaint with the Kansas Supreme Court's disciplinary administrator, alleging violations of professional conduct rules during the trial, including improper witness examination and failure to disclose evidence.[93] The administrator opened a formal investigation in July 2017 into claims of misconduct, such as withholding documents and misrepresenting facts to the court.[94] In October 2019, Kobach agreed to additional legal sanctions to resolve the complaint without an admission of dishonesty, marking the resolution of the probe.[95] These incidents contributed to broader critiques of administrative competence in Kobach's office, with post-tenure analyses noting that his focus on high-profile election integrity efforts sometimes strained routine operations and compliance protocols.[96] The state later settled related claims in 2021 for $1.9 million in attorneys' fees, covering defenses of the proof-of-citizenship policy deemed baseless by courts.[97]

Gubernatorial and Federal Political Involvement

2018 Kansas Gubernatorial Campaign

Kris Kobach announced his candidacy for the Republican nomination for Governor of Kansas on June 6, 2017, positioning himself as a conservative reformer focused on immigration enforcement, election integrity, and economic growth through tax reductions. His platform emphasized completing the U.S.-Mexico border wall, prosecuting voter fraud aggressively, and rejecting tax increases to fund education, drawing on his prior work as Secretary of State.[5] Kobach criticized the administration of outgoing Governor Sam Brownback for fiscal mismanagement while defending its core tax-cut policies, arguing they spurred long-term growth despite short-term deficits. In the Republican primary on August 7, 2018, Kobach faced incumbent Governor Jeff Colyer, who had assumed office after Brownback resigned in January 2018 to become U.S. Ambassador to the Holy See. President Donald Trump endorsed Kobach on August 6, 2018, praising his stance on immigration and voter ID laws, which helped mobilize conservative voters despite warnings from some Republican leaders about Kobach's polarizing reputation.[98] With over 312,000 votes cast, Kobach secured victory by 343 votes—49,961 to 49,618 (40.71% to 40.42%)—after provisional and military ballots were counted, marking one of the closest primaries in state history; Colyer conceded on August 14 without seeking a recount.[99] Kobach selected state Representative Wink Hartman as his running mate, emphasizing Hartman's business background to appeal on economic issues. Kobach's general election campaign against Democratic state Senator Laura Kelly highlighted his record on border security and fraud prevention, promising to deploy National Guard resources for immigration enforcement and expand voter ID requirements.[100] He received support from Trump allies but faced criticism for his association with Brownback-era budget shortfalls, which had led to education funding cuts and Medicaid resistance, issues Kelly exploited to portray Kobach as an extremist tied to failed policies.[101] On November 6, 2018, Kelly defeated Kobach with 506,509 votes (48.03%) to his 453,030 (42.96%), alongside independent Greg Orman at 68,498 (6.50%) and minor candidates; turnout exceeded 1.05 million votes amid national midterm dynamics.[102] Kobach conceded the following day, attributing the loss to Democratic turnout in urban areas and suburban backlash against Trump-aligned conservatism, though analyses noted his immigration focus alienated moderate voters in a state weary of fiscal austerity.[103]

Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity

The Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity was established by Executive Order 13805 on May 11, 2017, to study potential vulnerabilities in federal election systems, including improper voter registrations, fraudulent voting, and weaknesses in voting practices that could affect election outcomes.[104] Chaired by Vice President Mike Pence, the commission appointed Kansas Secretary of State Kris Kobach as vice chair, leveraging his prior experience prosecuting voter fraud cases in Kansas and advocating for stricter election verification measures.[105] Kobach, who had advised Trump's campaign on immigration and voting issues, played a central role in shaping the commission's agenda, emphasizing the need to substantiate claims of widespread illegal voting in the 2016 election, which Trump estimated at up to 3-5 million votes.[106] On June 28, 2017, Kobach, acting as vice chair, sent letters to all 50 states requesting detailed voter data, including full names, addresses, dates of birth, partial Social Security numbers, felony conviction records, military status, and voting history from 2000 to 2016, to analyze cross-state duplicates and non-citizen voting patterns.[107] The request sparked immediate backlash, with over 40 states either refusing or providing limited public data, citing privacy laws, federalism concerns, and fears of data misuse; for instance, California Secretary of State Alex Padilla rejected the full request, offering only publicly available information.[108] Multiple lawsuits followed, including from the Electronic Privacy Information Center (EPIC) challenging the data collection under privacy statutes and from Common Cause alleging violations of the Federal Advisory Committee Act, which delayed operations and limited the commission's access to comprehensive records.[109] [110] The commission held its first and only public meeting on July 19, 2017, in Washington, D.C., where Kobach presented preliminary findings from available data, including estimates of 8.6 million potential excess registrations nationwide based on Census Bureau comparisons, though he acknowledged the need for more granular data to confirm fraud.[106] Kobach also faced scrutiny, including a complaint from Citizens for Responsibility and Ethics in Washington alleging Hatch Act violations for using his state office to promote commission activities.[111] Amid ongoing litigation and state non-cooperation, President Trump disbanded the commission via executive order on January 3, 2018, without a final report; responsibilities were transferred to the Department of Homeland Security for further election security review.[112] Kobach later stated that the panel had identified instances of non-citizen voting and duplicate registrations but was hampered by insufficient data, asserting that full access might have revealed more extensive irregularities.[113] Critics, including left-leaning advocacy groups, portrayed the effort as unfounded and aimed at justifying voter restrictions, though empirical evidence of fraud remained contested due to the commission's truncated scope.[114]

Trump Administration Connections and Policy Influence

Kris Kobach served as a key immigration advisor to Donald Trump during the 2016 presidential campaign and subsequent transition team, contributing to the development of policy proposals on border security and enforcement.[4] He participated in regular conference calls with transition officials, advocating for executive actions to reinstate the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System—a post-9/11 program targeting visitors from certain countries—and to prioritize construction of a southern border wall, which was incorporated into the Republican platform.[115][116] On November 22, 2016, Kobach met with Trump at Trump Tower in New York, where photographs captured him carrying a document folder labeled "Department of Homeland Security strategic plan," outlining measures to reduce illegal immigration through enhanced interior enforcement and reduced refugee admissions.[117] These proposals aligned with Kobach's prior work on state-level immigration laws, such as Arizona's SB 1070, and emphasized self-deportation incentives and E-Verify mandates for employers.[118] Although Kobach was considered for roles including Deputy Secretary of Homeland Security early in the administration, he did not receive a formal appointment.[119] In April 2019, amid leadership changes at the Department of Homeland Security, Trump considered Kobach for Secretary following Kirstjen Nielsen's departure, with Senate Republicans expressing reservations over his confirmation prospects due to ongoing legal controversies in Kansas.[120] Kobach submitted a list of ten conditions for serving as an "immigration czar," including on-call access to Air Force One, authority over related agencies, and a commitment to nominate him as DHS Secretary by November 1, 2019, unless he opted to remain in the advisory role; these demands were not met, and no position materialized.[121][122] Kobach's influence extended informally through policy advocacy that shaped executive priorities, such as intensified workplace raids and restrictions on birthright citizenship interpretations, though implementation faced judicial and logistical hurdles.[123] In December 2024, as Trump prepared for a second term, Kobach resumed advising the transition team on mass deportation logistics, estimating feasibility through prioritization of criminal aliens and leveraging existing detention capacity.[124]

Kansas Attorney General Tenure (2023–Present)

2022 Election and Transition

In the Republican primary election for Kansas Attorney General on August 2, 2022, Kris Kobach received 200,904 votes, or 42.26 percent, to secure the nomination against state Senator Kellie Warren, who garnered 180,367 votes (37.94 percent), and former federal prosecutor Tony Mattivi, with 94,155 votes (19.80 percent).[125] The primary contest occurred after incumbent Republican Attorney General Derek Schmidt vacated the seat to unsuccessfully run for governor.[126] Democrat Chris Mann won his party's nomination unopposed with 248,846 votes.[125] Kobach faced Mann in the general election on November 8, 2022, prevailing by a slim margin of 7,775 votes: 439,865 (50.44 percent) to Mann's 432,090 (49.56 percent).[127] The outcome represented a political resurgence for Kobach, who had lost the 2018 gubernatorial race and the 2020 Republican primary for Kansas's 2nd congressional district.[126] Mann conceded on November 11, 2022, despite lingering mail-in ballots in Democratic-leaning areas, affirming Kobach's victory in a race centered on issues like election security and state sovereignty.[128] Kobach assumed office on January 9, 2023, sworn in by Kansas Supreme Court Chief Justice Marla Luckert during the state's inaugural ceremony at the Kansas State Capitol.[129] The transition from election to inauguration proceeded without reported major disruptions, aligning with standard state procedures for the four-year term ending January 11, 2027.[130]

