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Lithograph of Joseph Smith addressing a delegation of Native Americans visiting Nauvoo, whom he referred to as Lamanites

In the Book of Mormon, the Lamanites (/ˈleɪmənaɪt/)[1][a] are one of the four peoples (along with the Jaredites, the Mulekites, and the Nephites) described as having settled in the ancient Americas. The Lamanites also play a role in the prophecies and revelations of the Doctrine and Covenants, another sacred text in the Latter Day Saint movement.

In the Book of Mormon's narrative, the Lamanites begin as wicked rivals to the more righteous Nephites, but when the Nephite civilization became decadent, it lost divine favor and was destroyed by the Lamanites. Latter Day Saints have historically associated Lamanites with present-day Native American cultures.[2]

Book of Mormon narrative

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According to the Book of Mormon, the family of Lehi, described as a wealthy Hebrew prophet, the family of Ishmael, and Zoram traveled from the Middle East to the Americas by boat in around 600 BC.[3] In his dying blessings to his children, Lehi assigns tribes to his descendants, usually named after the son whose family made up the tribe: Nephites, Jacobites, Josephites, Zoramites, Lamanites, Lemuelites, and Ishmaelites after Nephi, Joseph, Zoram, Laman, and Lemuel. Lehi's son Sam is included in the Nephites, his sons-in-law are presumably included together in the Ishmaelites, and Zoram was not Lehi's son, but his family travelled with Lehi's family.[4] In 2 Nephi 5, the narrative divides the people into Nephites and Lamanites; in his book The Testimony of Two Nations, Michael Austin interprets these as categories of convenience for the sake of the narrative, similar to how the twelve tribes of Israel are divided into the Kingdom of Israel and the Kingdom of Judah in the Old Testament.[5]

After the two groups separated from each other, the rebellious Lamanites were cursed and "cut off from the presence of the Lord."[6] They received a "skin of blackness" so they would "not be enticing" to the Nephites. Centuries later, the narrative in the Book of Alma still describes the skin of the Lamanites as "dark."[7]

The Book of Mormon describes the animosity the Lamanite people held toward the Nephites. The Lamanites believed they were "driven out of the land of Jerusalem because of the iniquities of their fathers" and were wronged by Nephi and so swore vengeance against his descendants.[8] The Lamanites taught their children to have "eternal hatred" towards the Nephites, and "that they should murder them, and that they should rob and plunder them, and do all they could to destroy them."[9]

After the two groups warred for centuries, the narrative states that Jesus Christ appeared to the more righteous Nephites and the Lamanites, who, by then, had converted in large numbers to righteousness before God. Soon after his visit, the Lamanites and Nephites merged into one nation and co-existed for two centuries in peace.[10] The Book of Mormon further recounts, "There were no robbers, nor murderers, neither were there Lamanites, nor any manner of -ites; but they were in one, the children of Christ, and heirs to the kingdom of God."[11]

However, 84 years after the coming of Christ, "a small part of the people who had revolted from the church" started calling themselves Lamanites again.[12] Those who remained were again identified as Nephites, but both groups were reported to have fallen into apostasy.[13] The reestablished Lamanites and Nephites were largely distinguished by ideological choices rather than by previous ethnic distinctions. The Book of Mormon recounts a series of large battles over two centuries, ending with the extermination of the Nephites by the Lamanites.[14]

Doctrine and Covenants

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The Doctrine and Covenants is composed of writings that adherents in the Latter Day Saint movement believe to be revelations from God. It is considered scripture in the sacred text of the Latter Day Saint movement and says that God called Oliver Cowdery (D&C 28:8) and later Peter Whitmer and Parley P. Pratt (D&C 32:1–2) to teach the gospel to the Lamanites. Cowdery is given the power to build up God's church among them (D&C 30:6). The men believed that God was referring to the Native Americans and began teaching among the Lenape.[15]

Proposed modern descendants

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Main article: Native American people and Mormonism
See also: Pacific Islanders and Mormonism § Hagoth
Joseph Smith preaching to the Sac and Fox Indians who visited Nauvoo, Illinois, on August 12, 1841.

Historically, Mormons have identified the Lamanites as the primary ancestors of the North American Native Americans.[16]

Teachings in the 1800s

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Early Mormons expected large numbers of Native American converts, who would teach gentiles how to interpret scripture, according to a revelation given to Joseph Smith in May 1829. In the Book of Mormon, Jesus told people in the New World that conversion would precede the millennium, and members interpreted this promise as one referring to Lamanites, and by extension, Native Americans. These Native American converts would work alongside other members as partners in building Zion. After the failure of early missions to Indigenous peoples, Smith focused on building Zion without the cooperation of "Lamanite" people. The concept began to expand to include all Indigenous peoples of the Americas.[17]

