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Kuruba
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Kuruba (IPA: [kurubɐ]) is a Hindu caste native to the Indian states of Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana.[1] They are the third-largest caste group in Karnataka.[2] Traditionally, these are shepherds who used to do the work of sheep/goat and animal husbandry and agriculture, in which they especially raised mixed herds of sheep and goats and cattle.
Etymology
[edit]The term kuruba, meaning shepherd, is derived from kuri, meaning sheep in Kannada. Shepherding was traditionally their primary occupation[3] and still is for many, who lead a nomadic lifestyle.[4]
History
[edit]Oral traditions of the Kurubas or Kuruma indicate their descent from Neolithic farming villages in South India which also kept cattle. Oral traditions indicate some of these original cattle-keeping agriculturalists branched off into new habitats and quickly came to rely on sheep pastoralism, absorbing Mesolithic hunter-gatherers. Rituals associated with hunting presumably came from the integration of these hunter-gatherers into the Neolithic pastoralists. These pastoralists later became almost totally separated from their villager antecedents and interacted with them only based on initial conflict and acculturation. For pastoralists such as the Kurubas, the horse became an important pack animal after the Iron Age and an animal for fighting. Nanjundaiah claimed the Kurubas were the descendants of the Pallavas.[citation needed] Groups of soldiers from the Kuruba community became important in the armies of Deccan powers in the Medieval era.[5] It is believed that Kurubas are ethnically related to the Kuruvars of Sangam literature. This is also supported by the fact that Kuruvars worshiped Murukan and his Kuruvar wife, Valli whereas Kurubas worship Mailara/Mallanna, who represents Murukan, and his Kuruba wife, Kurubattyavva.[6]
There are over 200 evidences saying that the Kurumas or Kurubas founded the Sangama dynasty, the founding dynasty of the Vijayanagara Empire.[7] According to Ramchandra Chintaman Dhere, a scholar of the religious traditions of Maharashtra:
The history of South India shows clearly that all the southern royal dynasties who arose from pastoralist, cowherd groups gained Kshatriya status by claiming to be Moon lineage Kshatriyas, by taking Yadu as their ancestor, and by continually keeping alive their pride in being 'Yadavas'. Many dynasties in South India, from the Pallavas to the Yadavarayas, were originally members of pastoralist, cowherd groups and belonged to Kuruba lineages.[8]
. The Holkars of Indore belong to this caste which is called as Dhangars in Maharastra.
Subdivisions
[edit]They have three divisions, namely Unnikankan, Hattikankan and Hande. Those who subsist on the wool economy wear a Unnikankan (wool bracelet), while those in agriculture wear a Hattikankan (cotton bracelet). These bracelets are tied during the marriage ceremony. Hande Kurubas claims a higher position than the other two and prefers to be called Nayakas. They were an important part of the armies of Hyder Ali and Ankusagari Poligars. Nayakas were military leaders who often became Inamdars.[9][5]
The priestly class of Kurubas is called Oderu Kuruba. They don't eat meat and wear the lingam, and to that extent they resemble the Lingayats' Jangamas.[10]
In Maharashtra, they are a sub-caste of Dhangar community.[11] Kurubas and Dhangars have the same religious ideas and practices. The Kannada speaking Dhangars of southern Maharashtra can easily be called Kurubas. They are divided into Unnikankan and Hattikankan Dhangars, which are subdivisions of Kurubas.[12] Dhangars' priestly class is called Vadad, derived from Oderu, which is the priestly class of Kurubas. They differ from Kurubas only in name and language.[13]
Varna status
[edit]By the 1920s, some of the Kurubas had begun to call themselves Prathama Sudra ('first Sudra') or Indra Sudra ('chief Sudra').[citation needed] In Karnataka, the Kurubas are classified as Other Backward Class in the Indian system of reservation.[14] Since the community is more dispersed, the Kurubas have been called a non-dominant minority community. The Kuruba community's population in Karnataka is around fifty lakh (five million), which is 8-9% of the total 6.5 crore (65 million) population of the state.[15]
Current situation
[edit]The Kuruba community mainly inhabits the eastern parts of Karnataka. The region is mainly plateau broken up by hills, rivers and tanks. The soil in this region is mainly red soils, and red sandy loams, unsuitable for agriculture. The low hills and plains have scrub and rocky country, ideal for pastoral lifestyles.[5]
The Kurubas traditionally practiced transhumance pastoralism: moving with large flocks of sheep from one pasture to the other. A secondary source of livelihood was once weaving kamblis, but that had mostly disappeared by the 20th century.[citation needed] With the disappearance of pastureland, they have been settling down to agriculture, some as landlords and other as tenants. Today, the majority of Hattikankan Kurubas practice farming and cattle-breeding, and many Unnikankan Kurubas are also farmers. But some also sell sheep and goats, as well as cow dung, in a symbiotic relationship with local farmers.[5][16]
Culture
[edit]Although the Kurubas are traditionally Saivites, they worship a variety of deities. Mailara, Mallanna, Mallikarjuna, Vitthal (in his original Shiva form) and Beerappa, and Arivamma [Aluvelu mangamma] who all are forms of Shiva, and Yellamma are some of the important gods of Kurubas. They consider Vitthal and Beerappa as brothers, however, Beerappa has traditionally been their exclusive deity.[6][17][5] Other deities they worship include Batyappa, Irachikappa, Kallu Kambhadappa, Budalappa, Settipalleppa, Karakuappa and Lakshmi Devi. They worship all gramadevatas and sacrifice sheep and goats.[citation needed]
Previously, the Kurubas celebrated parashe where the group of Kurubas throughout a region celebrated the festival of their gods. During this time Goravas, an order of saints dedicated to Mailari Devaru, are initiated. During the parashe, the idol of the temple where the parashe takes place is washed in a river, and decorated with hoovu-vibhuti. The worship is conducted by a Kuruba pujari and the Goravas sing songs dedicated to the deity. However, these celebrations were largely gone by the 1920s. The Kurubas also worship Iragaru, men who die unmarried, by building temples and setting up stones for them.[citation needed] They bury their dead.[5]
Notable people
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Murthy, M.L.K. (1 February 1993). "Ethnohistory of pastoralism: A study of Kurubas and Gollas". Studies in History. 9 (1): 33–41. doi:10.1177/025764309300900102. S2CID 161569571.
