Hubbry Logo
Dick CheneyDick CheneyMain
Open search
Dick Cheney
Community hub
Dick Cheney
logo
8 pages, 0 posts
0 subscribers
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Be the first to start a discussion here.
Dick Cheney
Dick Cheney
from Wikipedia

Richard Bruce Cheney[a] (January 30, 1941 – November 3, 2025) was an American politician and businessman who served as the 46th vice president of the United States from 2001 to 2009 under President George W. Bush. He is widely considered to be the most powerful vice president in United States history.[4][5] A member of the Republican Party, Cheney previously served as White House chief of staff for President Gerald Ford, the U.S. representative for Wyoming's at-large congressional district from 1979 to 1989, and as the 17th United States secretary of defense in the administration of President George H. W. Bush. He was also considered by many to be the architect of the Iraq War.[6]

Key Information

Born and raised in Lincoln, Nebraska, Cheney later lived in Casper, Wyoming.[7] He attended Yale University before earning a Bachelor of Arts and Master of Arts in political science from the University of Wyoming. He began his political career as an intern for Congressman William A. Steiger, eventually working his way into the White House during the Nixon and Ford administrations. He served as White House chief of staff from 1975 to 1977. In 1978, he was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, and represented Wyoming's at-large congressional district from 1979 to 1989, briefly serving as House minority whip in 1989. He was appointed Secretary of Defense during the presidency of George H. W. Bush, and held the position for most of Bush's term from 1989 to 1993.[8] As secretary, he oversaw Operation Just Cause in 1989 and Operation Desert Storm in 1991. While out of office during the Clinton administration, he was the chairman and CEO of Halliburton from 1995 to 2000; he received a $33.7 million severance package.

In July 2000, presumptive Republican presidential nominee George W. Bush chose Cheney as his running mate in the 2000 presidential election. They defeated their Democratic opponents, incumbent vice president Al Gore and senator Joe Lieberman. In 2004, Cheney was reelected to his second term as vice president with Bush as president, defeating their Democratic opponents, senators John Kerry and John Edwards. During Cheney's tenure as vice president, he played a leading behind-the-scenes role in the Bush administration's response to the September 11 attacks and coordination of the Global War on Terrorism. He was an early proponent of the decision to invade Iraq, falsely alleging that the Saddam Hussein regime possessed weapons of mass destruction and had an operational relationship with al-Qaeda; neither allegation was ever substantiated. Cheney also pressured the intelligence community to provide intelligence consistent with the administration's rationales for invading Iraq. He was often criticized for the Bush administration's policies regarding the campaign against terrorism, for his support of NSA warrantless surveillance, and for his endorsement of enhanced interrogation techniques and torture.[9][10][11][12]

Cheney, whose daughter Mary is a lesbian, supported same-sex marriage in 2004, putting him at odds with Bush,[13] but also said it was "appropriately a matter for the states to decide".[14] Cheney ended his vice-presidential tenure as a deeply unpopular figure in U.S. politics, with an approval rating of 13%.[15] His peak approval rating, just after the September 11 attacks, was 68%.[16] Cheney endorsed Donald Trump in 2016 and 2020 but became a critic after the January 6 United States Capitol attack, and endorsed Democratic nominee Kamala Harris in the 2024 presidential election.[17] Cheney died the following year from complications related to pneumonia and vascular disease.[18][19][20]

Early life and education

[edit]

Richard Bruce Cheney was born on January 30, 1941, in Lincoln, Nebraska, the son of Marjorie Lorraine (née Dickey) and Richard Herbert Cheney.[20] He was of predominantly English, as well as Welsh, Irish, and French Huguenot (through his mother from descendants of Mareen Duvall 1662-1735) ancestry. His father was a soil conservation agent for the U.S. Department of Agriculture and his mother was a softball star in the 1930s;[21] Cheney was one of three children. He attended Calvert Elementary School[22][23] before his family moved to Casper, Wyoming,[24] where he attended Natrona County High School.[25][26]

He attended Yale University, but by his own account had problems adjusting to the college and dropped out.[27][28] Among the influential teachers from his days in New Haven was H. Bradford Westerfield, whom Cheney repeatedly credited with having helped to shape his approach to foreign policy.[29] He later attended the University of Wyoming, where he earned both a Bachelor of Arts and a Master of Arts in political science while working as a lineman.[30] He subsequently started doctoral studies in political science at the University of Wisconsin–Madison. He was a full-time student for three semesters, part-time for one semester, and was shy of finishing his doctorate by a dissertation; he left to accept a congressional fellowship in Washington, D.C.[31]

In November 1962, at age 21, Cheney was convicted of driving while intoxicated (DWI). He was arrested for DWI again in 1963.[32] Cheney said the arrests made him "think about where I was and where I was headed. I was headed down a bad road if I continued on that course."[33]

In 1964, Cheney married Lynne Vincent, his high-school sweetheart.[34]