Teachings in the 1900s

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Twentieth century teachings connecting modern Native Americans and Lamanites reached their height under the presidency of Spencer W. Kimball (1973 –1985),[18]: 159  then declined, but did not disappear.[19]: 157–159  For example, in 1967, then apostle (later church president) Kimball stated that Native Americans were descendants of Middle Eastern settlers who traveled over the ocean, and were "not Orientals" of East Asian origin,[20] further quoting a previous First Presidency proclamation which said God, "has revealed the origin and the records of the aboriginal tribes of America, and their future destiny.-And we know it."[21] During the time many Polynesian people converted, the concept expanded to include them as well.[22] The scriptural account of Hagoth was used to justify the connection.[23][page needed] Kimball definitively stated in 1971, "The term Lamanite includes all Indians and Indian mixtures, such as the Polynesians ...." and, "the Lamanites number about sixty million; they are in all of the states of America from Tierra del Fuego all the way up to Point Barrows, and they are in nearly all the islands of the sea from Hawaii south to southern New Zealand."[19]: 159 [24] The 1981 edition of the Book of Mormon said Lamanites "are the principal ancestors of the American Indians".[18]: 159 

Teachings in the 2000s

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The existence of a Lamanite population has received no support in mainstream science or archaeology. Genetic studies indicate that the Indigenous Americans are related to the present populations in Mongolia, Siberia, and the vicinity,[25] and Polynesians to those in Southeast Asia.[26]

In the twenty-first century, LDS Church outlets have stated that "[n]othing in the Book of Mormon precludes migration into the Americas by peoples of Asiatic origin". The 1981 edition introduction to the Book of Mormon was changed in 2006 from stating Lamanites "are the principal ancestors of" to "are among the ancestors of the American Indians."[27]

Apologetics seeking to maintain relatively orthodox understandings of the Book of Mormon's depiction of Lamanites while recognizing the findings of modern genetic studies—some of which were publicized by the LDS Church at the turn of the twenty-first century—argued that DNA findings invalidated not the existence of Book of Mormon peoples per se but the presumption that they were a hemispheric society.[28] This has involved supposing that Nephites and Lamanites dwelled in only part of the Americas while genetically identified ancestors of Indigenous peoples occupied the rest.[29]

Impact on views on race

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See also: Mormon teachings on skin color and Black people and Mormonism
Member of the Shivwits Band of Paiutes, in 1875, being baptized by Mormon missionaries.

In the Book of Mormon, Lamanites are described as having received a "skin of blackness" to distinguish them from the Nephites. The "change" in skin color is often mentioned in conjunction with God's curse on the descendants of Laman for their wickedness and corruption:[30]

And he had caused the cursing to come upon [the Lamanites], yea, even a sore cursing, because of their iniquity. For behold, they had hardened their hearts against him, and they had become like unto a flint; wherefore, as they were white, and exceedingly fair and delightsome, that they might not be enticing unto my people the Lord God did cause a skin of blackness to come upon them.

On the other hand, the Book of Mormon teaches that skin color is not a bar to salvation and that God:[31]

denieth none that come unto him, black and white, bond and free, male and female; and he remembereth the heathen; and all are alike unto God, both Jew and Gentile.

The non-canonical 1981 footnote text of the Book of Mormon closely linked the concept of "skin of blackness" with that of "scales of darkness falling from their eyes," which suggests that the LDS Church has now interpreted both cases as being examples of figurative language.[32]

Several Book of Mormon passages have been interpreted by some Latter Day Saints as indicating that Lamanites would revert to a lighter skin tone upon accepting the gospel. For example, at a 1960 LDS Church General Conference, apostle Spencer W. Kimball suggested that the skin of Latter-day Saint Native American was gradually turning lighter:

I saw a striking contrast in the progress of the Indian people today. ... The day of the Lamanites is nigh. For years they have been growing delightsome, and they are now becoming white and delightsome, as they were promised. In this picture of the twenty Lamanite missionaries, fifteen of the twenty were as light as Anglos, five were darker but equally delightsome. The children in the home placement program in Utah are often lighter than their brothers and sisters in the hogans on the reservation. At one meeting, a father and mother and their sixteen-year-old daughter we represent, the little member girl – sixteen – sitting between the dark father and mother, and it was evident she was several shades lighter than her parents – on the same reservation, in the same hogan, subject to the same sun and wind and weather. ... These young members of the Church are changing to whiteness and to delightsomeness. One white elder jokingly said that he and his companion were donating blood regularly to the hospital in the hope that the process might be accelerated.[33]

That view was buoyed by passages such as 2 Nephi 30:6, which in early editions of the Book of Mormon, read:

[T]heir scales of darkness shall begin to fall from their eyes; and many generations shall not pass away among them, save they shall be a white and a delightsome people.[34]

In 1840, with the third edition of the Book of Mormon, the founder of the Latter Day Saint movement, Joseph Smith, whose adherents believe translated the writings of ancient prophets to become the Book of Mormon, changed the wording to "a pure and a delightsome people," consistent with contemporary interpretation of the term "white" as used in scripture.[35][36] However, all future LDS Church printings of the Book of Mormon until 1981 continued from the second edition, saying the Lamanites would become "a white and delightsome people."[b]

Eventually in the Book of Mormon narrative, the labels "Nephite" and "Lamanite" became terms of political convenience, and membership was both varied and fluid and not based on skin color. Within the first 200 years of the Nephites' 1,000 year chronology, the prophet Jacob stated that any who were enemies of his people were called Lamanites and that any who were friends were called Nephites:[38]

But I, Jacob, shall not hereafter distinguish them by these names, but I shall call them Lamanites that seek to destroy the people of Nephi, and those who are friendly to Nephi I shall call Nephites, or the people of Nephi, according to the reigns of the kings.