- ^ Ranganna, T. S. (12 August 2006). "Kuruba community sets a new trend at math". The Hindu. Retrieved 30 June 2020.
- ^ Ramchandra Chintaman Dhere, Translated by Anne Feldhaus (2011). Rise of a Folk God: Vitthal of Pandharpur, South Asia Research. Oxford University Press. pp. 240–241. ISBN 9780199777648.
- ^ "Bandaru assures ST category for Golla-Kuruma". The Hindu. 25 August 2015. ISSN 0971-751X. Retrieved 27 May 2020.
- ^ a b c d e f Murty, M. L. K.; Sontheimer, Günther D. (1980). "Prehistoric Background to Pastoralism in the Southern Deccan in the Light of Oral Traditions and Cults of Some Pastoral Communities". Anthropos. 75 (1/2): 163–184. ISSN 0257-9774. JSTOR 40460587.
- ^ a b Feldhaus (1989), p. 106.
- ^ Dhere, Ramchandra Chintaman (2011). Rise of a Folk God: Vitthal of Pandharpur, South Asia Research. Feldhaus, Anne (trans.). Oxford University Press. p. 237,238,243. ISBN 978-0-19977-764-8.
Vijayanagar's kings were Yādavas; therefore they were Kurubas; and therefore Viṭṭhal-Bīrappā must have been their original god. The temple of Anantaśayana depicts a clothed form of Viṭṭhal. At Mallikārjun temple near Mallappanaguḍī, there is a broken image of Viṭṭhal in a shrine. In Hampī, bas-reliefs of Viṭṭhal are sculpted on pillars of the Viṭṭhal temple and Kṛṣṇa temple. In Lepākṣī, there are sculptures of Dhangars standing with a blanket draped over his head, his arm resting on his staff, and his chin resting on his arm. He must be there as a reminder of the family that built the temples. There is no other reason for a human being to be carved here, when almost every other carving on the numerous pillars of these temples depicts a god or a mythological event. These two popular motifs, Dhangars and Viṭṭhal, present a clear image of the family background of the founders of Vijayanagar and the roots of their faith.
- ^ Dhere, Ramchandra Chintaman (2011). Rise of a Folk God: Vitthal of Pandharpur, South Asia Research. Feldhaus, Anne (trans.). Oxford University Press. p. 245. ISBN 978-0-19977-764-8.
- ^ Feldhaus (1989), p. 107.
- ^ Feldhaus (1989), p. 122.
- ^ Central Commission for Backward Classes (20 October 2020). Central List of OBCs Maharashtra (Report). Archived from the original on 10 November 2020.
- ^ Feldhaus (1989), p. 106-107.
- ^ Feldhaus (1989), p. 113,122.
- ^ Central Commission for Backward Classes. Central List of OBCs Karnataka (Report). Archived from the original on 22 December 2018.
- ^ Gejji, Anil. "Karnataka: Kuruba campaign seen as bid to erode Siddaramaiah's clout". Bengaluru. Archived from the original on 23 December 2020. Retrieved 17 December 2020.
- ^ Feldhaus (1989), p. 113.
- ^ Dhavalikar, Madhukar (2014). Socio-economic Archaeology of India. Archaeological Survey of India, 2014. p. 274.
Bibliography
[edit]- Feldhaus, Anne (1989). Sontheimer, Gunther-Dietz (ed.). Pastoral Deities in Western India. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195055009.
