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New Atlantic Charter
New Atlantic Charter
New Atlantic Charter
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UK prime minister Boris Johnson (left) meets U.S. president Joe Biden (right) at the G7 Summit, June 2021.

The New Atlantic Charter is a bilateral agreement that was signed by Prime Minister Boris Johnson of the United Kingdom and President Joe Biden of the United States on 10 June 2021. The agreement was signed at the first face-to-face meeting between Johnson and Biden at the 2021 G7 Summit in Cornwall, England.

The agreement is a new version of the Atlantic Charter, declared by British prime minister Winston Churchill and American president Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1941. The meeting at which the agreement was declared was used to redefine the Western alliance.[1]

Background

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The original Atlantic Charter is an agreement that was issued by Winston Churchill and Franklin D. Roosevelt in August 1941. It was a declaration of a Western commitment to democracy and territorial integrity, months before the US entered World War II.[1] The original charter affirmed that the US and UK sought no territorial gains, that all people had a right to self-determination, territorial adjustments must be in accord with the peoples concerned, trade barriers should be lowered, and there should be a disarmament after the war.

The new agreement was signed at the 2021 G7 summit in Cornwall at the first face-to-face meeting between Joe Biden and Boris Johnson since Joe Biden took office. Joe Biden "affirmed the Special Relationship between our people and renewed our commitment to defending the enduring democratic values that both our nations share".[2] The New Atlantic Charter also reaffirmed "the commitments and aspirations set out eighty years ago," while also addressing the "new challenges" of the 21st century.[1][3]

Objectives

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The charter set out eight aims:[4]

  • To defend the principles and institutions of democracy and open societies
  • To strengthen and adapt the institutions, laws and norms that sustain international co-operation
  • To remain united behind principles of sovereignty, territorial integrity and peaceful resolution of disputes
  • To harness and protect the countries' innovative edge in science and technology
  • To affirm the shared responsibility to maintain collective security and international stability, including against cyber threats; and to declare the countries' nuclear deterrents to the defence of NATO
  • To continue building an inclusive, fair, climate-friendly, sustainable, rules-based economy
  • To prioritise climate change in all international action
  • To commit to continuing to collaborate to strengthen health systems and advance health protections

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

New Atlantic Charter

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from Grokipedia
The New Atlantic Charter is a bilateral joint declaration signed on 10 June 2021 by President and Prime Minister during a meeting in , , ahead of the Summit, which revitalizes the original 1941 by adapting its principles to 21st-century threats and opportunities. The document reaffirms the enduring "" between the two nations, emphasizing shared commitments to , the , and the rules-based international order while pledging cooperation across eight priority areas: defending democracies and shared values against authoritarianism; confronting irregular migration; fostering sustainable global ; promoting technological collaboration; advancing health security; tackling the climate crisis; ensuring ; and bolstering defense and security cooperation. Unlike the original charter's focus on post-World War II self-determination and free trade, the New Atlantic Charter addresses modern challenges such as cyber threats, disinformation, pandemics, supply chain vulnerabilities, and great-power competition—implicitly referencing actors like and without naming them—through enhanced intelligence sharing, joint military exercises, and integrated deterrence strategies. It underscores the importance of as the cornerstone of Euro-Atlantic security and commits to upholding the 1967 amid emerging space domain concerns. The agreement has been described as a framework for deeper bilateral ties in technology standards, trade facilitation, and pandemic preparedness, building on prior pacts like the US-UK Mutual Defence Agreement, though it lacks binding legal obligations and serves primarily as a statement of intent. The charter's significance lies in its timing amid post-Brexit recalibrations of foreign policy and efforts to rally allies against hybrid threats, marking the first substantive update to the Atlantic Charter in 80 years and signaling continuity in transatlantic leadership despite domestic political shifts in both countries. It has influenced subsequent initiatives, such as the 2023 Atlantic Declaration on economic partnership, reinforcing economic resilience against non-market distortions. While praised for restating priorities, critics have noted its aspirational nature and limited novelty compared to existing frameworks, with depending on future political will.