Anti-Lamanite narrator bias

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Book of Mormon scholars have used various lenses to interpret how race is portrayed in the Book of Mormon, particularly in relation to the Lamanites. Throughout the book, Nephite narrators describe the Lamanites as a "wild", "ferocious", and "bloodthirsty people" who "loved murder".[39] As Grant Hardy, Jared Hickman, Elizabeth Fenton, and Terryl Givens explain, the Book of Mormon's first-person narration means its content is couched in "limited, human perspectives".[40] The Nephite narrators of the Book of Mormon had the power to "characterize their antagonists [the Lamanites] as they wished", Armand Mauss writes.[41] Deidre Green, a professor of Mormon studies, suggests that the prophet Jacob condemns the Nephites' racist attitudes towards the Lamanite people and "clarifies that righteousness is manifest through right intentions and actions, not physical appearance."[42] Michael Austin argues that Jacob's warning to the Nephite people concerning their prejudice against the Lamanites is one of the book's attempts to combat the "anti-Lamanite" biases presented by the individual narrators. Austin further supports Max Perry Mueller's assertion that the narrative of the Book of Mormon does not support anti-Lamanite prejudices, using the story of Samuel the Lamanite as an example of criticism in the book's narrative of Nephite tendencies to "link skin color to righteousness".[43]

Book of Mormon chapter summaries

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In December 2010, the LDS Church made changes to the non-canonical chapter summaries and to some of the footnotes in its online version of the Book of Mormon. In Second Nephi 5, the original wording was the following: "Because of their unbelief, the Lamanites are cursed, receive a skin of blackness, and become a scourge unto the Nephites." The phrase "skin of blackness" and the passage was changed to "Because of their unbelief, the Lamanites are cut off from the presence of the Lord, are cursed, and become a scourge unto the Nephites." The second change appears in the summary of Mormon 5. Formerly, it included the phrase that "the Lamanites shall be a dark, filthy, and loathsome people." The new version deleted the phrase "dark, loathsome, and filthy" and now reads "the Lamanites will be scattered, and the Spirit will cease to strive with them."[44][45]

The changes are seen by some critics to be another step in the evolution of the text of the Book of Mormon to delete racist language from it. Others, such as Marvin Perkins, see the changes as better conforming the chapter headers and footnotes to the meaning of the text in light of the LDS Church's 1978 Revelation on Priesthood.[46] In an interview, a former Brigham Young University graduate student suggested that the changes were made for "clarity, a change in emphasis and to stick closer to the scriptural language".[44]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Sources

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

Lamanites

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The Lamanites are a group described in the , a sacred text of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, as descendants of Laman, the eldest son of the prophet Lehi, who migrated from to the around 600 BC. According to the narrative, the Lamanites rebelled against their more righteous brethren, the , rejected gospel teachings, and were cursed with a "skin of blackness" to separate them from the faithful, though periods of conversion and righteousness occurred among them. Early editions of the Book of Mormon identified the Lamanites as the principal ancestors of Native Americans, a view later revised to "among the ancestors" amid challenges from genetic evidence showing Native American populations derive primarily from ancient Siberian and East Asian migrations across over 15,000 years ago, with no substantial pre-Columbian Middle Eastern genetic input. Mainstream archaeology and find no corroborating evidence for the Book of Mormon's described civilizations, including the Lamanites, leading scholarly consensus to regard the text as a 19th-century composition rather than ancient history.

Scriptural Foundations

Book of Mormon Narrative

The Lamanites are depicted in the as originating from the followers of Laman, the eldest son of Lehi, an Israelite prophet who led his family out of in approximately 600 BC during the reign of King Zedekiah. After Lehi's death shortly following their arrival in the around 589 BC, Laman and his brother Lemuel rebelled against Nephi, Lehi's youngest son and designated successor, rejecting his spiritual leadership and authority. This , occurring circa 588–570 BC, resulted in Nephi fleeing with the faithful to establish a separate society called the , while Laman's group retained the name Lamanites and maintained hostility toward their kin. The ensuing narrative spans roughly to 421 AD, portraying the Lamanites as a distinct people group characterized by tribal kingships, a involving and in wilderness areas, and recurrent military campaigns against the , whom they viewed as usurpers of their . Key conflicts include early invasions repelled by Nephite defenses around 550 BC and more extensive wars from 323–321 BC, where Lamanite coalitions under kings like and Themon sought Nephite territory but suffered defeats due to internal divisions and Nephite fortifications. Periods of Lamanite aggression alternated with truces; notable exceptions involved missionary efforts yielding conversions, such as the 90 BC preaching by Ammon among King Lamoni's people, leading to the covenant of the Anti-Nephi-Lehies (later called Ammonites) to abstain from warfare, prompting their relocation under Nephite protection. These events highlight occasional alliances, though Lamanite society largely persisted in opposition, with estimates of mobilized forces reaching tens of thousands in major engagements. Following the resurrected Christ's ministry to the unified survivors of both groups around AD 34, which imposed a generation of , societal fragmentation resumed by AD 200, reviving Lamanite-Nephite hostilities amid and inequality. Intensified Lamanite incursions under leaders like Ammoron and subsequent coalitions overwhelmed Nephite strongholds, culminating in the defensive gathering of Nephite forces to the hill in AD 385. There, under the command of Mormon and his son Moroni, the Nephites faced annihilation in sequential battles against numerically superior Lamanite armies, resulting in the deaths of over 230,000 Nephite combatants and civilians, with only 24 known survivors; the Lamanites emerged dominant, absorbing remnants without further scriptural detailing of their post-victory trajectory until Moroni's final abridgment in AD 421.