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Kuruba
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Etymology and Origins
Etymology
The term Kuruba derives from the Kannada root kuru or kuri, signifying "sheep," which aligns with the community's historical pastoral occupation of herding sheep and goats across southern India.[2] This etymology is supported by early ethnographic observations linking the name to their sheep-rearing practices, though some contemporaries noted that Kurubas engaged in diverse livelihoods beyond pure shepherding, such as weaving and agriculture.[2] Community traditions offer an alternative interpretation, positing Kuruba as rooted in Sanskrit kuru ("to do" or "seek") combined with Kannada elements implying "trustworthy" or "warrior," reflecting self-perceived martial roles in regional histories like the Vijayanagara era.[7] However, this lacks direct linguistic corroboration in primary Dravidian etymologies and appears as interpretive lore rather than empirical derivation. The term is distinct from Kurumba, which denotes unrelated hill-dwelling tribal groups in areas like the Nilgiris, characterized by different dialects, physiques, and savage hunter-gatherer lifestyles rather than organized pastoralism.[2]Prehistoric and Ancient Roots
Archaeological evidence from the Southern Neolithic culture in the Karnataka region indicates that pastoralism, including the herding of sheep and goats, emerged around 3000–2600 BCE, coinciding with the domestication of local livestock alongside early agriculture. Sites such as Hallur in Haveri district reveal ashmounds associated with cattle and sheep remains, alongside millet cultivation, suggesting a mixed agro-pastoral economy where herders managed flocks in the Deccan plateau.[8][9] Radiocarbon dating places these occupations in the mid-third millennium BCE, with over 200 such sites documented across Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, and Tamil Nadu, highlighting the prevalence of sheep domestication and seasonal migration patterns for grazing. This Neolithic pastoral foundation persisted into later prehistoric phases, as evidenced by continuity in tool technologies and settlement patterns in the Tungabhadra valley, where ironworking by 1200 BCE integrated with herding practices.[10] Sheep penning, a traditional enclosure system for nutrient recycling in fields, traces back to this era in southern India, underscoring the adaptive strategies of early herders that prefigure modern pastoral groups.[11] Empirical data from faunal assemblages at these sites confirm sheep as a staple, domesticated from local wild progenitors or introduced varieties, with no direct genetic discontinuity indicated in regional population studies.[12] Ancient textual references in Sangam literature from Tamil Nadu, dating to circa 300 BCE–300 CE, describe shepherds rearing sheep, goats, and cattle as integral to rural economies, portraying them as mobile communities valuing livestock for milk, wool, and wealth.[13] These depictions align with broader South Indian pastoral traditions, including migration for pastures, though specific ethnic identifiers like Kuruba are absent; inscriptions from the period remain silent on named herder groups, emphasizing instead economic roles over tribal affiliations.[14] Such evidence supports prehistoric roots in empirical herding practices rather than unsubstantiated royal lineages.Historical Development
Ancient and Medieval Contributions
The Kuruba community, primarily pastoralists in the Deccan region, supported medieval economies through sheep herding and wool production, rearing hardy Deccani breeds adapted to the plateau's semi-arid conditions. This activity facilitated the weaving of kambali, coarse black woollen blankets used for clothing, bedding, and trade, with the tradition documented as extending over 500 years and integral to local textile practices in Karnataka.[15][16] Such contributions underpinned the agro-pastoral subsistence systems of early medieval South India, where livestock management complemented agriculture in dry-deciduous ecologies, providing meat, wool, and manure for regional kingdoms.[17] Scholarly examinations of dynastic origins link the Hoysala rulers (c. 1026–1343 CE), who controlled much of Karnataka, to indigenous pastoral lineages associated with communities like the Kurubas, emphasizing their local roots rather than external migrations.[18] Inscriptions and analyses, such as those by Derrett and Coelho, portray the Hoysalas as emerging from humble, non-Brahmanical stock tied to shepherding groups, enabling their rise through alliances with agrarian elites while maintaining ties to mobile herding networks for logistical support in campaigns.[18] This integration highlights Kuruba roles in sustaining ruling powers via resource provision, though direct military participation lacks robust epigraphic corroboration beyond general pastoral involvement in Deccan polities.Colonial and Pre-Independence Period
In colonial ethnographies, such as Edgar Thurston's Castes and Tribes of Southern India (1909), the Kurubas were classified as a pastoral community primarily engaged in sheep and goat herding, often described as nomadic or semi-nomadic shepherds who produced woolen blankets and migrated seasonally with their flocks.[2] British census reports reinforced this portrayal; the Mysore Census of 1901 noted Kurubas as numbering significantly in the region, with low literacy rates and a predisposition toward simplicity that hindered adaptation to formal education and settled agriculture.[2] Similarly, the Census of India 1901 referenced their involvement in coarse weaving tied to pastoral livelihoods, while the 1871-72 Madras Presidency census grouped them under occupational castes focused on animal husbandry rather than intensive farming.[19][20] Socio-economic disruptions arose from British land revenue policies and restrictions on nomadic groups. Colonial administrators, viewing pastoralists as threats to settled revenue systems, enacted laws prohibiting Kurubas from purchasing agricultural land, rationalizing this exclusion on the grounds that they were not recognized agriculturists like the Kunbi communities; this measure, implemented in regions like Bombay and Mysore Presidencies, aimed to curb mobility and integrate nomads into taxable sedentary economies but instead marginalized Kuruba herders by limiting access to fixed assets and exacerbating vulnerability to famines and market fluctuations.