Lawsuits Against Federal Overreach

As Kansas Attorney General, Kris Kobach has led or joined multiple multi-state lawsuits challenging executive actions by the Biden administration as unconstitutional overreaches into state authority, particularly in areas such as healthcare eligibility, education policy, election administration, and financial regulations. These efforts, often coordinated with other Republican-led states, emphasize arguments rooted in statutory limits, the Tenth Amendment, and separation of powers, aiming to block policies perceived as bypassing Congress.[131][132] A key case centered on healthcare access for undocumented immigrants. On August 8, 2024, Kobach filed Kansas v. United States in the U.S. District Court for the District of Kansas, leading a coalition of 15 states against a Department of Health and Human Services rule extending Affordable Care Act premium tax credits and cost-sharing reductions to DACA recipients, who lack lawful immigration status. The complaint contended the regulation contravenes the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996, which restricts undocumented individuals from federal public benefits, and represents an unlawful reinterpretation of eligibility criteria without legislative approval. On December 9, 2024, the court granted a preliminary injunction, suspending the rule's enforcement in the plaintiff states pending further proceedings, citing likely success on the merits and irreparable harm to state resources.[131][133] In education policy, Kobach challenged expansions of anti-discrimination rules. On May 14, 2024, he initiated a federal lawsuit against the U.S. Department of Education over revised Title IX regulations, effective August 1, 2024, which interpret bans on sex discrimination to encompass gender identity and sexual orientation. Joined by Tennessee and other states, the suit argued the rules exceed the statute's original scope by mandating accommodations such as allowing biological males identifying as female to participate in women's sports and use corresponding facilities, thereby preempting state laws on sex-segregated programs and imposing unfunded compliance burdens. The case remains ongoing in the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Tennessee, with preliminary injunctions sought to pause implementation.[134][135] Kobach also targeted federal election initiatives. On August 15, 2024, he co-led a suit with Montana Attorney General Austin Knudsen, alongside seven other states, against the Election Assistance Commission and other agencies over a March 2021 executive order directing enhanced voter registration assistance under the National Voter Registration Act. The plaintiffs alleged the order's implementing guidance requires states to coordinate with non-governmental entities for automatic registration and data sharing, including sensitive personal information like Social Security numbers, constituting an unfunded mandate and commandeering of state resources in violation of anti-commandeering doctrine. Filed in the U.S. District Court for the District of Kansas, the case asserts the actions distort the Act's voluntary framework and risk non-citizen voting without adequate safeguards; it is pending as of October 2025.[132] Additional actions addressed fiscal and regulatory encroachments. In March 2024, Kobach joined 10 states in suing the Department of Education to invalidate a new student loan forgiveness framework under the Higher Education Act, claiming it unlawfully circumvents prior congressional rejections and Supreme Court rulings by reclassifying debts without statutory basis, potentially costing billions in federal funds. Separately, he participated in a 25-state challenge to a Department of Labor rule permitting environmental, social, and governance (ESG) criteria in retirement plan fiduciary decisions, arguing it prioritizes ideological goals over prudent investment standards mandated by the Employee Retirement Income Security Act. In January 2025, Kobach aligned with four states in a suit questioning the Census Bureau's apportionment methodology under the Enumeration Clause, contending it penalizes states enforcing immigration laws by undercounting citizens relative to undocumented populations, risking loss of House seats by 2030. These cases underscore Kobach's litigation strategy to contest administrative expansions lacking explicit congressional authorization.[136][137]