References in Doctrine and Covenants

The contains several revelations given to between 1828 and 1831 that reference the Lamanites in a prophetic context, portraying them as a covenant people entitled to the gospel in the . In section 3, revealed in July 1828 following of the 116 manuscript pages, the explains that the preserved serve a purpose tied to the Lamanites, including prophecies of destruction upon them from surrounding peoples, identified as "the Indians." This revelation emphasizes the Lamanites' role as beneficiaries of restored records, without elaborating on their ancient history. Subsequent sections from 1830 direct early efforts toward the Lamanites, associating them with indigenous groups near the western borders of settled territories. 28, received in September 1830, instructs to journey westward to , "unto the borders of the Lamanites," in preparation for establishing the Church and locating the site of . Similarly, section 32, given in October 1830, appoints to accompany Cowdery and Peter Whitmer Jr. "into the wilderness among the Lamanites" to declare . These directives reflect an immediate application of the term to Native American tribes encountered by early Church members, framing work as fulfillment of covenant promises. Later revelations reinforce themes of Lamanite restoration and prosperity. Section 49, dated March 1831, prophesies that "before the great shall come, shall flourish in the wilderness, and the Lamanites shall blossom as the rose," echoing 35:1 and signaling spiritual and temporal renewal. Section 54, from June 1831, again references as bordering the Lamanites, directing a westward journey amid Church organization. Collectively, these passages position the Lamanites as a remnant with divine assurances of redemption through preaching and gathering, distinct from any retrospective narrative.

Theological and Narrative Elements

The Curse and Its Manifestations

In the , the curse upon the Lamanites is introduced in the context of their rebellion against their brother Nephi following the death of their father Lehi around 588–570 BCE, as described in 2 Nephi. This curse manifests primarily as a divine mark of separation from God and His covenant people, with 2 Nephi 5:21 specifying that the Lord "cause a skin of blackness to come upon them" as a visible sign to prevent intermingling with the , who remained "white, and exceedingly fair and delightsome." The text frames this physical alteration not as an inherent racial characteristic but as a consequence of iniquity and hardened hearts, emphasizing its role as a "sore cursing" tied to spiritual estrangement. Further scriptural elaboration in Alma 3:6–9, set around 87 BCE, links the curse's manifestations to both physical and spiritual dimensions during conflicts with the Amlicites, who allied with . Here, the skin of blackness serves as a distinguishing mark of those under God's displeasure, contrasting with the unmarked, favored , and underscoring that the curse reflects divine judgment on rebellion rather than fixed , as it extends to any who adopt Lamanite practices. The narrative portrays this as a conditional state, where the primary effect is spiritual isolation—being "cut off from the presence of the "—with the dermal change acting as a secondary, symbolic indicator. The reversibility of the curse is explicitly demonstrated upon and , highlighting its non-permanent nature. In 3 Nephi 2:15, dated circa 11–13 CE amid post-Christ ministry conversions, converted Lamanites who united with experience the lifting of the curse, with their skin becoming "white like unto the ." Similarly, Helaman 6:37–38, around 36–30 BCE, notes periods when faithful Lamanites surpass in , implying the curse's abatement through covenant-keeping, as the Lord "did pour out his Spirit upon them" without mention of persistent physical marks. These instances reinforce the theological view that the curse functions as a reversible consequence of individual and collective choices, accessible to reversal via and obedience, rather than an irrevocable trait.

Lamanite-Nephite Dynamics and Prophecies

The interactions between Lamanites and in the narrative feature protracted cycles of enmity, confrontation, fragile alliances, and sporadic spiritual reconciliation, often framed as divine chastisement for Nephite unrighteousness or Lamanite aggression rooted in ancestral grievances. Lamanites repeatedly sought to subjugate or destroy their Nephite kin, viewing them as usurpers of promised blessings, leading to large-scale wars that spanned centuries, from the time of King Zeniff's expeditions around 200–150 BC (Mosiah 9–10) to the final Nephite annihilation circa AD 385 (Mormon 6). These conflicts typically escalated when Lamanite kings mobilized armies numbering in the tens or hundreds of thousands, as during the Amlicite wars where over 12,000 Nephites perished in initial battles (Alma 2–3). Key military episodes underscore Nephite defensive ingenuity amid Lamanite numerical superiority. Captain Moroni's leadership from approximately 74–56 BC exemplified this, with innovations like fortified "earthworks, ditches, and strongholds" repelling invasions and reclaiming lands in campaigns chronicled across Alma 43–62, culminating in the decisive Battle of Waters of where Lamanite forces under Ammoron were routed. Truces occasionally followed, as after the 72-year peace post-Helaman's era (Helaman 1–3), but were undermined by internal Nephite dissenters allying with Lamanites, perpetuating the cycle. Concurrently, redemptive arcs emerged through Lamanite conversions; 's mission around 90 BC converted over 10,000 Lamanites in the land of , birthing the Anti-Nephi-Lehies (later called people of ), who ritually buried their weapons and endured mass martyrdom—over 1,000 slain without resistance—to affirm their covenant of non-violence (Alma 23–24). This group integrated with , providing non-combat support during later wars (Alma 53, 56). Prophetic elements in the narrative anticipate Lamanite ascendancy and covenant restoration, positioning them as instruments in God's latter-day designs despite their historical antagonism. Post-resurrection, Jesus Christ, appearing to surviving Nephites and Lamanites circa AD 34, prophesied in 3 Nephi 21:1–7 that the Lamanites—termed a "remnant of the house of "—would receive via "" (European-derived) bringers, leading to their conversion, rejection of ancestral traditions, and in erecting a in the . This awakening was to manifest as Lamanites "blossoming as the rose" ( 49:24, cross-referencing 35:1), with their knowledge of sacred records aiding the , inverting prior dynamics where Nephite pride precipitated societal collapse (Helaman 13:22–29; Mormon 3–6). Earlier oracles, like those from Abinadi (Mosiah 15) and Samuel the Lamanite (Helaman 15:12–13), foresaw Lamanite yielding divine favor, contrasting Nephite that invited destruction regardless of lineage advantages. The portrayal thus depicts Lamanites as redeemable foes whose fidelity to covenants could eclipse Nephite trajectory, emphasizing as the causal determinant of outcomes over ethnic inheritance.