[7] Such sedentarization efforts, part of broader imperial strategies to rationalize land use and forest access under acts like the Indian Forest Act of 1865, compelled many Kurubas toward wage labor or fragmented smallholdings, eroding traditional transhumance patterns without providing adequate support for transition.[21] Kurubas participated in anti-colonial resistance, particularly through localized uprisings in southern India. In the early 19th century, figures like Sangolli Rayanna, a Kuruba warrior from present-day Belgaum, led guerrilla campaigns against British forces following the 1824 Kittur rebellion, employing hit-and-run tactics with shepherd bands until his execution in 1831; this reflected broader pastoralist discontent with revenue exactions and territorial encroachments.[4] Earlier, Maharaja Yashwantrao Holkar of Indore mobilized Kuruba (Dhangar) contingents in his 1803 armies to challenge British expansion during the Second Anglo-Maratha War, highlighting their martial role in pre-1857 conflicts.[7] While less documented in the mainstream nationalist movement of the 20th century, these actions underscore Kuruba involvement in regional assertions against colonial authority, driven by direct livelihood threats rather than urban ideological campaigns.Post-Independence Evolution
Following India's independence in 1947, the Kuruba community experienced gradual integration into state administrative and economic frameworks through constitutional provisions for affirmative action. In Karnataka, where Kurubas form approximately 9.3% of the population and rank as the fourth-largest community, they were categorized under Other Backward Classes (OBC), specifically group 2A, granting access to 15% reservations in education and government jobs as per state backward classes lists.[22][5] This classification facilitated entry into formal sectors, though demands for reclassification to Scheduled Tribe (ST) status persisted into the 2020s amid debates over enhanced quotas.[23] Caste associations proliferated in the latter half of the 20th century to lobby for policy reforms, welfare schemes, and political representation. Organizations like the All India Kuruba Gowdas Sangam advocated for recognition of pastoral rights and expanded reservations, reflecting a shift from localized kinship networks to structured advocacy amid post-independence state-building.[7] These bodies also pushed for development programs addressing education and housing deficits, contributing to improved literacy rates within the community by the 1990s.[4] Traditional nomadic pastoralism waned due to forest conservation laws, land reforms, and agricultural encroachment, prompting widespread sedentarization and rural-to-urban migration. By the late 20th century, many Kurubas transitioned to settled farming, daily wage labor, and urban occupations such as construction and small trade, particularly in districts like Bengaluru and Mysuru, as grazing lands diminished and markets for wool and manure contracted.[24] This occupational shift correlated with population dispersal from pastoral heartlands, with estimates placing the community at around 8 million in Karnataka by the early 21st century, underscoring adaptation to modernization pressures.[4]Subdivisions and Demographics
Major Subgroups
The Kuruba community features distinct subgroups shaped by geographic and occupational factors, with forest-based groups differing markedly from those in open plains through reliance on foraging versus herding. Jenu Kuruba, literally "honey people," inhabit forested hill tracts in districts such as Kodagu and Chamarajanagar in Karnataka, where their traditional livelihood centers on collecting wild honey from cliff hives, supplemented by gathering minor forest products like yams and tubers, often in temporary camps during seasonal migrations.[25] This contrasts with plains Kurubas, who predominate in scrub and lowland areas conducive to transhumance, herding sheep and goats across seasonal pastures while producing wool, meat, and dairy.[22] Kadu Kuruba represent another forest-oriented subgroup, concentrated in similar hilly terrains, engaging in allied activities like sporadic shifting cultivation alongside pastoralism, though their mobility is constrained by dense woodland access rather than open grazing routes.[25] Regional naming variations further delineate subgroups; in Telangana, Kurubas align closely with Gollas, a pastoral group emphasizing cattle and buffalo rearing tied to Krishna worship traditions, reflecting adaptive shifts in livestock focus due to local agro-ecology.[26] These divisions stem from ecological niches—hilly forests favoring extractive gathering versus plains enabling large-scale animal husbandry—without inherent status gradients, though official recognitions vary by habitat.Population Distribution and Socio-Economic Profile
The Kuruba community comprises approximately 7.3% of Karnataka's population, totaling around 4.37 million individuals according to a 2025 state caste and socio-economic survey conducted by the Karnataka State Backward Classes Commission.[23] Earlier estimates, such as a 2021 analysis, placed their share at 9.3%, reflecting variations in data collection methodologies across surveys.[22] While predominantly concentrated in rural districts of Karnataka, where traditional pastoral activities persist, smaller populations exist in neighboring states including Tamil Nadu (approximately 778,000), Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, and Maharashtra.[27] Urban migration has accelerated among Kurubas, with a 2015 study estimating that 60% have relocated from rural to urban areas seeking alternative employment, as sheep rearing has become economically unviable due to factors like land scarcity and market shifts.[28] This trend underscores broader socio-economic pressures, including below-average literacy rates—such as 56.1% among the Jenu Kuruba tribal subgroup, compared to Karnataka's overall 75.36% in the 2011 census—and elevated poverty linked to occupational transitions away from pastoralism.[29][30] Income levels remain constrained for many, prompting diversification into agriculture, labor, and informal urban jobs, though specific statewide metrics for the community are limited by the absence of caste-disaggregated census data beyond Scheduled Tribes subgroups.Social Structure and Varna Debates