When Cheney became eligible for the draft, during the Vietnam War, he applied for and received five draft deferments. In 1989, after Cheney was nominated for secretary of defense, The Washington Post writer George C. Wilson interviewed him. When asked about his deferments, Cheney said, "I had other priorities in the '60s than military service."[35] Cheney testified during his confirmation hearings in 1989 that he received deferments to finish a college career that lasted six years rather than four owing to subpar academic performance and the need to work to pay for his education. Upon graduation, Cheney was eligible for the draft, but at the time, the Selective Service System was not inducting married men.[36] On October 26, 1965, the draft expanded to include married men without children; Cheney's first child, Elizabeth, was born nine months and two days later.[37][36] Cheney's fifth and final deferment granted him "3-A" status, a "hardship" deferment available to men with dependents. On January 30, 1967, Cheney turned 26 and was no longer eligible for the draft.[37]

In 1966, Cheney dropped out of the doctoral program at the University of Wisconsin to work as staff aide for Governor Warren P. Knowles.[38]

In 1968, Cheney was awarded an American Political Science Association congressional fellowship and moved to Washington, D.C.[38]

Early career

[edit]
White House Chief of Staff Cheney, 1976

Cheney's political career began in 1969, as an intern for Congressman William A. Steiger during the Richard Nixon Administration. He then joined the staff of Donald Rumsfeld, who was then Director of the Office of Economic Opportunity from 1969 to 1970.[32] He held several positions in the years that followed: White House Staff Assistant in 1971, Assistant Director of the Cost of Living Council from 1971 to 1973, and Deputy Assistant to the president from 1974 to 1975. As deputy assistant, Cheney suggested several options in a memo to Rumsfeld, including use of the U.S. Justice Department, that the Ford administration could use to limit damage from an article, published by The New York Times, in which investigative reporter Seymour Hersh reported that U.S. Navy submarines had tapped into Soviet undersea communications as part of a highly classified program, Operation Ivy Bells.[39][40]

White House chief of staff

[edit]

Cheney was Assistant to the President and White House deputy chief of staff under Gerald Ford from December 1974 to November 1975.[41][42][43] When Rumsfeld was named Secretary of Defense, Cheney became White House chief of staff, succeeding Rumsfeld.[32] He was campaign manager for Ford's 1976 presidential campaign.[44]

U.S. House of Representatives (1979–1989)

[edit]
Representative Cheney in 1984

Elections

[edit]

In 1978, Cheney was elected to represent Wyoming in the U.S. House of Representatives and succeeded retiring Democratic Congressman Teno Roncalio, having defeated his Democratic opponent, Bill Bagley. Cheney was re-elected five times, serving until 1989.[45]

Tenure

[edit]

Leadership

[edit]

In 1987, he was elected Chairman of the House Republican Conference. The following year, he was elected House minority whip.[24] He served for two and a half months before he was appointed Secretary of Defense instead of former U.S. senator John G. Tower, whose nomination had been rejected by the U.S. Senate in March 1989.[46]

Votes

[edit]
Cheney meets with President Ronald Reagan, July 1983

Cheney voted against the creation of the U.S. Department of Education, citing his concern over budget deficits and expansion of the federal government, and claiming that the department was an encroachment on states' rights.[47] He voted against funding Head Start, but reversed his position in 2000.[48]

Cheney initially opposed establishing a national holiday in honor of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1978, but supported creation of Martin Luther King Jr. Day five years later, in 1983.[49]

Cheney supported Bob Michel's (R-IL) bid to become Republican Minority Leader.[50] In April 1980, Cheney endorsed Governor Ronald Reagan for president, becoming one of Reagan's earliest supporters.[51]

In 1986, after President Reagan vetoed the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act, a bill set to impose economic sanctions on South Africa for its policy of apartheid, Cheney was one of 83 Representatives to vote against overriding Reagan's veto.[52] In later years, he articulated his opposition to unilateral sanctions against many different countries, stating "they almost never work"[53] and that in that case they might have ended up hurting the people instead.[54]

In 1986, Cheney, along with 145 Republicans and 31 Democrats, voted against a non-binding Congressional resolution calling on the South African government to release Nelson Mandela from prison, after the Democrats defeated proposed amendments that would have required Mandela to renounce violence sponsored by the African National Congress (ANC) and requiring it to oust the communist faction from its leadership; the resolution was defeated. Appearing on CNN, Cheney addressed criticism for this, saying he opposed the resolution because "the ANC was then viewed as a terrorist organization."[55]

Committee assignments

[edit]

Originally declining, U.S. congressman Barber Conable persuaded Cheney to join the moderate Republican Wednesday Group in order to move up the leadership ranks. He was elected Chairman of the Republican Policy Committee from 1981 to 1987. Cheney was the Ranking Member of the Select Committee to investigate the Iran-Contra Affair.[32][56][57] He promoted Wyoming's petroleum and coal businesses as well.[58]

Secretary of Defense (1989–1993)

[edit]
Secretary of Defense Dick Cheney, 1989–1993

President George H. W. Bush nominated Cheney for the office of Secretary of Defense immediately after the U.S. Senate failed to confirm John Tower for that position.[59] The senate confirmed Cheney by a vote of 92 to 0[59] and he served in that office from March 1989 to January 1993. He directed the United States invasion of Panama and Operation Desert Storm in the Middle East. In 1991, he was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by Bush.[38] Later that year, he received the U.S. senator John Heinz Award for Greatest Public Service by an Elected or Appointed Official, an award given out annually by Jefferson Awards.[60]