Evolution of LDS Interpretations

19th-Century Teachings

In September and October 1830, received revelations directing , , Ziba Peterson, and Peter Whitmer Jr. to embark on a mission to preach to the "Lamanites," whom they identified as the Native American tribes residing in territories west of , such as the Delaware and . These directives, recorded in sections 28, 30, and 32, framed the effort as fulfilling prophecies concerning the restoration of the Lamanites through acceptance of . The missionaries traveled over 1,500 miles to , and into , distributing copies of the and viewing the indigenous peoples as literal descendants of the Lamanites cursed for rebelling against . During the Zion's Camp march in June 1834, participants unearthed a large skeleton near the Illinois River, which Joseph Smith identified through revelation as Zelph, a "white Lamanite" chieftain and warrior under the prophet Onandagus, killed in battle against the Nephites. Smith described Zelph's skin as white prior to the curse and noted an arrowhead embedded in his ribs, interpreting the remains as evidence of Book of Mormon historicity and ancient Lamanite presence in the Midwest. Multiple eyewitness accounts from camp members corroborated Smith's identification, reinforcing the early church's belief in a literal Lamanite lineage among American Indians. Brigham Young and other 19th-century leaders perpetuated the view that Native Americans were principal descendants of the Lamanites, with their darker skin interpreted as a persistent mark of the divine curse described in 2 Nephi 5:21 for ancestral wickedness, removable through righteousness and conversion. Under Young's direction after 1847 in Utah Territory, missionary expeditions targeted tribes like the Utes, Paiutes, and Shoshones, presenting the Book of Mormon as their ancestral record and urging baptism to initiate the prophesied Lamanite restoration as a "remnant of Jacob." These efforts, including the baptism of Shivwits Paiutes in southern Utah, were driven by the imperative to gather Israel, with Young emphasizing intermarriage and cultural assimilation to accelerate fulfillment of prophecies.

20th-Century Doctrinal Shifts

In the mid-20th century, LDS Church leaders continued to emphasize Lamanite identity as central to the fulfillment of prophecies, particularly through missionary efforts among Native American and indigenous groups. , as an apostle and later church president, frequently highlighted in General Conference addresses the anticipated spiritual awakening of the Lamanites, linking it to physical manifestations described in scripture. In the October 1960 General Conference, Kimball stated, "The day of the Lamanites is nigh. For years they have been growing delightsome, and they are now becoming white and delightsome, as they were promised," interpreting 2 Nephi 30:6 as indicating that righteousness would reverse the curse of upon the Lamanites. This view reflected ongoing 19th-century interpretations but was presented as evidence of divine promises materializing through conversion and adherence to LDS teachings during the and . The 1981 edition of the introduced a prefatory statement reinforcing traditional views of Lamanite ancestry, declaring that after the Nephites' destruction around 400 CE, "all were destroyed except the Lamanites, and they are the principal ancestors of the American Indians." This addition, authored primarily by , aligned with longstanding LDS teachings that positioned Native Americans as direct descendants of the Lamanites, serving as an interpretive aid for readers and underscoring the book's relevance to . Such doctrinal framing persisted amid expanding church outreach, including Kimball's initiatives like the , which aimed to accelerate the prophesied restoration of Lamanite blessings through education and gospel exposure. By the 1980s and 1990s, some LDS scholars began responding to accumulating archaeological and genetic data challenging hemispheric models of Book of Mormon events by advocating limited geography interpretations, confining the narrative to a smaller Mesoamerican region rather than the entire Americas. John L. Sorenson's 1985 book An Ancient American Setting for the Book of Mormon synthesized linguistic, cultural, and topographic evidence to propose such a model, arguing it better reconciled scriptural descriptions with empirical findings from sites in southern Mexico and Guatemala. Similarly, David A. Palmer's 1981 work In Search of Cumorah examined New World archaeology to support a restricted scope, influencing apologetic discussions within LDS academic circles like BYU Studies. These shifts represented an early doctrinal adaptation among intellectuals, prioritizing compatibility with scientific evidence over expansive ancestral claims, though official church statements maintained the principal ancestry narrative until later revisions.