State Sovereignty Disputes

Upon assuming office as Kansas Attorney General in January 2023, Kris Kobach established the Special Litigation Unit within his office to pursue lawsuits addressing constitutional issues, particularly those involving alleged federal agency oversteps of statutory authority or violations of the U.S. Constitution, often framed as encroachments on state sovereignty.[138] This unit has led or joined multiple federal lawsuits asserting Kansas's rights against policies perceived to undermine state control over education, elections, immigration enforcement, and representation.[139] By September 2024, Kobach's office had initiated or participated in over 25 such actions against the Biden administration.[139] In education policy, Kobach filed Kansas v. U.S. Department of Education in May 2024, challenging a Department of Education rule revising Title IX to incorporate "gender identity" protections, arguing it exceeds statutory authority under Title IX's focus on biological sex and infringes on states' traditional regulation of school sports and facilities.[138] The suit contends the rule imposes unfunded mandates and overrides state laws distinguishing sex-based participation, with ongoing proceedings in federal court as of October 2025.[135] On immigration and healthcare, Kobach joined 14 other states in August 2024 to sue the Department of Health and Human Services over expansions allowing DACA recipients—deferred action for childhood arrivals, ineligible for full citizenship—to access Affordable Care Act subsidies, claiming this circumvents congressional intent and diverts resources from citizens, thereby diluting state fiscal sovereignty.[140] Similarly, his office challenged Biden administration efforts to extend Obamacare eligibility to undocumented immigrants, asserting such actions violate federal law limiting benefits to lawful residents and encroach on states' authority to manage public assistance.[141] Regarding electoral sovereignty, in August 2024, Kobach led a coalition of nine Republican-led states in suing the Executive Office of the President and other agencies over initiatives to expand voter registration via federal databases and partnerships, alleging violations of the Elections Clause by usurping state control over voter rolls and risking non-citizen voting.[132] In January 2025, he co-filed Kansas v. U.S. Census Bureau with Louisiana, Ohio, and West Virginia, contesting the inclusion of non-citizens in apportionment counts for House seats, arguing it unconstitutionally dilutes Kansas's representation by inflating districts with non-voting populations and contravenes the "persons" clause's original intent for citizens.[137] These cases remain pending, with proponents citing historical census practices excluding non-citizens for apportionment.[142] Kobach also challenged federal intrusions on Second Amendment rights, co-leading a multi-state suit against an ATF rule on pistol braces deemed to reclassify common firearms as short-barreled rifles without due process, infringing states' police powers and individual rights under the Constitution.[143] Earlier, in January 2023, he joined 25 states opposing a Department of Labor rule permitting ESG (environmental, social, governance) investing in retirement plans, contending it prioritizes ideological goals over fiduciary duties and overrides state interests in economic policy.[144] Outcomes in these disputes vary, with some injunctions secured but many advancing through appeals, reflecting Kobach's strategy of leveraging federalism to contest executive actions lacking clear legislative backing.[145]