Cheney said that his time at the Pentagon was the most rewarding period of his public service career, calling it "the one that stands out."[61] In 2014, Cheney recounted that when he met with President Bush to accept the offer, he passed a painting in the private residence entitled The Peacemakers, which depicted President Lincoln, General Grant, and William Tecumseh Sherman. "My great-grandfather had served under William Tecumseh Sherman throughout the war," Cheney said, "and it occurred to me as I was in the room as I walked in to talk to the President about becoming Secretary of Defense, I wondered what he would have thought that his great-grandson would someday be in the White House with the President talking about taking over the reins of the U.S. military."[62]

Early tenure

[edit]

Cheney worked closely with Pete Williams, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs, and Paul Wolfowitz, Under Secretary of Defense for Policy, from the beginning of his tenure. He focused primarily on external matters, and left most of the internal DoD management to Deputy Secretary of Defense Donald Atwood.[46]

Budgetary practices

[edit]
Secretary Cheney with President George H. W. Bush, 1991

Cheney's most immediate issue as Secretary of Defense was the Department of Defense budget. Cheney deemed it appropriate to cut the budget and downsize the military, following the Reagan Administration's peacetime defense buildup at the height of the Cold War.[63] As part of the fiscal year 1990 budget, Cheney assessed the requests from each of the branches of the armed services for such expensive programs as the Avenger II Naval attack aircraft, the B-2 stealth bomber, the V-22 Osprey tilt-wing helicopter, the Aegis destroyer, and the MX missile, totaling approximately $4.5 billion in light of changed world politics.[46] Cheney opposed the V-22 program, for which Congress had already appropriated funds, and initially refused to issue contracts for it before relenting.[64] When the 1990 Budget came before Congress in the summer of 1989, it settled on a figure between the Administration's request and the House Armed Services Committee's recommendation.[46]

In subsequent years under Cheney, the proposed and adopted budgets followed patterns similar to that of 1990. Early in 1991, he unveiled a plan to reduce military strength by the mid-1990s to 1.6 million, compared with 2.2 million when he entered office. Cheney's 1993 defense budget was reduced from 1992, omitting programs that Congress had directed the Department of Defense to buy weapons that it did not want, and omitting unrequested reserve forces.[46]

Over his four years as Secretary of Defense, Cheney downsized the military and his budgets showed negative real growth, despite pressures to acquire weapon systems advocated by Congress. The Department of Defense's total obligational authority in current dollars declined from $291 billion to $270 billion. Total military personnel strength decreased by 19%, from about 2.2 million in 1989 to about 1.8 million in 1993.[46] Notwithstanding the overall reduction in military spending, Cheney directed the development of a Pentagon plan to ensure U.S. military dominance in the post-Cold War era.[65]

Political climate and agenda

[edit]
Secretary of Defense Cheney delivering a speech before the launch of destroyer USS Arleigh Burke

Cheney publicly expressed concern that nations such as Iraq, Iran, and North Korea, could acquire nuclear components after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The end of the Cold War, the fall of the Soviet Union, and the disintegration of the Warsaw Pact obliged the first Bush Administration to reevaluate the North Atlantic Treaty Organization's (NATO's) purpose and makeup. Cheney believed that NATO should remain the foundation of European security relationships and that it would remain important to the United States in the long term; he urged the alliance to lend more assistance to the new democracies in Eastern Europe.[46]

Cheney's views on NATO reflected his skepticism about prospects for peaceful social development in the former Eastern Bloc countries, where he saw a high potential for political uncertainty and instability. He felt that the Bush Administration was too optimistic in supporting General Secretary of the CPSU Mikhail Gorbachev and his successor, Russian president Boris Yeltsin.[46] Cheney not only wanted the break-up of the USSR but also of Russia itself.[66] Cheney worked to maintain strong ties between the United States and its European allies.[67]

Cheney persuaded the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to allow bases for U.S. ground troops and war planes in the nation. This was an important element of the success of the Gulf War, as well as a lightning-rod for Islamists, such as Osama bin Laden, who opposed having non-Muslim armies near their holy sites.[68]

International situations

[edit]

Using economic sanctions and political pressure, the United States mounted a campaign to drive Panamanian ruler General Manuel Antonio Noriega from power after he fell from favor.[46] In May 1989, after Guillermo Endara had been duly elected President of Panama, Noriega nullified the election outcome, drawing intensified pressure. In October, Noriega suppressed a military coup, but in December, after soldiers of the Panamanian army killed a U.S. serviceman, the United States invasion of Panama began under Cheney's direction. The stated reason for the invasion was to seize Noriega to face drug charges in the United States, protect U.S. lives and property, and restore Panamanian civil liberties.[69] Although the mission was controversial,[70] U.S. forces achieved control of Panama and Endara assumed the presidency; Noriega was convicted and imprisoned on racketeering and drug trafficking charges in April 1992.[71]

In 1991, the Somali Civil War drew the world's attention. In August 1992, the United States began to provide humanitarian assistance, primarily food, through a military airlift. At President Bush's direction, Cheney dispatched the first of 26,000 U.S. troops to Somalia as part of the Unified Task Force (UNITAF), designed to provide security and food relief.[46] Cheney's successors as Secretary of Defense, Les Aspin and William J. Perry, had to contend with both the Bosnian War and Somali issues.[72]