21st-Century Perspectives and Adjustments

In 2006, the introduction to the was revised to state that the Lamanites "are among the ancestors of the American Indians," replacing the prior phrasing that described them as the "principal ancestors." This adjustment reflected growing awareness of genetic evidence indicating broader ancestral contributions to indigenous American populations beyond those depicted in the narrative. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints published Gospel Topics Essays in late 2013 and early 2014, including "Race and the Priesthood" on December 11, 2013, and " and DNA Studies" on January 31, 2014. These essays explicitly disavowed past interpretations linking dark skin to a divine , classifying such views as folk doctrines rather than core teachings, and stated that "the Church disavows the theories advanced in the past that black skin is a sign of divine disfavor or ." The DNA essay acknowledged that genetic studies of indigenous American populations primarily trace to Asian migrations, rendering evidence for peoples' DNA inconclusive due to factors like , population bottlenecks, and potential small-scale migrations not detectable in modern samples. These publications emphasized that scientific data neither confirms nor refutes the 's historical claims, prioritizing its spiritual witness over empirical validation. Since 2014, official LDS positions have upheld the Book of Mormon's doctrinal authority while framing Lamanite identity in terms of remnant or spiritual lineages rather than exclusive biological descent. efforts continue to invoke Lamanite promises from the text, such as prophecies of restoration and gathering, as motivational themes for proselytizing among indigenous groups, without reverting to literal ancestral primacy. No significant doctrinal shifts on these matters have occurred post-2020, maintaining a balance between accommodation of scientific findings and affirmation of the text's prophetic role.

Claims of Modern Descendants

Identification with Indigenous Peoples

Early leaders of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints identified American Indians as descendants of the Lamanites described in the Book of Mormon. In September 1830, Joseph Smith received a revelation directing Oliver Cowdery to lead a mission to preach the gospel to the "Lamanites," whom church members understood to be Native American tribes residing on the western frontier of the United States. This mission, involving Cowdery, Parley P. Pratt, Peter Whitmer Jr., and Ziba Peterson, traveled from New York through Ohio and Missouri to the borders of Indian Territory, where they preached to tribes including the Delaware. The effort was motivated by the belief that these groups represented the remnant of Book of Mormon peoples to whom the record was particularly addressed. These identifications drew from scriptural prophecies envisioning the gathering and restoration of the Lamanites. Passages such as 3 Nephi 21 describe the remnant of the house of —interpreted by early Latter-day Saints as including Lamanite descendants—participating in the building of a in the Americas through conversion and covenant-keeping. This prophetic framework spurred ongoing outreach, including 19th-century missions to tribes like the during their removal westward and later efforts among the in the American Southwest, where missionaries presented the as a record of their ancestors. Church leaders viewed such conversions as fulfilling divine promises of spiritual awakening for these peoples. In the , cultural narratives within Latter-day Saint communities reinforced Lamanite heritage among Native Americans through programs like the Indian Student Placement Program, operational from 1947 to 2000. This initiative placed over 50,000 Native American youth, primarily from tribes in the U.S. Southwest and , with Latter-day Saint families during school years to provide academic and , with participants often embracing an identity tied to promises. Many indigenous converts and program alumni affirmed this heritage, associating it with aspirations for education and covenant fulfillment, as reflected in mid-century church publications and personal testimonies.

Doctrinal Changes Regarding Ancestry

In the 1981 edition of the Book of Mormon, the introduction described the Lamanites as "the principal ancestors of the American Indians," reflecting early LDS teachings that positioned Lehi's descendants as the primary genetic forebears of indigenous populations in the Americas. This phrasing aligned with 19th- and 20th-century prophetic statements emphasizing direct lineage from Book of Mormon peoples. By the 2006 edition, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints revised this to state that the Lamanites "are among the ancestors of the American Indians," adopting qualified language that acknowledges with other populations rather than primacy or exclusivity. This shift coincided with accumulating DNA evidence indicating that Native American populations derive predominantly from Asian migrations, prompting official adjustments to doctrinal summaries without altering the book's text. The 2014 Gospel Topics Essay "Book of Mormon and DNA Studies," published on January 31, posits that Lehi's group represented a small population whose Middle Eastern genetic markers could have been diluted through intermixing, genetic bottlenecks, drift, or extinction of lineages, rendering such traces undetectable in modern indigenous DNA. The essay explicitly avoids claiming Lamanite descent as the sole or dominant source, stating that DNA cannot "decisively" confirm or refute Book of Mormon historicity due to these factors and the limited scope of available data. Subsequently, official usage of "Lamanite" has emphasized spiritual and covenantal identity over strict genealogical descent, as seen in church programs like the , where Pacific Islanders are symbolically linked to Lamanite heritage for missionary and cultural purposes, decoupled from literal primary ancestry claims. This evolution maintains the term's role in eschatological narratives while accommodating evidentiary constraints on biological lineage.