Historical Context

The Original Atlantic Charter

The Atlantic Charter originated from a clandestine wartime conference between United States President and British , held from August 9 to 12, 1941, aboard the USS Augusta and HMS Prince of Wales anchored in Placentia Bay off the coast of Newfoundland, Canada. At the time, the maintained official neutrality despite providing material support to Britain via the Act of March 1941, while Britain faced existential threats from in Europe. The meeting focused on aligning strategic objectives, including potential U.S. involvement in the conflict and visions for a postwar order, without formal treaty obligations. Issued publicly as a joint declaration on August 14, 1941, the Atlantic Charter articulated eight shared principles intended to define Allied goals for peace and reconstruction after the defeat of totalitarian regimes. It emphasized mutual renunciation of conquest and aggression, serving as a moral and ideological framework to rally support against the Axis without committing to specific alliances at that stage. The document was drafted collaboratively during the Newfoundland discussions, reflecting Roosevelt's ideals of and want—echoed from his January 1941 "Four Freedoms" address—and Churchill's emphasis on restoring sovereignty to occupied nations. The Charter's core provisions rejected territorial expansion by , affirming that "their countries seek no aggrandizement, territorial or other" and desiring "no territorial changes that do not accord with the freely expressed wishes of the peoples concerned." It upheld the right of all peoples to self-, stating respect for "the right of all peoples to choose the form of under which they will live" and the restoration of sovereign rights to those deprived by force. Economic elements promoted nondiscriminatory access to trade and raw materials, with commitments to "the fullest collaboration between all nations in the economic field" to foster prosperity. Security aims included postwar of aggressor nations, freedom of maritime navigation, and a broader abandonment of force, pending a system of general security. These principles provided a blueprint for , influencing subsequent declarations like the 1942 United Nations Declaration signed by 26 Allied nations.

Legacy and Relevance to Contemporary Challenges

The principles of the 1941 Atlantic Charter profoundly influenced the post-World War II global order, particularly through its advocacy for and economic cooperation. This commitment to peoples' right to choose their governments galvanized anticolonial movements, contributing to the independence of over 80 former territories since 1945, including rapid decolonization across Africa and that expanded UN membership from 51 states in 1945 to 127 by 1970. The Charter's outline of freer trade and reduced barriers informed the Bretton Woods agreements of 1944, which established the and World Bank to stabilize currencies and prevent , institutions that processed over $13 billion in initial loans to war-torn economies by the 1950s. Its stress on collective measures against aggression aligned with the rationale for NATO's creation on April 4, 1949, as 12 founding members formalized mutual defense to deter Soviet incursions, building on the Charter's implicit rejection of territorial conquest. The Charter's tenets faced empirical scrutiny during the , where containment policies tested their viability against ideological rivalry. The 1947 pledged U.S. support to nations resisting subversion, exemplified by the Marshall Plan's disbursement of $13.3 billion from 1948 to 1952 across 16 Western European countries, which accelerated GDP recovery rates by an average of 5-6% annually in recipients like and while fortifying anti-communist alignments. Yet, real-world frictions emerged, as Allied powers including Britain and initially resisted applying to their own empires—evident in suppressed independence bids in Malaya and —highlighting causal gaps between aspirational principles and geopolitical self-interest that delayed full until the 1960s. Post-Cold War shifts further strained the Charter's framework, with the September 11, 2001, attacks prompting NATO's unprecedented invocation of Article 5 on September 12, 2001—the alliance's collective defense clause—mobilizing contributions from all 19 members then, including over 50,000 troops in by 2003 to combat transnational terrorism diverging from state-centric threats envisioned in 1941. In contemporary contexts, the Charter's rule-based order endures as a benchmark against authoritarian revisionism, such as Russia's 2014 annexation of and 2022 invasion of , which violated post-1945 norms on sovereignty and prompted NATO's expansion to 32 members by 2024, or China's construction of militarized artificial islands in the since 2013, challenging in waters vital to $3.4 trillion in annual trade. These pressures reveal persistent causal dynamics in great-power competition, sustaining Anglo-American strategic bonds through shared exposure to hybrid threats like cyber incursions and economic coercion, though institutional adaptations have often lagged behind evolving aggressor tactics.