Public Safety and Crime Reduction Initiatives

As Kansas Attorney General since 2023, Kris Kobach has implemented targeted enforcement strategies emphasizing fentanyl trafficking disruption, organized retail crime prosecutions, and collaboration with federal agencies on immigration-related criminal removals to bolster public safety.[146] His office's Criminal Litigation Division prosecutes major cases involving homicides, child sex crimes, large-scale drug distribution, and public corruption, while supporting local law enforcement through the Kansas Bureau of Investigation (KBI).[146] Kobach has also advocated for legislative enhancements, including stiffer penalties for fentanyl-related offenses and organized retail theft, as outlined in his 2023 session priorities.[147] A cornerstone initiative is the Joint Fentanyl Impact Team (JFIT), launched in July 2023 to identify and dismantle fentanyl distribution networks across Kansas. This multi-agency effort, integrating KBI agents and local partners, resulted in significant seizures, including thousands of counterfeit pills containing fentanyl in a June 2023 crackdown.[148] JFIT serves as the enforcement arm of Kobach's broader anti-overdose strategy, focusing on supply interdiction rather than demand-side measures alone.[149] Kobach's office has pursued aggressive action against organized retail crime, prosecuting interstate theft rings and securing convictions with restitution orders. In September 2025, a Georgia man was sentenced to prison and probation for retail theft impacting Kansas businesses, with Kobach emphasizing commitment to incarcerating such offenders.[150] This aligns with prior pushes for felony classifications of repeat retail theft and links to drug trafficking, as high organized retail crime losses in Kansas—ranking among the top 10 states—often fund narcotics operations.[151] To address human trafficking and border-linked crimes, Kobach maintains the state's Human Trafficking Advisory Board, established to coordinate anti-exploitation efforts, while deputizing KBI agents in February 2025 as the second state to enable state enforcement of federal immigration laws.[152][153] This agreement facilitates KBI assistance to ICE in deporting criminal non-citizens, aiming to reduce recidivism from illegal entrants involved in drug and violent offenses.[153] These measures correlate with measurable crime declines reported by the KBI: Kansas's overall crime index rate fell 13.7% from 27.0 offenses per 1,000 residents in 2023 to 23.3 in 2024, the lowest in over 20 years. Violent crime dropped 6.7%, murders by 25.5%, robberies by 14.3%, and property crimes by 21.3%, with burglaries at their lowest since 1966.[154] Kobach attributes these reductions to his "law and order" policies, including enhanced prosecutions and resource allocation to high-impact areas.[155] In June 2024, Kobach filed a lawsuit against Pfizer in Thomas County District Court, alleging violations of the Kansas Consumer Protection Act through misleading representations about the efficacy and safety of its COVID-19 vaccine, including claims of 95% effectiveness against infection and transmission that the suit argued were not supported by clinical data.[156][157] The case was transferred to federal court in May 2025 for further proceedings.[158] On January 16, 2025, Kobach joined attorneys general from Louisiana, Ohio, and West Virginia in filing a federal lawsuit against the U.S. Census Bureau and Biden administration officials, seeking to enjoin the inclusion of non-citizens in the apportionment base for congressional districts and Electoral College votes under the 14th Amendment, arguing that such counting dilutes the representation of citizens and risks Kansas losing a House seat by 2030.[159][137] In June 2025, Kobach sent a letter to U.S. Secretary of Education Linda McMahon urging investigations into Kansas school districts, including Topeka USD 501, for policies permitting "social transitions" of minors—such as name and pronoun changes—without parental notification or consent, which he contended violated Title IX by discriminating on sex and FERPA by infringing privacy rights.[160][161] On August 14, 2025, the Department of Education announced probes into four districts based on this request, citing potential Title IX sex discrimination and FERPA violations in handling student gender identity issues.[162] Kobach also advocated for revisions to state school board contract templates in June and July 2025, requesting removal of clauses prohibiting discrimination based on gender identity to align with federal law interpretations under Title IX that recognize sex as biological.[163] On September 8, 2025, Kobach sued Kansas Governor Laura Kelly in state court to compel the release of personal data on approximately 730,000 SNAP recipients to the U.S. Department of Agriculture, asserting that state law required compliance to avoid forfeiture of $10.4 million in federal nutrition funds for administrative costs.[164][165] The suit was dismissed by a Topeka district judge on September 30, 2025, who ruled that Kansas had no statutory obligation to share the data absent specific legislative authorization, though Kobach indicated intent to appeal.[166] On September 23, 2025, Kobach initiated a lawsuit against Snap Inc., the parent of Snapchat, in Johnson County District Court, alleging deceptive trade practices under the Kansas Consumer Protection Act by marketing the app as safe for minors while its design facilitated exposure to harmful content, addiction, and mental health risks, including sextortion and suicidal ideation among Kansas youth.[167][168] In October 2025, the Kansas Supreme Court denied Kobach's request for review in an appeal concerning a district court order allowing changes to gender markers on driver's licenses without surgical requirements, upholding the lower ruling against his office's position.[169]