Empirical Evidence Assessment

Genetic Studies on Origins

Genetic studies of indigenous American populations have consistently demonstrated that their (mtDNA) lineages predominantly belong to s A, B, C, D, and X, which trace back to ancient Asian founders who migrated via during a standstill period approximately 15,000 to 20,000 years ago. These s exhibit limited diversity, consistent with descent from a small number of maternal founders from and , with no evidence of pre-Columbian input from Middle Eastern or West Eurasian sources. Similarly, Y-chromosome analyses reveal that Native American paternal lineages primarily fall under Q-M3, a derivative of Asian Q that arose in and spread southward, further supporting an exclusively Asian-derived genetic foundation without detectable Semitic or Israelite markers such as s J or E. Efforts to identify Lehi-era (circa 600 BCE) genetic signatures, as described in the narrative of Israelite migrants becoming principal ancestors of the Lamanites, have yielded no verifiable pre-Columbian Semitic lineages in ancient or modern indigenous DNA samples. Comprehensive genomic surveys, including whole-genome sequencing of pre-contact remains, show high homogeneity in Native American ancestries tied to Siberian sources, with any non-Asian signals attributable to post-Columbian European or African admixture rather than ancient transoceanic migrations. Studies since the early , leveraging advances in sequencing technology, have reinforced this pattern, finding that over 99% of indigenous aligns with Asian-Beringian origins, incompatible with a substantial Middle Eastern contribution on the scale implied by Lamanite . Latter-day Saint scholars have proposed explanations such as genetic bottlenecks, founder effects, or rapid drift in small Lehi-Nephite populations leading to the loss of Israelite markers through intermarriage with existing groups, alongside suggestions of undetected X-chromosome paternal inheritance or limited models confining the migrants to small Mesoamerican pockets. However, population geneticists maintain that even modest migrations of unrelated groups—particularly those with distinct haplogroups—would leave traceable autosomal or uniparental signals in descendant , a pattern absent in the ; this consensus holds that the data preclude the peoples as principal genetic forebears of indigenous groups.

Archaeological and Historical Corroboration

Archaeological surveys across the , including intensive excavations in and North American Heartland regions proposed as settings, have uncovered no sites, structures, or artifacts directly attributable to Nephite or Lamanite civilizations. The maintains that its archaeologists observe no connection between archaeology and narratives, emphasizing that the text has never served as a scientific guide and that purported links rely on interpretive parallels rather than empirical matches. Similarly, major institutions like the have affirmed the absence of archaeological support for the Book's historical claims, noting that extensive digs reveal no evidence of the described massive populations, urban complexes, or warfare scales involving hundreds of thousands. While Latter-day Saint researchers occasionally cite superficial resemblances, such as defensive earthworks or use, these lack specificity to details like inscriptions or weaponry, and are dismissed by mainstream archaeologists as coincidental given the continent's diverse pre-Columbian cultures. Technological and faunal references in the present anachronisms unsupported by material evidence. Horses, depicted in domesticated contexts alongside (e.g., Alma 18:9–12; 20:6), were absent from the after their around 8,000 BCE until Spanish reintroduction in 1493 CE, with no archaeological traces of equid remains or harnesses in relevant strata. swords and other iron-based arms (e.g., 2 Nephi 5:14–15; Jarom 1:8), implying advanced , find no counterparts in pre-Columbian , where was limited to ornamental , , and low-grade alloys without evidence of smelting for blades. and wheeled vehicles for transport (Alma 18:9) contradict the , as wheels appear only in toys, not utilitarian or applications, and no frames or traces exist. Other elements like cultivation (Mosiah 9:9), (Alma 1:29), and elephants (Ether 9:19) similarly lack pre-Columbian attestation, with staple crops being and , fabrics from or , and long extinct without cultural continuity. Linguistic evidence further undermines claims of Near Eastern origins for Lamanite or Nephite peoples. Native American language families, including Mayan, , and Quechua, trace to Asian migrations across circa 15,000–20,000 years ago, with demonstrated links such as the Dené-Yeniseian family connecting North American to Siberian Yeniseian tongues, but no substantiated Semitic or Egyptian substrates. Deciphered Mesoamerican scripts, like Classic Maya glyphs from sites such as and (dated 250–900 CE), encode with ideographic and syllabic elements derived from local evolution, not as asserted in Mormon 9:32–34. Inca khipu and Andean records similarly reflect Andean linguistic roots without Hebrew influences. Attempts by some scholars to identify Hebrew cognates in indigenous vocabularies have not withstood peer scrutiny, as systematic reveals phonological, grammatical, and lexical divergences incompatible with a 600 BCE transoceanic infusion.

Controversies and Scholarly Debates

Racial and Ethical Critiques

Critics of the Lamanite narrative argue that its depiction of a divine imposing a "skin of blackness" on the Lamanites for their disobedience (2 Nephi 5:21) establishes a by equating darker skin with spiritual curse and inferiority, portraying it as a visible mark of God's disfavor to prevent intermarriage and maintain separation from the righteous . This interpretation, they contend, reflects ethnocentric biases that associate physical appearance with moral worth, influencing later applications beyond the text's ancient context. In 19th-century LDS teachings, leaders reinforced these elements by linking the Lamanite curse to literal degradation, with stating in an 1852 sermon that the "curse of blackness" fell upon the Lamanites due to their wickedness, rendering them a "loathsome" and degraded people whose redemption would lighten their through obedience. Critics assert such sermons extended the narrative's implications, framing as inherently inferior until spiritually uplifted, thereby embedding racial stereotypes in doctrinal discourse. The Lamanite framework has been faulted for indirectly informing racial policies, including the pre-1978 priesthood and temple restrictions, as surrounding inherited curses on dark-skinned lineages contributed to views of mixed ancestry as carrying spiritual disqualification, though the ban targeted African descent specifically. Ethically, scholars critique the narrative's role in colonial dynamics, where assigning Lamanite identity to Native American groups without consent portrayed their pre-contact cultures as cursed remnants requiring LDS intervention for restoration, thus rationalizing assimilation and land dispossession as providential fulfillment rather than . This imposition, detractors argue, erased indigenous agency and epistemologies by retrofitting diverse tribes into a singular biblical of decline and promised whitening upon conversion.