Traditional Self-Perceptions and Claims
The Kuruba community traditionally asserts membership in the Kshatriya varna, viewing themselves as descendants of the Yadava dynasty, the lunar (Chandravanshi) Kshatriya lineage traced to Yadu, the progenitor of Lord Krishna in ancient texts like the Mahabharata and Puranas.[31] Oral traditions and community folklore emphasize this royal heritage, positioning Kurubas as pastoral warriors who migrated southward from the Yadava heartlands near Dwaraka, preserving martial prowess alongside sheep-rearing.[32] These narratives highlight historical roles in establishing kingdoms, such as the Sangama dynasty of Vijayanagara, where founders Harihara and Bukka are claimed as Kuruba kin by some accounts, evidencing self-perceived contributions to South Indian rulership and defense.[4] A core element of this self-perception is the Hālu Māta (milk mother) legend, wherein the community believes it originated from milk created by the deity Revana Siddeswara, symbolizing ritual purity and superiority over base varnas tied to manual labor or impurity. This milk-born motif underscores claims of innate cleanliness and divine favor, distinguishing Kurubas from Shudra pastoralists and aligning with Kshatriya ideals of protection and nobility, as milk evokes the sacred cow central to Vedic warrior ethos. Community elders invoke this in rituals to affirm varna elevation, rejecting lower classifications as distortions of colonial ethnography. Folklore further bolsters these assertions through tales of participation in ancient battles, portraying Kurubas as valiant fighters akin to Yadava heroes like Krishna's kin in the Kurukshetra war, with etymological links deriving "Kuruba" from Sanskrit roots implying action or trustworthiness in combat.[33] Such stories serve as self-evidence of martial legacy, including alliances with dynasties like the Hoysalas, who also invoked Yadava descent, reinforcing a collective identity of guardians rather than mere herders.[34] These traditions persist in oral recitations and caste associations, framing Kurubas as rightful heirs to Kshatriya dharma despite pastoral occupations.Governmental Classifications and Legal Status
In Karnataka, the Kuruba community is predominantly classified as Other Backward Classes (OBC) under Category 2A, which allocates 15% of the state's 32% OBC reservation quota for admissions in educational institutions and recruitment to public sector jobs.[5] This status stems from the state's backward classes commission assessments of social, educational, and economic indicators, including lower average literacy and income levels relative to forward castes, as evaluated under Article 340 of the Indian Constitution.[23] Certain subgroups, notably Jenu Kuruba, Kadu Kuruba in districts like Kodagu and Chamarajanagar, and Betta-Kuruba, hold Scheduled Tribes (ST) status, entitling them to the state's 7% ST quota in education, employment, and legislative seats.[25][35] ST classification for these groups is justified by constitutional criteria under Article 341, encompassing primitive traits, distinct cultural practices, geographical isolation in forest areas, limited interaction with outsiders, and marked backwardness, as documented in central and state tribal lists.[36] Jenu Kuruba, in particular, is designated a Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Group (PVTG), qualifying for targeted welfare schemes like habitat development and skill training to mitigate vulnerabilities such as dependency on forest resources and high poverty rates.[29][37] These reservations empirically address disparities, with OBC quotas enabling over 15% of Category 2A seats filled by Kurubas in state universities and civil services exams annually, while ST benefits have supported improved enrollment among Jenu Kuruba, whose literacy rose from below 20% in early censuses to around 50% by 2011 through affirmative action.[38] However, ongoing state reviews in 2025 propose reclassifying mainline Kurubas to OBC Category 1B for enhanced sub-quotas based on updated socio-economic surveys showing persistent underrepresentation in higher professions.[23]Internal and External Critiques
Scholars have critiqued Kuruba assertions of Kshatriya or Yadava descent as exemplifying sanskritization, a process wherein lower-status groups emulate upper-caste rituals, myths, and vegetarianism to claim elevated varna, yet these efforts often lack corroboration from historical inscriptions or archaeological evidence depicting Kurubas as rulers or warriors.[39] Instead, such claims draw primarily from mythological linkages to Krishna's Yadu lineage, without epigraphic records supporting pre-modern Kshatriya status, leading analysts to view them as modern status-elevation strategies rather than reflections of ancient hierarchies.[40] From a Dalit-subaltern lens, sanskritization among pastoral groups like Kurubas is faulted for implicitly validating the caste system's premises, as evidenced by their historical refusal of food from lower Brahmin subgroups while aspiring upward, thereby perpetuating rather than dismantling varna distinctions.[41] Intra-community disputes have intensified over proposals to reclassify Kurubas as Scheduled Tribes, with some subgroups—such as Kadu Kurubas, Jenu Kurubas in Kodagu and Chamarajanagar, and Gonda Kurubas in Bidar—already holding ST status, raising questions about uniform eligibility across the diverse community estimated at nearly 6 million in Karnataka.[25][26] Advocates argue for ST recognition based on aboriginal tribal traits and nomadic heritage, but opponents within and beyond the community contend it could strain existing 7% ST quotas, prompting Karnataka's Chief Minister to propose expansion to 14-20% in October 2025, while highlighting tensions with self-perceived higher-caste identities that view ST labeling as status regression.[42][43] External analyses attribute Kuruba's Shudra classification to the causal realities of pastoral nomadism, which hindered accumulation of surplus, land ownership, and adherence to sedentary Vedic rituals associated with Brahmin and Kshatriya varnas, positioning mobile herders as service providers in agrarian economies.[44] This occupational determinism, per ethnographic studies, reinforced lower ritual purity and social standing, as nomadism's demands for seasonal migration conflicted with the varna system's emphasis on fixed territorial and ceremonial roles, irrespective of later sanskritization attempts.[45] Such views underscore how economic functions, rather than mythic genealogies, empirically shaped caste hierarchies among southern Indian pastoralists.[4]Economy and Livelihood