Political Positions and Ideology

Views on Immigration and National Security

Kris Kobach has consistently advocated for rigorous enforcement of federal immigration laws by states, arguing that lax enforcement incentivizes illegal entry and undermines legal immigration processes. He co-authored Arizona's Support Our Law Enforcement and Safe Neighborhoods Act (SB 1070) in 2010, which empowered state and local officers to verify the immigration status of individuals reasonably suspected of being unlawfully present during lawful stops, aiming to deter illegal immigration through attrition by making unauthorized presence untenable. Kobach has promoted the concept of "self-deportation," estimating that denying employment and public benefits to an estimated 11 million illegal immigrants could prompt 10-13 million to leave voluntarily over several years, as outlined in his advisory role to Mitt Romney's 2012 campaign. He opposes amnesty programs, citing the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), which legalized nearly 3 million undocumented individuals and preceded a surge in illegal immigration from about 3-5 million in 1986 to over 8-10 million by the early 2000s, according to his congressional testimony.[10][170][51] As Kansas Attorney General since 2023, Kobach has pursued policies to combat illegal immigration, including a February 2025 agreement under Section 287(g) of the Immigration and Nationality Act deputizing Kansas Bureau of Investigation agents to assist U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) in identifying and removing criminal illegal aliens, making Kansas the second state to implement such cooperation under the second Trump administration. He has supported mandatory E-Verify systems to prevent employment of unauthorized workers, testifying in March 2025 that widespread adoption would ensure a legal workforce and reduce incentives for illegal entry. Kobach has criticized federal inaction, joining multi-state lawsuits against Biden administration policies like parole programs for migrants, which he argues exacerbate border surges and strain resources.[153][171][172] Kobach links illegal immigration directly to national security threats, emphasizing that unsecured borders facilitate not only economic burdens but also potential terrorist infiltration and criminal activity. During his tenure as counsel to Attorney General John Ashcroft post-9/11, he helped develop the National Security Entry-Exit Registration System (NSEERS), which registered over 80,000 non-citizens from high-risk countries and led to hundreds of removals, targeting individuals from nations linked to terrorism without broad racial profiling. He has described border vulnerabilities as encompassing both physical security gaps—such as inadequate fencing and surveillance—and systemic failures like catch-and-release policies that allow repeat illegal crossings. In advising Donald Trump's 2016 transition, Kobach proposed ending programs like DACA, which he viewed as magnets for illegal immigration without congressional approval, and prioritizing deportation of criminal aliens to mitigate security risks. Kobach has warned that unvetted mass entries, including under recent administrations, heighten dangers from cartels and human trafficking networks exploiting weak enforcement.[10][173][51]

Election Integrity and Voter ID Advocacy

Kobach has long championed proof-of-citizenship requirements for voter registration to exclude non-citizens, asserting that federal forms under the National Voter Registration Act inadequately verify eligibility despite states' authority to impose stricter standards for their elections. As Kansas Secretary of State from 2011 to 2019, he enacted the Secure and Fair Elections (SAFE) Act on April 15, 2011, mandating documentary evidence such as a birth certificate, passport, or military record for new registrations, which suspended roughly 31,000 applications by 2016 for noncompliance.[174] Kobach's office investigations identified at least 121 potential non-citizen voters, leading to prosecutions including three felony charges in October 2015 against individuals who voted illegally in 2010 after affirming citizenship falsely. He defended the law as a targeted safeguard against fraud, estimating non-citizen voting rates up to 5-6% in some jurisdictions based on self-reported surveys, though a 2018 federal trial revealed only 39 potential cases over 19 years amid 8 million votes cast.[64] A federal district court struck down the proof-of-citizenship provision in June 2018, ruling it violated the NVRA by creating an undue burden without commensurate fraud prevention, a decision upheld by the Tenth Circuit in 2020; the Supreme Court declined review in December 2020.[65] Kobach also advanced photo voter ID mandates, co-authoring model legislation through the American Legislative Exchange Council and arguing in 2012 testimony that such checks mirror routine identity verifications in commerce and travel, preventing impersonation with minimal incidence of legitimate voters lacking ID.[20] His efforts extended to purging inactive voters from rolls, removing over 100,000 names in Kansas by cross-referencing with death records and address data, which he credited with reducing double-voting risks.[175] In May 2017, President Trump appointed Kobach vice chair of the Presidential Advisory Commission on Election Integrity, where he proposed nationwide audits of voter rolls for non-citizens and duplicates, uniform photo ID standards, and restrictions on same-day registration to curb fraud windows.[105] The commission's June 2017 request for state voter data— including names, addresses, and party affiliations—sparked lawsuits over privacy, contributing to its disbandment in January 2018 without a final report, though Kobach cited preliminary findings of excess registrations (e.g., 3.5 million more voters than eligible adults in some states per 2012 data).[113] As Kansas Attorney General since January 2023, Kobach has prioritized multistate litigation and data-sharing to enforce roll accuracy. He led a coalition of 27 states in October 2024 urging expedited Supreme Court review of Virginia's refusal to purge 1,600+ non-citizens from rolls, securing a ruling on October 30, 2024, affirming states' NVRA duties to maintain clean lists.[176] In September 2025, Kansas participated in a nine-state pact with Texas to exchange voter files, aiming to flag and remove duplicates, deceased individuals, and out-of-state registrants for enhanced integrity.[177] Kobach contends these measures address under-prosecuted fraud, as evidenced by Kansas's 14 non-citizen convictions since 2011, outweighing suppression concerns given accessible ID options like free state-issued cards.[178] Voting rights advocates attribute low fraud rates—fewer than 0.0001% in Kansas audits—to effective deterrence rather than absence, but Kobach maintains empirical cases justify verification to uphold causal confidence in outcomes.[179]