Iraqi invasion of Kuwait

[edit]

On August 1, 1990, Iraqi president Saddam Hussein sent the invading Iraqi forces into neighboring Kuwait, a small petroleum-rich state long claimed by Iraq as part of its territory. This invasion sparked the initiation of the Persian Gulf War and it brought worldwide condemnation.[73] An estimated 140,000 Iraqi troops quickly took control of Kuwait City and moved on to the Saudi Arabia–Kuwait border.[46] The United States had already begun to develop contingency plans for the defense of Saudi Arabia by the U.S. Central Command, headed by General Norman Schwarzkopf, because of its important petroleum reserves.[74][75]

U.S. and world reaction
[edit]
Cheney meets with Prince Sultan, Minister of Defence and Aviation in Saudi Arabia to discuss how to handle the invasion of Kuwait, December 1, 1990

Cheney and Schwarzkopf oversaw planning for what would become a full-scale U.S. military operation. According to General Colin Powell, Cheney "had become a glutton for information, with an appetite we could barely satisfy. He spent hours in the National Military Command Center peppering my staff with questions."[46]

Shortly after the Iraqi invasion, Cheney made the first of several visits to Saudi Arabia where King Fahd requested U.S. military assistance. The United Nations took action as well, passing a series of resolutions condemning Iraq's invasion of Kuwait; the UN Security Council authorized "all means necessary" to eject Iraq from Kuwait, and demanded that the country withdraw its forces by January 15, 1991.[73] By then, the United States had a force of about 500,000 stationed in Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf. Other nations, including Britain, Canada, France, Italy, Syria, and Egypt, contributed troops, and other allies, most notably Germany and Japan, agreed to provide financial support for the coalition effort, named Operation Desert Shield.[46]

On January 12, 1991, Congress authorized Bush to use military force to enforce Iraq's compliance with UN resolutions on Kuwait.[73]

Military action
[edit]
Bush meets with Robert Gates, General Colin Powell, Secretary Cheney, and others about the situation in the Persian Gulf and Operation Desert Shield, January 15, 1991

The first phase of Operation Desert Storm, which began on January 17, 1991, was an air offensive to secure air superiority and attack Iraqi forces, targeting key Iraqi command and control centers, including the cities of Baghdad and Basra. Cheney turned most other Department of Defense matters over to Deputy Secretary Donald J. Atwood Jr. and briefed Congress during the air and ground phases of the war.[46] He flew with Powell to the region to review and finalize the ground war plans.[73]

After an air offensive of more than five weeks, Coalition forces launched the ground war on February 24. Within 100 hours, Iraqi forces had been routed from Kuwait and Schwarzkopf reported that the basic objective – expelling Iraqi forces from Kuwait – had been met on February 27.[76] After consultation with Cheney and other members of his national security team, Bush declared a suspension of hostilities.[73] On working with this national security team, Cheney said, "there have been five Republican presidents since Eisenhower. I worked for four of them and worked closely with a fifth – the Reagan years when I was part of the House leadership. The best national security team I ever saw was that one. The least friction, the most cooperation, the highest degree of trust among the principals, especially."[77]

Aftermath
[edit]

A total of 147 U.S. military personnel died in combat, and another 236 died as a result of accidents or other causes.[46][76] Iraq agreed to a formal truce on March 3, and a permanent cease-fire on April 6. There was subsequent debate about whether Coalition forces should have driven as far as Baghdad to oust Saddam Hussein from power. Bush agreed that the decision to end the ground war when they did was correct, but the debate persisted as Hussein remained in power and rebuilt his military forces.[46] Arguably the most significant debate concerned whether U.S. and Coalition forces had left Iraq too soon.[78][79] In an April 15, 1994, interview with C-SPAN, Cheney was asked if the U.S.-led Coalition forces should have moved into Baghdad. Cheney replied that occupying and attempting to take over the country would have been a "bad idea" and would have led to a "quagmire", explaining that:

[If] we'd gone to Baghdad we would have been all alone. There wouldn't have been anybody else with us. There would have been a U.S. occupation of Iraq. None of the Arab forces that were willing to fight with us in Kuwait were willing to invade Iraq. Once you got to Iraq and took it over, took down Saddam Hussein's government, then what are you going to put in its place? That's a very volatile part of the world, and if you take down the central government of Iraq, you could very easily end up seeing pieces of Iraq fly off: part of it, the Syrians would like to have to the west, part of it – eastern Iraq – the Iranians would like to claim, they fought over it for eight years. In the north you've got the Kurds, and if the Kurds spin loose and join with the Kurds in Turkey, then you threaten the territorial integrity of Turkey. It's a quagmire if you go that far and try to take over Iraq. The other thing was casualties. Everyone was impressed with the fact we were able to do our job with as few casualties as we had. But for the 146 Americans killed in action, and for their families – it wasn't a cheap war. And the question for the president, in terms of whether or not we went on to Baghdad, took additional casualties in an effort to get Saddam Hussein, was how many additional dead Americans is Saddam worth? Our judgment was, not very many, and I think we got it right.[80][81]

Cheney regarded the Gulf War as an example of the kind of regional problem the United States was likely to continue to face in the future:[82]

We're always going to have to be involved [in the Middle East]. Maybe it's part of our national character, you know we like to have these problems nice and neatly wrapped up, put a ribbon around it. You deploy a force, you win the war and the problem goes away. But it doesn't work that way in the Middle East. It never has, and isn't likely to in my lifetime.