Development and Signing

Geopolitical Motivations in 2021

The , having completed its on January 31, 2020, pursued strengthened bilateral ties with the to compensate for diminished influence within European multilateral frameworks. Boris Johnson's administration emphasized a "Global Britain" strategy, viewing the renewal of the Anglo-American "" as essential for security guarantees and economic partnerships amid post-Brexit trade uncertainties. This approach prioritized direct US-UK alignment over reliance on bodies like the , where the UK's leverage had waned, reflecting a realist assessment that bilateral pacts enable more agile responses to power shifts than diluted multilateral commitments. In the United States, President Joe Biden's sought to mend alliance fissures exacerbated by the Trump administration's skepticism toward and emphasis on unilateral actions, such as the 2018 withdrawal from the nuclear deal and tariff impositions on allies. The charter served as a signal of restored transatlantic leadership, with Biden framing it as evidence that "America is back" in cooperative roles, particularly with the as a key non-EU partner capable of projecting power independently. This bilateral emphasis allowed the US to bypass potential veto points in broader institutions like the , where great-power competition could undermine unified Western positions. Shared imperatives included countering Russian revanchism, exemplified by the 2014 annexation of Crimea and subsequent hybrid threats, which necessitated reaffirmed nuclear deterrence and interoperability without the encumbrances of wider alliances. Concurrently, China's ascent in technological standards and control over critical supply chains—vulnerabilities starkly revealed by the pandemic's disruptions, including shortages of semiconductors and pharmaceuticals—drove commitments to resilient, allied-dominated networks over dependence on authoritarian suppliers. These motivations underscored a causal prioritization of between the two nations, positioning the charter as a hedge against authoritarian erosion of Western primacy in an era of intensifying great-power rivalry.

The G7 Summit Meeting and Formal Agreement

![U.S. President Joe Biden and UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson meeting in Carbis Bay on June 10, 2021][float-right] The New Atlantic Charter was formalized as a joint statement signed by United States President Joe Biden and United Kingdom Prime Minister Boris Johnson on June 10, 2021, during a bilateral meeting held at Carbis Bay in Cornwall, England. This event preceded the G7 Summit, hosted by the UK from June 11 to 13, 2021, and represented Biden's inaugural overseas visit in his presidency. The agreement served as a non-binding political declaration, renewing the principles of the 1941 while adapting them to modern hybrid threats, in a manner paralleling the original's issuance amid wartime exigencies. Johnson, as host, emphasized the charter's alignment with "Global Britain" objectives post-Brexit, showcasing enhanced UK- collaboration on and technology. Biden, in turn, utilized the occasion to signal a renewed commitment to European partnerships, countering perceptions of a shift toward Asia-centric priorities.

Core Provisions

Security and Defense Commitments

The New Atlantic Charter, signed by President and Prime Minister on June 10, 2021, reaffirms the centrality of the () to transatlantic security, emphasizing collective defense against state actors and non-state threats through integrated military capabilities. The document pledges that allies and partners can rely on the "enduring strength" of the US-UK , with both nations committing to sustain nuclear deterrence as a pillar of the alliance's defense posture for the duration of nuclear weapons' existence. This nuclear affirmation counters revisionist powers by maintaining credible extended deterrence, distinct from disarmament advocacy in other international forums. Burden-sharing receives explicit attention, as the charter urges NATO members to meet the 2 percent of GDP defense spending guideline established at the 2014 Wales Summit, with the and positioned as leaders in capability development and . In , the allocated approximately 2.2 percent of GDP to defense, while the contributed over 3.5 percent, funding advanced systems like the F-35 co-developed by both nations. Intelligence collaboration underpins these efforts, leveraging the Five Eyes framework—originating from the 1946 —for seamless sharing that enhances deterrence against aggression, including hybrid tactics from actors like and . The charter extends commitments to emerging domains, prioritizing and through responsible state behavior norms and joint to counter domain-specific threats. This focus aligns with contemporaneous developments, such as the September 2021 AUKUS security pact involving the , , and , which bolsters undersea warfare capabilities via nuclear-powered submarines, addressing Indo-Pacific maritime challenges without diluting European theater priorities. Such pledges reflect a realist orientation toward projection, prioritizing verifiable military over multilateral aspirationalism.