Second Amendment Rights

Kris Kobach has long championed expansive interpretations of the Second Amendment, emphasizing the individual right to keep and bear arms as a fundamental protection against tyranny and for self-defense. During his 2018 gubernatorial campaign, the National Rifle Association's Political Victory Fund endorsed him, citing his commitment to defending gun owners' freedoms and opposition to restrictive federal policies.[180] In the same race, Gun Owners of America, a group advocating "no-compromise" gun rights, also backed Kobach, highlighting his resistance to gun control measures.[181] As Kansas Attorney General since January 2023, Kobach has pursued legal actions to challenge federal regulations deemed infringing on Second Amendment protections. In December 2023, he criticized a proposed Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) rule that would reclassify certain firearms sales, arguing it violated constitutional rights by expanding dealer licensing requirements without due process.[182] His office joined a coalition of 25 other state attorneys general and the Arizona Legislature in demanding the Biden administration halt executive actions targeting gun manufacturers and dealers, asserting they circumvent legislative processes and undermine lawful commerce in firearms.[183] In July 2024, Kobach argued before the Tenth Circuit Court of Appeals that an ATF final rule on firearm dealer definitions was unconstitutional, contending it could retroactively criminalize previously legal private sales and transfers.[184] Kobach has also supported state-level enhancements to gun rights. In 2013, while serving as Kansas Secretary of State, he contributed to drafting legislation signed into law that nullified federal gun restrictions for firearms manufactured and retained entirely within Kansas borders, invoking the state's sovereignty under the Tenth Amendment to shield intrastate gun ownership from interstate commerce clause overreach.[28] More recently, in January 2024, he testified in favor of a proposed Kansas constitutional amendment (HCR 5006) that would impose a "strict scrutiny" standard on regulations affecting firearms, ammunition, and accessories, requiring the state to demonstrate a compelling interest and narrow tailoring for any restrictions—a higher bar than the existing rational basis review.[185] In February 2025 testimony before the Kansas House Federal and State Affairs Committee, Kobach reiterated his support for the amendment, linking it to his ongoing federal lawsuits against ATF overreach and arguing it would fortify Kansas residents' rights amid shifting U.S. Supreme Court precedents like New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen (2022).[186]

Critiques of Federal and Judicial Overreach

Kobach has articulated strong opposition to federal overreach, emphasizing the Tenth Amendment's reservation of powers to the states and arguing that expansive federal actions undermine state sovereignty in domains such as immigration enforcement, firearms regulation, and welfare programs. During his 2022 campaign for Kansas Attorney General, he pledged to file regular lawsuits against the Biden administration to counter perceived encroachments, including challenges to executive actions on border security and regulatory expansions.[187] In this role, Kobach led a multistate suit in May 2024 against the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) rule classifying certain pistol braces as short-barreled rifles, contending it exceeded statutory authority and infringed on Second Amendment rights without due congressional process.[188] He also filed a federal lawsuit in 2025 to halt the extension of Affordable Care Act subsidies to undocumented immigrants, asserting it violated eligibility restrictions and diverted resources from citizens.[138] Kobach's advocacy traces to earlier work, including his role in drafting state immigration laws and advising the Trump administration, where he framed federal inaction on enforcement as enabling state burdens while portraying proactive state measures as essential bulwarks against centralized power. In a 2013 analysis, he described his efforts as filling a gap against the erosion of states' rights amid federal expansions post-9/11 and under subsequent administrations.[28] These positions align with his testimony before Congress in June 2025, where he defended state-led challenges to federal policies under doctrines like anti-commandeering, citing precedents such as Printz v. United States (1997) to argue against coerced state cooperation in federal schemes.[145] On judicial overreach, Kobach has criticized unelected judges for substituting policy preferences over statutory interpretation, particularly in Kansas's merit-based selection system, which he claims fosters insulation from public accountability and leads to ideologically driven rulings. In September 2024, he publicly described Kansas Supreme Court justices as exhibiting "hostility from the bench" in cases involving his office, attributing this to a flawed process dominated by bar associations and gubernatorial appointees rather than voter input.[189] He advocated for legislative reforms, including direct election of high court justices, to align the judiciary with Kansas's conservative electorate and prevent overreach into legislative prerogatives, such as in election law disputes.[190] In February 2025 legislative testimony, Kobach outlined three rationales for electing supreme court justices: enhancing democratic legitimacy unlike Kansas's unique hybrid system, reducing elite capture by legal interest groups, and ensuring rulings reflect state values over national trends.[191] He linked these critiques to specific losses, like a 2022 state supreme court decision on redistricting, but framed reform as structural correction rather than retaliation, warning that unaccountable judiciaries erode separation of powers. Critics, including civil liberties groups, have portrayed his push as undermining judicial independence in response to adverse outcomes, though Kobach maintains it restores balance against activist tendencies.[192]