Private-sector career

[edit]

Between 1987 and 1989, during his last term in Congress, Cheney was on the board of the Council on Foreign Relations foreign policy organization.[83]

With the inauguration of the new Democratic administration under President Bill Clinton in January 1993, Cheney joined the American Enterprise Institute. He also served a second term as a Council on Foreign Relations director from 1993 to 1995.[83]

From October 1, 1995[84] to July 25, 2000,[85] he was chairman of the board and chief executive officer of Halliburton, a Fortune 500 company. Cheney resigned as CEO on the same day he was announced as George Bush's vice-presidential pick in the 2000 election.[86]

Cheney's record as CEO was subject to some dispute among Wall Street analysts. A 1998 merger between Halliburton and Dresser Industries attracted the criticism of some Dresser executives for Halliburton's lack of accounting transparency.[87] Halliburton shareholders pursued a class-action lawsuit alleging that the corporation artificially inflated its stock price during this period, though Cheney was not named as an individual defendant in the suit. In June 2011, the United States Supreme Court reversed a lower court ruling and allowed the case to continue in litigation.[88] Cheney was named in a December 2010 corruption complaint filed by the Nigerian government against Halliburton, which the company settled for $250 million.[89]

During Cheney's term, Halliburton changed its accounting practices regarding revenue realization of disputed costs on major construction projects.[90] Cheney resigned as CEO of Halliburton on July 25, 2000. As vice president, he argued that this step, along with establishing a trust and other actions, removed any conflict of interest.[91] Cheney's net worth, estimated to be between $19 million and $86 million in 2003,[92] was largely derived from his position at Halliburton.[93] Cheney earned $36 million in 2000, primarily from a severance payment from Halliburton.[94] His 2006 gross joint income with his wife was nearly $8.82 million, primarily from exercising Halliburton stock options.[95]

He was also a member of the board of advisors of the Jewish Institute for National Security Affairs (JINSA) before becoming vice president.[68]

2000 presidential election

[edit]
The Bush–Cheney ticket won the 2000 presidential election with 271 electoral votes but with only 47.9% of the popular vote, less than their opposition ticket, Gore–Lieberman, which received 48.3%.

In early 2000, while CEO of Halliburton, Cheney headed Governor of Texas George W. Bush's vice-presidential search committee. On July 25, after reviewing Cheney's findings, Bush surprised some pundits by asking Cheney himself to join the Republican ticket.[32][96] However, a New York Times article which was published on July 28, 2000 acknowledged that the decision to select Cheney as Bush's Vice Presidential nominee was in fact secretly made "weeks" before it was formally announced.[97] Halliburton reportedly reached agreement on July 20 to allow Cheney to retire, with a package estimated at $20 million.[98]

A few months before the election Cheney put his home in Dallas up for sale and changed his drivers' license and voter registration back to Wyoming. This change was necessary to allow Texas' presidential electors to vote for both Bush and Cheney without contravening the Twelfth Amendment to the United States Constitution, which forbids electors from voting for "an inhabitant of the same state with themselves"[99] for both president and vice president. Cheney campaigned against Al Gore's running mate, Joe Lieberman, in the 2000 presidential election. While the election was undecided, the Bush-Cheney team was not eligible for public funding to plan a transition to a new administration, prompting Cheney to open a privately funded transition office in Washington. This office worked to identify candidates for all important positions in the cabinet.[100] According to Craig Unger, Cheney advocated Donald Rumsfeld for the post of Secretary of Defense to counter the influence of Colin Powell at the State Department, and tried unsuccessfully to have Paul Wolfowitz named to replace George Tenet as director of the Central Intelligence Agency.[101]

Vice presidency (2001–2009)

[edit]

First term (2001–2005)

[edit]
Cheney watching the initial 9/11 attack

Following the September 11 attacks, Cheney remained physically apart from Bush for security reasons. For a period, Cheney stayed at a variety of undisclosed locations, out of public view.[102] Cheney later revealed in his memoir In My Time that these "undisclosed locations" included his official vice presidential residence, his home in Wyoming, and Camp David.[103] He also utilized a heavy security detail, employing a motorcade of 12 to 18 government vehicles for his daily commute from the vice presidential residence at Number One Observatory Circle to the White House.[104]

On the morning of June 29, 2002, Cheney served as acting president from 7:09 a.m. to 9:24 a.m., under the terms of the 25th Amendment to the Constitution, while Bush underwent a colonoscopy.[105][106]

Iraq War

[edit]
Cheney speaks to US troops at Camp Anaconda, Iraq, in 2008

Following 9/11, Cheney was instrumental in providing a primary justification for a renewed war against Iraq. Cheney helped shape Bush's approach to the "war on terror", making numerous public statements alleging Iraq possessed weapons of mass destruction,[107] and making several personal visits to CIA headquarters, where he questioned mid-level agency analysts on their conclusions.[108] Cheney continued to allege links between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda, even though President Bush received a classified President's Daily Brief on September 21, 2001, indicating the U.S. intelligence community had no evidence linking Saddam Hussein to the September 11 attacks and that "there was scant credible evidence that Iraq had any significant collaborative ties with Al Qaeda."[109] Furthermore, in 2004, the 9/11 Commission concluded that there was no "collaborative relationship" between Iraq and al-Qaeda.[110] By 2014, Cheney continued to misleadingly claim that Saddam "had a 10-year relationship with al Qaeda".[111]