Technological and Cyber Priorities

The New Atlantic Charter, signed on June 10, 2021, by President and , identifies science and technology as critical to bolstering shared security amid competition. In its fourth resolution, the signatories commit to harnessing and safeguarding their "innovative edge" in these domains to enhance defense capabilities, generate domestic , expand markets, and advance standards aligned with democratic principles, while investing in research addressing global challenges. This framing positions technological superiority as a force multiplier against adversaries leveraging innovation for asymmetric advantages, such as state-directed theft or vulnerabilities, rather than prioritizing supranational regulatory alignment lacking demonstrated effectiveness in mitigating such risks. Cybersecurity receives explicit attention in the charter's fifth resolution, where the leaders affirm joint responsibility for resilience against the "full spectrum of modern threats, including cyber threats," and pledge to advance norms of responsible state conduct in cyberspace. This responds to empirical precedents like the compromise, detected in December and attributed to Russia's SVR intelligence agency, which infiltrated over 18,000 organizations including U.S. government agencies through malicious software updates, underscoring the causal link between cyber espionage and erosion. The commitments implicitly target risks from high-capacity networks like , where both nations had previously restricted equipment— the U.S. via since 2019 and the via a exclusion from core —due to documented ties to Chinese state surveillance and espionage capabilities. Although the charter avoids naming specific technologies, its emphasis on collaborative research investment aligns with subsequent U.S.- efforts to mitigate dependencies in strategic areas, such as semiconductors and , where adversarial dominance could enable decryption of encrypted communications or economic coercion. For instance, China's control of over 60% of global rare earth processing and significant semiconductor fabrication capacity heightens vulnerabilities, prompting bilateral initiatives to onshore critical production post-charter. The document's silence on granular AI standards reflects a pragmatic focus on unilateral and allied innovation over unproven multilateral frameworks, prioritizing defenses against observed threats like AI-enabled disinformation campaigns traced to state actors. Overall, these provisions underscore technology's role in deterring through capability preservation, grounded in real-world incidents rather than aspirational governance.

Economic and Trade Elements

The New Atlantic Charter's economic provisions prioritize fostering mutual prosperity through open markets and a rules-based international system, committing the and to "enable open and between nations" while working with partners to address global economic challenges. This framework underscores free-market principles, implicitly critiquing protectionist tendencies by emphasizing trade liberalization and institutional strengthening over barriers that distort competition. The signatories resolved to promote sustainable benefiting all, driven by democratic open societies rather than centralized state directives. Bilateral trade relations formed a key backdrop, with US-UK goods and services trade totaling approximately $295 billion in 2021, reflecting pre-charter volumes around $280 billion in 2020 amid the UK's post-Brexit reorientation toward non-EU partnerships. The charter's economic pledges aligned with ambitions for a comprehensive US-UK trade agreement, negotiations for which commenced in May 2020 to reduce tariffs and enhance market access, though talks suspended in 2021 without a finalized deal due to domestic priorities on both sides. This potential deal aimed to capitalize on complementary economies, with UK services exports to the US reaching £39 billion in the first half of 2020 alone, dominated by financial and professional sectors. The document highlights private sector-led innovation as central to economic resilience, pledging to "harness and protect our innovative edge in science and technology to... open new markets" through high labor and environmental standards that incentivize competition rather than subsidize inefficiency. While lacking explicit mandates for diversification or WTO-specific reforms, the charter's endorsement of multilateral norms signals intent to evolve global rules against non-market distortions, as echoed in subsequent US-UK dialogues invoking the agreement to advocate fairer dispute settlement mechanisms. These elements position the charter as a platform for pragmatic , favoring empirical liberalization over ideological interventions.