Traditional Pastoralism
The Kuruba community traditionally centered its economy on the rearing of sheep and goats, particularly the hardy Deccani breed adapted to the semi-arid Deccan Plateau, with flocks often numbering 1,000 to 4,000 animals per group.[24][46] These animals provided meat, milk, and especially wool, which formed the backbone of their livelihood through production of coarse black woolen blankets known as kambali.[24] Herding involved mixed flocks managed by families or small groups of 2–3 households, using simple restraints like ropes to control movement during daily grazing and migrations.[24] Seasonal transhumance was integral, with herders migrating 600–800 km along established routes from October–November to March–April, seeking pastures in the dry season before returning to base areas.[24] This mobility facilitated access to diverse rangelands, preventing overgrazing and integrating pastoralism with agricultural cycles through practices like sheep penning, where flocks were confined at night on fallow fields using bamboo fencing or similar barriers to deposit nutrient-rich manure (containing 1.93% nitrogen, 0.6% phosphorus, and 1.90% potassium).[46] Penning, traceable to Neolithic agro-pastoral systems evidenced by ancient ash mounds in southern India, enhanced soil fertility, porosity, and microbial activity while controlling crop pathogens, thus supporting symbiotic relations with sedentary farmers.[46][11] Wool production involved selective breeding for black-fleeced Deccani sheep, yielding coarse fiber traded locally to Kuruba weavers in villages such as Dadibhavi Salapur, who produced kambali blankets for regional markets, including historical supply to armed forces.[24][47] This trade network embedded Kurubas within broader Deccan economies, where wool and manure sales supplemented income from animal sales, contributing to food security by bolstering crop yields via natural fertilization and reducing reliance on external inputs.[24][46] Ecologically, these practices sustained rangeland health and integrated livestock into regional nutrient cycles, with large-scale herding preventing vegetation dominance by unpalatable species and promoting biodiversity in pastoral corridors.[46]Modern Occupational Transitions
In a 2013 household survey of 30 Kuruba families in Doddaballapur taluk, Karnataka, 100% reported shifting away from traditional sheep rearing, with current occupations distributed as business (50%), agriculture (23.3%), private sector employment (16.7%), government jobs (6.7%), and residual herding (3.3%).[48] Similarly, a study of 240 respondents in Bangalore rural district found that 92.5% had transitioned from traditional livelihoods—primarily sheep tending, rug weaving, and limited agriculture—to modern roles in public and private sectors, driven by preferences for higher education and urban influences.[49] Key drivers of this diversification include land scarcity for grazing, as expanding urbanization and agricultural intensification have curtailed access to common pastures and traditional manure-for-grazing arrangements with farmers.[24] Educational attainment, with 73.4% of surveyed Kurubas in Doddaballapur holding primary or secondary qualifications, has facilitated entry into non-pastoral jobs, though higher education remains limited at 13.3%.[48] Declining viability of herding is exacerbated by falling wool prices (from Rs. 30-40/kg two decades ago to Rs. 8-10/kg as of 2021) and reduced demand for Deccani wool due to synthetic alternatives, prompting supplementary income from animal sales for meat and milk.[24] Despite widespread shifts, herding persists in rural pockets, particularly among families maintaining seasonal migrations of 600-800 km with flocks of around 100 animals, though such practices face heightened risks from terrain, roads, and economic instability yielding annual family incomes of Rs. 70,000-80,000.[24] In the Doddaballapur sample, 86.7% expressed no intent to transmit herding to the next generation, reflecting poorer economic outcomes compared to diversified households, where 53.3% reported annual incomes of Rs. 100,001-200,000 versus lower earnings in residual pastoralism.[48] Overall, these transitions have improved socio-economic prospects for many but underscore vulnerabilities in unsupportive policy environments lacking targeted skill training, as only 3.3% in Bangalore rural received such for traditional roles.[49]Culture and Practices
Religious Beliefs and Worship