Following the U.S. invasion of Iraq, Cheney remained steadfast in his support of the war, stating that it would be an "enormous success story",[112] and made many visits to the country. He often criticized war critics, calling them "opportunists" who were peddling "cynical and pernicious falsehoods" to gain political advantage while U.S. soldiers died in Iraq. In response, Senator John Kerry asserted, "It is hard to name a government official with less credibility on Iraq [than Cheney]."[113]

In a March 19, 2008, extended interview conducted in Ankara, Turkey, with ABC News correspondent Martha Raddatz on the fifth anniversary of the original U.S. military assault on Iraq, Cheney responded to a question about public opinion polls showing that Americans had lost confidence in the war by simply replying "So?"[114] This remark prompted widespread criticism, including from former Oklahoma Republican congressman Mickey Edwards, a long-time personal friend of Cheney.[115]

Second term (2005–2009)

[edit]
The Bush–Cheney ticket won the 2004 presidential election with 50.7% of the popular vote and 286 electoral votes.

Bush and Cheney were re-elected in the 2004 presidential election, running against John Kerry and his running mate, John Edwards. During the election, the pregnancy of his daughter Mary and her sexual orientation as a lesbian became a source of public attention for Cheney in light of the same-sex marriage debate.[116] Cheney later stated that he was in favor of gay marriages personally, but that each individual U.S. state should decide whether to permit it or not.[117] Cheney's former chief legal counsel, David Addington,[118] became his chief of staff and remained in that office until Cheney's departure from office. John P. Hannah served as Cheney's national security adviser.[119] Until his indictment and resignation[120] in 2005, I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby Jr. served in both roles.[121]

On the morning of July 21, 2007, Cheney once again served as acting president, from 7:16 am to 9:21 am. Bush transferred the power of the presidency prior to undergoing a medical procedure, requiring sedation, and later resumed his powers and duties that same day.[122]

After his term began in 2001, Cheney was occasionally asked if he was interested in the Republican nomination for the 2008 presidential election. However, he always maintained that he wished to retire upon the expiration of his term and he did not run in the 2008 presidential primaries. The Republicans nominated Arizona Senator John McCain.[123]

Disclosure of documents

[edit]

Cheney was a prominent member of the National Energy Policy Development Group (NEPDG),[124] commonly known as the Energy Task Force, composed of energy industry representatives, including several Enron executives. After the Enron scandal, the Bush administration was accused of improper political and business ties. In July 2003, the Supreme Court ruled that the United States Department of Commerce must disclose NEPDG documents, containing references to companies that had made agreements with the previous Iraqi government to extract Iraq's petroleum.[125]

Beginning in 2003, Cheney's staff opted not to file required reports with the National Archives and Records Administration office charged with assuring that the executive branch protects classified information, nor did it allow inspection of its record keeping.[126] Cheney refused to release the documents, citing his executive privilege to deny congressional information requests.[127][128] Media outlets such as Time magazine and CBS News questioned whether Cheney had created a "fourth branch of government" that was not subject to any laws.[129] A group of historians and open-government advocates filed a lawsuit in the United States District Court for the District of Columbia, asking the court to declare that Cheney's vice-presidential records are covered by the Presidential Records Act of 1978 and cannot be destroyed, taken or withheld from the public without proper review.[130][131][132][133]

CIA leak scandal

[edit]
Handwritten note above Joe Wilson's editorial by Cheney referring to the covert agent before the leak took place

On October 18, 2005, The Washington Post reported that the vice president's office was central to the investigation of the Valerie Plame CIA leak scandal, for Cheney's former chief of staff, Lewis "Scooter" Libby, was one of the figures under investigation.[134] Libby resigned his positions as Cheney's chief of staff and assistant on national security affairs later in the month after he was indicted.[135]

In February 2006, The National Journal reported that Libby had stated before a grand jury that his superiors, including Cheney, had authorized him to disclose classified information to the press regarding intelligence on Iraq's weapons.[136] That September, Richard Armitage, former deputy secretary of state, publicly announced that he was the source of the revelation of Plame's status. Armitage said he was not a part of a conspiracy to reveal Plame's identity and did not know whether one existed.[137]

On March 6, 2007, Libby was convicted on four felony counts for obstruction of justice, perjury, and making false statements to federal investigators.[138] In his closing arguments, independent prosecutor Patrick Fitzgerald said that there was "a cloud over the vice president",[139] an apparent reference to Cheney's interview with FBI agents investigating the case, which was made public in 2009.[140] Cheney lobbied President George W. Bush vigorously and unsuccessfully to grant Libby a full presidential pardon up to the day of Barack Obama's inauguration, likening Libby to a "soldier on the battlefield".[141][142] Libby was subsequently pardoned by President Donald Trump in April 2018.[143]