Responses to Global Issues

The New Atlantic Charter commits the and to on , including strengthening national health systems and providing assistance to other nations to build defenses against pandemics and other threats. Signed on 10, , amid the ongoing , this provision emphasizes collective resilience, implicitly supporting measures like diversification to reduce vulnerabilities exposed by reliance on concentrated manufacturing in countries such as . However, causal analysis of pandemic responses reveals that bilateral commitments often falter without enforceable multilateral mechanisms, as evidenced by the uneven global distribution where high-income countries secured over 70% of early doses despite equity appeals by mid-. On climate resilience, the charter pledges urgent and ambitious action to address climate risks, safeguard , and foster a sustainable global economy through high environmental standards and technological advancement. Both nations reaffirm their target of net-zero emissions by 2050 at the latest, advocating for international tech-sharing to enable low-carbon transitions without compromising . Approached as rather than existential alarmism, these commitments prioritize innovation in areas like clean energy, though empirical trends indicate that prior accords have yielded modest emission cuts—global CO2 levels rose 1.1% annually from 2015 to 2020 despite efforts—underscoring the need for verifiable technological breakthroughs over declarative goals. In promoting against authoritarian alternatives, the charter vows to defend open societies, uphold the , support and , and counter , , and malign foreign influences. This stance positions the US-UK partnership as a bulwark for democratic norms amid rising challenges from models exemplified by and . Empirical evidence from initiatives like the Arab Spring (2010–2012), however, illustrates the limitations of and rhetorical promotion alone: initial popular uprisings in and led to temporary democratic experiments but regressed to military rule and , respectively, due to absent institutional foundations and external backing, highlighting that sustainable democracy requires integrated economic incentives and deterrence against internal subversion rather than exhortations.

Implementation and Impact

Initial Follow-Through Actions

In the months following the June 10, 2021, signing of the New Atlantic Charter, the and advanced security integration through the partnership, announced on September 15, 2021, which focused on sharing nuclear-powered submarine technology and enhancing joint capabilities in the to counter regional threats. This initiative built directly on the charter's emphasis on defense collaboration, involving trilateral exercises and technology transfers with to bolster deterrence. Military was demonstrated in operations such as Atlantic Thunder 2022, conducted in September 2022 in the North Atlantic, where U.S. and U.K. forces executed integrated maritime strike demonstrations to test speed and lethality in joint scenarios. Concurrently, alignment on defense spending progressed, with the U.K. allocating 2.30% of GDP to defense in 2023, exceeding NATO's 2% guideline and supporting charter commitments to investments. Post the February 2022 , the two nations coordinated aid delivery, including a U.S.-U.K. statement in April 2022 affirming support for Ukraine's and committing to sanctions and assistance to end the aggression, reflecting the charter's priorities on upholding democratic and responding to authoritarian challenges. In technology domains, early follow-through included bilateral engagements leading to U.S. participation in the U.K.-hosted in November 2023 at , addressing risks from advanced AI systems as outlined in the charter's cyber and technological priorities.

Long-Term Effects on US-UK Relations

The New Atlantic Charter, signed on June 10, 2021, has reinforced the institutional foundations of the US-UK "," fostering resilience in bilateral ties amid geopolitical shifts and domestic political transitions in both nations. This enduring framework has prioritized intelligence cooperation through the Five Eyes alliance, which continues to provide unparalleled data-sharing efficacy, enabling joint operations against shared threats such as cyber intrusions from state actors like and . For instance, post-charter enhancements in integration have sustained operational advantages, with the alliance described as the world's deepest, supporting over 75 years of unbroken collaboration despite varying US administrations. US election cycles, including the 2024 transition to a , have tested but not eroded these ties, as evidenced by persistent high-level commitments to bilateral defense and technology transfers. The charter's emphasis on security commitments has facilitated streamlined defense trade processes, with the US proposing legislative changes in 2023 to expedite exports to the UK, reducing barriers that previously hindered joint capabilities in areas like advanced weaponry. Institutional mechanisms, such as integrated military planning and shared basing agreements, have maintained momentum, countering multipolar pressures from rising powers by aligning US-UK strategies on deterrence and European flank security. Economically, the charter's provisions have underpinned expansions like the 2023 Atlantic Declaration and the September 2025 on technology prosperity, which established joint flagship research programs between and science agencies to bolster against adversarial disruptions. These initiatives have supported bilateral exceeding $1.5 trillion, the world's largest such partnership, while diverting focus from EU-centric orbits toward transatlantic priorities post-Brexit. Joint efforts in critical minerals and security have yielded tangible outcomes, including coordinated investments that mitigate dependencies on non-aligned suppliers, thereby enhancing long-term for both nations.