The Kuruba community predominantly adheres to Shaivism within Hinduism, venerating Lord Shiva through various regional manifestations such as Mailara (also known as Mallanna or Khandoba), Mallikarjuna, Beeralingeshwara, and Revanasiddeshwara.[50][33] These forms emphasize Shiva's role as a protector of shepherds and pastoralists, often depicted in myths involving the slaying of demons threatening livestock.[51] Worship involves daily offerings of milk, curd, and wool from sheep—staples of their traditional livelihood—as symbols of purity and sustenance, reflecting a practical integration of occupation with devotion.[52] Syncretic practices incorporate village deities (gramadevatas) and pastoral gods like Birappa, revered specifically by sheep herders for safeguarding flocks from predators and disease.[53] Rituals feature animal sacrifices of sheep or goats to these deities, performed during seasonal festivals or vows, alongside trance-induced possession dances such as Dollu Kunitha, where participants emulate Shiva's cosmic drum to invoke divine intervention.[54][55] Household worship centers on clan-specific icons, including pot deities like Kēlu Devaru, anointed annually with pastoral produce to ensure family prosperity.[56] Many Kurubas affiliate with Halumatha, a shepherd-centric tradition blending Shaivite monism with folk elements, which underscores ethical pastoralism and non-sectarian devotion to an ultimate source.[7] Pilgrimages to key temples, such as Mailar Mallanna in Bidar district, Karnataka, draw communities for collective rituals on Sundays, involving livestock trading, vows, and communal feasts to renew ties with these protective deities.[57][58] This observable emphasis on ritual efficacy over abstract doctrine highlights a pragmatic faith adapted to agrarian and migratory life.[59]Social Customs and Family Structure
The Kuruba community follows a patrilineal kinship system, tracing descent and inheritance through the male line, with social organization centered on clans or gotras that regulate marriage and rituals.[60] Clans serve as exogamous units, prohibiting intra-clan marriages to maintain genetic diversity and social alliances, while endogamy is strictly observed at the broader community level to preserve caste identity.[60][61] This structure reinforces patrilocality, where newlywed couples reside with or near the husband's family, supporting joint households in rural settings where multiple generations share resources and labor.[62] Gender roles exhibit a division of labor rooted in traditional pastoralism, with men primarily responsible for herding sheep and goats over long distances, negotiating grazing rights, and protecting livestock from predators.[4] Women manage household duties, including milking animals, processing wool into yarn, childcare, and preparing meals, often contributing to weaving or small-scale agriculture during settled periods.[62] In subgroups like the Betta Kuruba, both genders participate in forest-based activities such as basket weaving and labor migration, though men dominate decision-making in public affairs.[62] Rites of passage emphasize clan affiliations and ancestral ties, beginning with birth rituals where infants are named after clan deities or forefathers to invoke protection.[62] Puberty ceremonies for girls involve seclusion and purification rites, marking readiness for marriage, while boys undergo informal initiations tied to learning herding skills.[62] Marriage rites, conducted by clan elders, include exchanges of woolen goods and livestock as bride price elements, reinforcing kinship networks.[61] Dispute resolution relies on customary panchayats comprising senior clan heads and elders, who mediate conflicts over property, adultery, or grazing rights through consensus and fines rather than formal courts.[62] In cases involving honor or clan violations, resolutions prioritize reconciliation to preserve social harmony, with appeals to higher community bodies if needed; this system persists alongside state mechanisms in rural areas.[62]Folklore, Festivals, and Arts
The Kuruba community maintains a rich tradition of oral folklore, particularly through epics that recount tales of warriors, migrations, and pastoral hardships. The Halumatha Kuruba Purana stands as a prominent oral epic, transmitted across generations in districts such as Belgaum, Gulbarga, Bellary, Bagalkot, and Vijayapura, encapsulating the community's historical migrations and cultural resilience.[7] Similarly, epics like Male Madeshvara Kavya narrate heroic exploits and divine interventions, often linked to shepherd protagonists overcoming adversaries through cunning and endurance, reflecting the nomadic warrior ethos embedded in Kuruba identity.[63] These narratives, preserved via communal recitation rather than written texts, emphasize themes of survival in arid Deccan landscapes and inter-community conflicts dating to medieval periods. Festivals among the Kurubas frequently revolve around sheep herding cycles, integrating livestock fairs with ritual gatherings. The Guddadayya festival, held annually for seven days in February, draws devotees who parade sheep adorned with bells and garlands, combining offerings with communal feasts to invoke prosperity for flocks.[64] The Birappa cult festival, dedicated to the sheep herders' deity, occurs over three evenings around late March or early April, featuring night vigils, folk invocations, and sheep blessings amid pastoral encampments in the Deccan Plateau.[53] Additionally, the Mailapur Mallaiah fair on Sankranti (January 14) includes Kuruba-led events like traditional bull sports, where herders demonstrate animal strength and community bonds through competitive displays.[65] In the arts, Kuruba expressive forms highlight rhythmic dances and utilitarian crafts tied to daily pastoral life. Dollu Kunitha, a vigorous drum-accompanied dance performed by men of the community in northern Karnataka regions like Shimoga, involves synchronized beats on large dollu drums to evoke herding rhythms and epic battles, often staged in semi-circular formations for visual impact.[66] Folk music traditions, such as those in Kurubar Haada repertoires, feature shepherd songs praising Deccani landscapes, wool yields, and migratory routes, sung with simple string instruments during evening gatherings.[67] Crafts center on wool processing, notably kambli weaving—coarse woolen blankets produced from local sheep breeds using backstrap looms, a skill passed down to create durable gear for nomadic travel and trade, with annual wool yields per sheep averaging 1-2 kg in Karnataka's semi-arid zones.[68][69]Political Role and Movements
Caste Organizations and Advocacy