Assassination attempt

[edit]
Vice President Cheney speaks to the press flanked by fellow Republicans Mitch McConnell (left) and Trent Lott (right), April 2007

On February 27, 2007, at about 10 am, a suicide bomber killed 23 people and wounded 20 more outside Bagram Airfield in Afghanistan during a visit by Cheney. The Taliban claimed responsibility for the attack and declared that Cheney was its intended target. They also claimed that Osama bin Laden supervised the operation.[144] The bomb went off outside the front gate while Cheney was inside the base and half a mile away. He reported hearing the blast, saying "I heard a loud boom... The Secret Service came in and told me there had been an attack on the main gate."[145] The purpose of Cheney's visit to the region had been to press Pakistan for a united front against the Taliban.[146]

Policy formulation

[edit]
Cheney Mubarak, Presidential Palace in Cairo
Cheney shakes hands with Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak at the Presidential Palace in Cairo, May 2007

Cheney has been characterized as the most powerful and influential vice president in U.S. history.[147][148] Both supporters and critics of Cheney regarded him as a shrewd and knowledgeable politician who knew the functions and intricacies of the United States federal government. A sign of Cheney's active policy-making role was then-Speaker of the House Dennis Hastert's provision of an office near the House floor for Cheney,[149] in addition to his office in the West Wing,[150] his ceremonial office in the Old Executive Office Building,[151] and his Senate offices (one in the Dirksen Senate Office Building and another off the floor of the Senate).[149][152]

Cheney actively promoted an expansion of the powers of the presidency, saying that the Bush administration's "challenges to the laws which Congress passed after Vietnam and Watergate to contain and oversee the executive branch – the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, the Presidential Records Act, the Freedom of Information Act and the War Powers Resolution – are 'a restoration, if you will, of the power and authority of the president.'"[153][154]

In June 2007, The Washington Post summarized Cheney's vice presidency in a Pulitzer Prize-winning[155] four-part series, based in part on interviews with former administration officials. The articles characterized Cheney not as a "shadow" president, but as someone who usually had the last words of counsel to the president on policies, which in many cases would reshape the powers of the presidency. When former vice president Dan Quayle suggested to Cheney that the office was largely ceremonial, Cheney reportedly replied, "I have a different understanding with the president." The articles described Cheney as having a secretive approach to the tools of government, indicated by the use of his own security classification and three man-sized safes in his offices.[156]

The articles described Cheney's influence on decisions pertaining to detention of suspected terrorists and the legal limits that apply to their questioning, especially what constitutes torture.[157] U.S. Army Colonel Lawrence Wilkerson, who served as Colin Powell's chief of staff when he was both Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff at the same time Cheney was Secretary of Defense, and then later when Powell was Secretary of State, stated in an in-depth interview that Cheney and Donald Rumsfeld established an alternative program to interrogate post-9/11 detainees because of their mutual distrust of CIA.[158]

The Washington Post articles, principally written by Barton Gellman, further characterized Cheney as having the strongest influence within the administration in shaping budget and tax policy in a manner that assures "conservative orthodoxy."[159] They also highlighted Cheney's behind-the-scenes influence on the Bush administration's environmental policy to ease pollution controls for power plants, facilitate the disposal of nuclear waste, open access to federal timber resources, and avoid federal constraints on greenhouse gas emissions, among other issues. The articles characterized his approach to policy formulation as favoring business over the environment.[160]

Cheney walks with Saudi crown prince Sultan bin Abdulaziz, May 2007

In June 2008, Cheney allegedly attempted to block efforts by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice to strike a controversial U.S. compromise deal with North Korea over the communist state's nuclear program.[161]

In July 2008, a former Environmental Protection Agency official stated publicly that Cheney's office had pushed significantly for large-scale deletions from a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report on the health effects of global warming "fearing the presentation by a leading health official might make it harder to avoid regulating greenhouse gases."[162] In October, when the report appeared with six pages cut from the testimony, the White House stated that the changes were made due to concerns regarding the accuracy of the science. However, according to the former senior adviser on climate change to Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Stephen Johnson, Cheney's office was directly responsible for nearly half of the original testimony being deleted.[162]

In his role as President of the U.S. Senate, Cheney broke with the Bush Administration Department of Justice, and signed an amicus brief to the United States Supreme Court in the case of Heller v. District of Columbia that successfully challenged gun laws in the nation's capital on Second Amendment grounds.[163] On February 14, 2010, in an appearance on ABC's This Week, Cheney reiterated his support of waterboarding and for the torture of captured terrorist suspects, saying, "I was and remain a strong proponent of our enhanced interrogation program."[164]

Post-vice presidency (2009–2025)

[edit]

Political activity

[edit]
Cheney speaking at CPAC, February 2011

In July 2012, Cheney used his Wyoming home to host a private fundraiser for Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney, which netted over $4 million in contributions from attendees for Romney's campaign.[165]

Cheney was the subject of the documentary film The World According to Dick Cheney, which premiered March 15, 2013, on the Showtime television channel.[166][167][168] Cheney was also reported to be the subject of an HBO television mini-series based on Barton Gellman's 2008 book Angler[169] and the 2006 documentary The Dark Side, produced by PBS.[108]