Personal Life

Family and Residence

Kris Kobach has been married to Heather Kobach (née Mannschreck) since June 23, 2001.[193] The couple has five daughters: Josephine, Lilly, Charlotte, Reagan, and Molly.[194] [193] Kobach and his family reside on a small farm near Lecompton, Kansas, in Douglas County, to which he relocated his official voter registration in 2017.[195] [196]

Recreational Interests and Public Persona

Kobach is an avid hunter, engaging in pursuits such as whitetail deer hunting, including trips to Michigan for such activities.[197] He has promoted Kansas's hunting resources publicly, highlighting them as among the nation's best and soliciting personal stories from others via social media.[198] His involvement extends to supporting policy expansions for hunters, such as the Kansas Wildlife and Parks Commission's 2025 approval of night-vision equipment for coyote hunting, which he praised as beneficial for managing predator populations.[199] Affiliated with pro-hunting organizations like Hunter Nation, Kobach is described by the group as an enthusiastic participant in the sport alongside his family commitments.[200] Early life experiences included hunting and fishing with his father across Kansas, shaping his ongoing interest in outdoor recreation.[198] In his public persona, Kobach projects an image of a devoted family man and outdoorsman, living near Lecompton, Kansas, with his wife, Heather, and their five daughters.[9] This contrasts with the polarized reactions to his professional advocacy, where supporters view him as a principled defender of state interests, while critics often portray him as polarizing; he has noted that such scrutiny affects his family emotionally but has grown accustomed to it himself.[201]

Electoral History

Kobach first won statewide office in the 2010 Republican primary for Kansas Secretary of State, receiving 156,462 votes (50.6 percent) against Elizabeth Ensley and J.R. Claeys.[54] He defeated Democratic nominee Chris Biggs in the general election to assume office in January 2011. Kobach secured reelection as Secretary of State in 2014, narrowly defeating former state senator Jean Schodorf (Democrat) by a margin of 53.2 percent to 42.5 percent amid controversies over his voter registration policies. In the 2018 Republican gubernatorial primary, Kobach edged out incumbent Governor Jeff Colyer by 343 votes (91,240 to 90,897) after a protracted recount involving provisional ballots, securing the nomination despite internal party divisions.[99] He lost the general election to Democratic state senator Laura Kelly, garnering 453,030 votes (42.96 percent).
2018 Kansas Gubernatorial Election Results
Candidate
--------------------
Laura Kelly
Kris Kobach
Greg Orman
Others
Kobach ran for the U.S. Senate in 2020, placing second in the Republican primary with approximately 25.6 percent of the vote behind U.S. Representative Roger Marshall's 33.5 percent.[202] [203] He mounted a successful comeback in 2022 for Attorney General, winning the Republican primary with 200,904 votes (42.26 percent) over Kellie Warren (37.94 percent) and Tony Mattivi (19.80 percent).[125] Kobach defeated Democrat Chris Mann in the general election, receiving 53.9 percent of the vote to assume office in January 2023.[127] [204]
2022 Kansas Attorney General Republican Primary Results
Candidate
-----------------
Kris Kobach
Kellie Warren
Tony Mattivi

References

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