Reception and Controversies

Supportive Viewpoints

Supporters of the New Atlantic Charter, signed on June 10, 2021, by U.S. President Joe Biden and UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson, emphasize its role in reaffirming transatlantic solidarity against authoritarian challenges, particularly from China. The Atlantic Council described the document as offering a "dramatic counter-vision" to Chinese and Russian models of autocratic dominance, arguing that its principles—defending democracy, open societies, and collective security—provide a strategic framework to sustain alliances amid rising geopolitical tensions. Official statements from the signatories highlight the charter's reinforcement of shared democratic values as essential for deterrence and international stability. Biden and Johnson committed to "defend[ing] the principles, values, and institutions of and open societies," explicitly aiming to counter efforts by adversaries to undermine alliances and promote hybrid threats, including and . This focus on enduring values, as reiterated in the UK government's announcement, positions the as a foundational update to the original, adapting to contemporary risks while preserving commitments to , , and collective defense. Proponents point to the charter's provisions on cyber priorities as yielding tangible enhancements in defenses, with commitments to shared responsibility for international stability against cyber threats correlating with subsequent NATO-wide pledges. Following the charter, NATO Allies in 2023 expanded cyber defense goals, prioritizing national capabilities and recognizing as an operational domain, which supporters attribute in part to the bilateral impetus for stronger transatlantic technological resilience. These steps, including improved intelligence sharing and capacity-building, are cited as evidence of the charter's practical contribution to deterring cyber aggression without over-relying on unproven long-term outcomes.

Criticisms and Skeptical Analyses

The New Atlantic Charter's refusal to explicitly identify adversarial powers such as and has drawn realist critiques for fostering vague commitments that lack operational teeth. Instead of direct nomenclature, the document employs oblique terms like "authoritarian states" while alluding to specific grievances—including disinformation campaigns, the Uighur camps, and the 2014 of —which risks rendering responses to strategic non-binding and susceptible to diplomatic evasion. The Institute for Government analysis highlighted this reticence, observing that the charter "tackles the threat from , and other authoritarian states – without naming them," a formulation that prioritizes consensus over candid confrontation amid rising geopolitical tensions. Comparisons to the 1941 original underscore further dilutions, with observers deeming the 2021 version a diminished echo lacking the transformative ambition of its wartime progenitor. Devoid of an equivalent existential imperative like , and signed by figures without the stature of and , the charter has been characterized as a "shadow of the original" and a "pale imitation," offering platitudes on and rules-based order without pioneering mechanisms such as a novel framework for interstate governance. editorial attributed this shortfall to an failure to grapple decisively with eroding and the erosion of democratic primacy, arguing it sidesteps the bold principles required to counter power shifts favoring autocracies. Skeptics from conservative and realist quarters have faulted the Biden-era emphasis on alliance-centric rhetoric for diverting from unilateral demonstrations of resolve, potentially signaling weakness to aggressors in domains like territorial disputes and cyber incursions. This multilateral tilt, while reaffirming and shared values, is seen as ideologically softening hard-power priorities, with ambiguities in defense pledges—such as generic vows to counter "malign influence"—failing to translate into escalated deterrence postures against named threats. Empirical gaps in execution compound these concerns: notwithstanding aspirations for economic resilience, US-UK has languished, culminating not in a bilateral but in the circumscribed Atlantic Declaration of June 8, 2023, which advanced targeted cooperation in areas like critical minerals without broader tariff reductions or breakthroughs. Compounding implementation hurdles, Boris Johnson's leadership credibility—pivotal to the charter's endorsement—crumbled amid serial scandals, notably the Partygate affair, where he received a on April 12, 2022, for attending a lockdown-violating gathering in his own residence during national restrictions he had imposed. These revelations, alongside prior deceptions like misleading on lockdown parties, fueled perceptions of unreliable governance, eroding confidence in London's capacity to sustain transatlantic pledges amid domestic turmoil that precipitated Johnson's July 7, 2022, resignation. Such instability highlights causal risks in personalizing high-stakes , where leader-specific frailties can cascade into alliance doubts, particularly when juxtaposed against the charter's stress on enduring institutional trust.

References

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