Apologetic Defenses and Alternative Models

Apologists maintain that the primary upon the Lamanites constituted spiritual separation from God's presence due to their rejection of covenantal , as described in passages such as 2 Nephi 5:20 and Alma 3:14, rather than an inherent racial inferiority. This interpretation distinguishes the curse from any associated mark, positing the latter as a secondary, possibly self-imposed or symbolic indicator of rebellion, with the core consequence being exclusion from divine blessings and society. Such views underscore that restoration of favor depended on repentance and obedience, not immutable traits, aligning with broader themes of conditional covenants. The phrase "skin of blackness" is defended as an idiomatic expression rooted in ancient Near Eastern literary motifs, symbolizing spiritual impurity, death, or rather than a literal physiological alteration. Parallels appear in texts like the Succession Treaty of (672 BC), which curses treaty-breakers with skin "black as pitch" to denote destruction, and biblical usages contrasting "black" with "white" for moral states, as in Lamentations 4:7–8 or 2:10. Apologists argue this metaphorical framework fits the Book of Mormon's poetic contrasts, such as in 2 Nephi 26:33, where "denieth none that come unto him, black and white," emphasizing ethical rather than ethnic distinctions. Physical manifestations, if any, might involve temporary dyes, garments, or tattoos applied by the group itself to signify covenant rejection, as inferred from Amlicite practices in Alma 3:4. Limited geography models propose that Book of Mormon events, including Lamanite history, unfolded in a confined region—such as Mesoamerica's , spanning a few hundred miles—where Lehite migrants represented a numerically small elite amid pre-existing, larger populations. This framework posits Lamanites as a culturally dominant but genetically dilute group that intermingled extensively, explaining the absence of predominant Middle Eastern DNA markers in indigenous American lineages through factors like and bottlenecks. Church essays affirm such peoples as "among the ancestors" of Native Americans without requiring wholesale replacement, allowing for textual descriptions of vast lands to reflect perceived rather than absolute continental scope. These defenses prioritize behavioral over lineage, rejecting folk doctrines that tied skin color to perpetual divine disfavor. The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints explicitly disavowed theories portraying black skin as a or sign of premortal inferiority in its 2013 Gospel Topics Essay on Race and the Priesthood, condemning and affirming doctrinal focus on individual agency and repentance. Apologists extend this to exegesis, arguing against 19th- and 20th-century speculations while upholding the text's spiritual imperatives, such as the reversibility of upon conversion, as seen in 3 Nephi 2:15–16 where led to the mark's fading.

Implications for Book of Mormon Historicity

Genetic studies of Native American populations consistently indicate origins from Pleistocene-era migrations across the Bering land bridge from Siberia, with autosomal DNA and mitochondrial haplogroups (primarily A, B, C, D, and X) reflecting East Asian ancestry dating back 15,000–23,000 years, and no detectable pre-Columbian influx of Levantine or Semitic genetic markers that would align with the Book of Mormon's depiction of Lamanites as descendants of Israelite migrants arriving around 600 BCE. Archaeological surveys of the Americas have yielded no corroboration for Book of Mormon-specific elements tied to Lamanite societies, such as massive urban centers, chattel slavery systems, or advanced ironworking during the claimed Nephite-Lamanite era (circa 600 BCE–400 CE); the Smithsonian Institution explicitly states it has never employed the Book of Mormon as a research guide, citing the absence of matching artifacts, inscriptions, or demographic traces despite over a century of Mesoamerican and North American excavations. These mismatches form a cumulative evidentiary case against literal historicity, positing the Lamanites as a narrative device rooted in causal chains of 19th-century speculation rather than verifiable ancient migrations. Historians attribute the Lamanite framework to Joseph Smith's cultural environment, particularly Ethan Smith's (1823), which parallels the in proposing transoceanic Hebrew voyages to America, buried metallic records of sacred history, a division into civilized and degraded tribes mirroring Nephites and Lamanites, and apocalyptic prophecies of restoration—elements disseminated in print culture and accessible via figures like , who attended the congregation where Smith preached. Secular scholars, including in his internal LDS analysis and biographer , highlight these structural and thematic affinities as indicative of synthesis from frontier myths about mound-builder Hebraic origins, undermining claims of independent ancient provenance and favoring a visionary composition informed by contemporaneous pseudohistorical theories. Apologetic counterarguments invoke undiscovered evidence, population bottlenecks erasing Israelite DNA signals, or doctrinal shifts to non-literal ancestry, yet these lack positive empirical validation and contravene standards of scientific falsification, where the of Asian-derived continuity for indigenous genomes holds amid exhaustive genomic sampling. The resultant interpretive tension positions the as potentially inspired theological fiction—conveying moral and soteriological truths without historical referentiality—over a of real Lamanite polities, a view reinforced by the text's internal anachronisms and external evidential voids.

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