The All India Kuruba Gowdas Sangam, registered in November 2009 under the Societies Registration Act, serves as a primary formal organization for the community, aiming to educate members on their social status, legal rights, and available privileges while offering guidance for family and socioeconomic advancement.[70][71] The group convenes bimonthly meetings at its Chennai headquarters to discuss community issues and strategies.[72] Regional bodies, such as the Karnataka Pradesh Kuruba Sangha, operate in states like Karnataka, focusing on local advocacy through events and representations to secure enhanced recognition and quota allocations in education and employment.[73] These organizations have pursued objectives including better access to backward class benefits, drawing on historical ethnographic classifications of Kurubas as pastoral and hill-dwelling groups to support petitions for affirmative measures.[26] Advocacy efforts emphasize community mobilization via assemblies and alliances with allied backward groups, though specific timelines for early post-independence campaigns remain tied to broader state-level inclusions rather than standalone Kuruba-led initiatives.[74] Such strategies have included formal representations to administrative bodies for quota enhancements, reflecting ongoing pushes for equitable resource distribution amid pastoral transitions.Electoral Influence and Key Figures
The Kuruba community functions as a pivotal voting bloc in Karnataka politics, particularly in assembly constituencies across northern and central regions where their population concentration—estimated at around 10-12% statewide—enables them to determine close contests. In segments like Haveri, Davangere, and Chitradurga, Kurubas often outnumber or rival Vokkaliga voters, fostering competition for ticket allocations and development funds, as seen in bypolls where their consolidation has overturned expected outcomes.[75][76] Their electoral preferences hinge on patronage networks, with shifts toward parties promising cabinet berths or welfare schemes tailored to OBC shepherds, such as enhanced sheep rearing subsidies under Congress governments.[77] Following the 1980s expansion of OBC reservations post-Mandal Commission, Kuruba representation in the Karnataka Legislative Assembly surged from fewer than five MLAs in the early 1980s to 12 in 2023, with nine from Congress, one from BJP, and two from JD(S), underscoring their growing leverage in coalition formations.[78] This rise correlates with strategic party alliances, where Kurubas have backed Congress in 2013 and 2023 to secure chief ministerial positions, contrasting with fragmented support in the 2000s when BJP gained ground among Lingayat-Kuruba overlaps. In Lok Sabha polls, exit polls from 2024 indicated split votes, with a plurality favoring Congress amid anti-incumbency against BJP's perceived Vokkaliga favoritism.[79] Key figures include Siddaramaiah, a Kuruba who has served as Chief Minister since May 2023 (and previously 2013-2018), mobilizing community votes through AHINDA (Alpa Janare, Hindulida, Dalitamuslim) outreach that emphasizes OBC consolidation.[80] G. Parameshwara, Deputy Chief Minister since 2023 and Home Minister, rose from MLA to statewide leader by advocating Kuruba interests in law enforcement and rural development portfolios.[81] Other influencers like Byrathi Suresh, a two-term MLA from Hebbal inducted as Minister for Urban Development in 2023, exemplify intra-party patronage that sustains loyalty.[82] These leaders have elevated Kuruba visibility, though internal demands for more parliamentary tickets persist ahead of polls.[83]Contemporary Controversies and Demands
In September 2025, the Karnataka government under Chief Minister Siddaramaiah revived discussions to include specific sub-sects of the Kuruba community, particularly from districts like Bidar, Kalaburagi, and Yadgir, in the Scheduled Tribes (ST) list, prompting widespread political controversy ahead of the state's caste census.[84][36] Proponents, including community organizations such as the Halumatha Mahasabha, argued that this would address the Kurubas' historical socio-economic backwardness akin to tribal groups, potentially enhancing access to reservations currently limited under their OBC Category 2A status, which allocates 15% quota.[85][5] Opposition from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) labeled the move as politically motivated appeasement to bolster Siddaramaiah's support base within the Kuruba community, rather than a genuine recognition of tribal characteristics, given the caste's established pastoral and non-tribal classification in prior censuses.[36][25] Critics highlighted risks of diluting existing ST quotas—currently at 7%—without proportional increases, potentially disadvantaging recognized tribes, a concern echoed by Siddaramaiah himself, who advocated doubling or expanding the ST quota to 14-20% if inclusion proceeds, to maintain equity based on population shares.[86][42][43] Intra-community divisions emerged, with some Kuruba leaders cautioning that ST reclassification could erode the caste's influence in OBC-dominated politics and reservations, potentially fragmenting unity and clout in Congress party dynamics where Siddaramaiah holds sway.[87] The Halumatha Mahasabha's October 12, 2025, gathering in Chitradurga reaffirmed the demand despite these tensions, underscoring persistent advocacy amid fears of electoral repercussions in ST-reserved seats.[85][88] The government plans to submit a fresh proposal to the central authorities, but implementation remains contingent on census data and avoiding quota encroachments.[38]Notable Kurubas
- Siddaramaiah (born August 12, 1948), an Indian politician from the Indian National Congress, has served as the Chief Minister of Karnataka since May 2023 and previously from 2013 to 2018; he belongs to the Kuruba community and has advocated for its inclusion in the Scheduled Tribes category.[84][89]
- K. S. Eshwarappa (born August 6, 1957), a Bharatiya Janata Party leader and former Deputy Chief Minister of Karnataka, hails from the Kuruba caste and has been involved in state politics since the 1980s, including multiple ministerial roles.[90][91]
- Sangolli Rayanna (1798–1831), a 19th-century Palegar chieftain and guerrilla warrior who resisted British colonial expansion in Kittur, is recognized as a freedom fighter from the Kuruba community in Karnataka.[92][93]
References
- https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Castes_and_Tribes_of_Southern_India/Kuruba