Cheney maintained a visible public profile after leaving office,[170] being especially critical of Obama administration policies on national security.[171][172][173] In May 2009, Cheney spoke of his support for same-sex marriage, becoming one of the most prominent Republican politicians to do so. Speaking to the National Press Club, Cheney stated: "People ought to be free to enter into any kind of union they wish, any kind of arrangement they wish. I do believe, historically, the way marriage has been regulated is at a state level. It's always been a state issue, and I think that's the way it ought to be handled today."[174] In 2012, Cheney reportedly encouraged several Maryland state legislators to vote to legalize same-sex marriage in that state.[175] Although, by custom, a former vice president unofficially receives six months of protection from the United States Secret Service, President Obama reportedly extended the protection period for Cheney.[176]

On July 11, 2009, CIA director Leon Panetta told the Senate and House intelligence committees that the CIA withheld information about a secret counter-terrorism program from Congress for eight years on direct orders from Cheney. Intelligence and Congressional officials have said the unidentified program did not involve the CIA interrogation program and did not involve domestic intelligence activities. They have said the program was started by the counter-terrorism center at the CIA shortly after the attacks of September 11, 2001, but never became fully operational, involving planning and some training that took place off and on from 2001 until 2009.[177] The Wall Street Journal reported, citing former intelligence officials familiar with the matter, that the program was an attempt to carry out a 2001 presidential authorization to capture or kill al Qaeda operatives.[178]

Cheney attending his daughter Liz's ceremonial congressional swearing-in ceremony in January 2017

Cheney said that the Tea Party Movement was a "positive influence on the Republican Party" and that "I think it's much better to have that kind of turmoil and change in the Republican Party than it would be to have it outside."[179] In May 2016, Cheney endorsed Donald Trump as the Republican nominee in the 2016 presidential election.[180] That November, his daughter Liz won election to the House of Representatives (to his former congressional seat). When she was sworn into office in January 2017, Cheney said he believed she would do well in the position and that he would offer advice only if requested.[181] In March 2017, Cheney said that Russian interference in the 2016 United States elections could be considered "an act of war".[182]

Views on President Obama

[edit]
Cheney attending the state funeral of George H. W. Bush in December 2018

On December 29, 2009, four days after the attempted bombing of an international passenger flight from the Netherlands to United States, Cheney criticized President Barack Obama: "[We] are at war and when President Obama pretends we aren't, it makes us less safe. ... Why doesn't he want to admit we're at war? It doesn't fit with the view of the world he brought with him to the Oval Office. It doesn't fit with what seems to be the goal of his presidency – social transformation – the restructuring of American society."[183] In response, White House communications director Dan Pfeiffer wrote on the official White House blog the following day, "[I]t is telling that Vice President Cheney and others seem to be more focused on criticizing the Administration than condemning the attackers. Unfortunately too many are engaged in the typical Washington game of pointing fingers and making political hay, instead of working together to find solutions to make our country safer."[184][185] During a February 14, 2010, appearance on ABC's This Week, Cheney reiterated his criticism of the Obama administration's policies for handling suspected terrorists, criticizing the "mindset" of treating "terror attacks against the United States as criminal acts as opposed to acts of war".[164]

In a May 2, 2011, interview with ABC News, Cheney praised the Obama administration for the covert military operation in Pakistan that resulted in the death of Osama bin Laden.[186] In 2014, during an interview with Sean Hannity, he called Obama a "weak President" after Obama announced his plans to pull forces out of Afghanistan.[187]

Memoir

[edit]
Cheney in 2012, promoting his book

In August 2011, Cheney published his memoir, In My Time: A Personal and Political Memoir, written with Liz Cheney. The book outlines Cheney's recollections of 9/11, the war on terrorism, the 2001 War in Afghanistan, the run-up to the 2003 Iraq War, so-called "enhanced interrogation techniques", and other events.[188] According to Barton Gellman, the author of Angler: The Cheney Vice Presidency, Cheney's book differs from publicly available records on details surrounding the NSA surveillance program.[189][190]

Exceptional: Why the World Needs a Powerful America

[edit]

In 2015, Cheney published another book, Exceptional: Why the World Needs a Powerful America, again co-authored with his daughter Liz. The book traces the history of U.S. foreign policy and military successes and failures from Franklin Roosevelt's administration through the Obama administration. The authors tell the story of what they describe as the unique role the United States has played as a defender of freedom throughout the world since World War II.[191] Drawing upon the notion of American exceptionalism, the co-authors criticize Barack Obama's and former secretary of state Hillary Clinton's foreign policies, and offer what they see as the solutions needed to restore American greatness and power on the world stage in defense of freedom.[192][193]

Views on President Trump

[edit]

In May 2016, Cheney said he would support Donald Trump in the 2016 presidential election.[194] In May 2018, Cheney supported Trump's decision to withdraw from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (Iran Nuclear Deal).[195]

Cheney criticized the Trump administration at the American Enterprise Institute World Forum alongside Vice President Mike Pence in March 2019. Questioning his successor on Trump's commitment to NATO and tendency to announce policy decisions on Twitter before consulting senior staff members, Cheney commented, "It seems, at times, as though your administration’s approach has more in common with Obama’s foreign policy than traditional Republican foreign policy."[196] That same year, Cheney appeared at a Trump 2020 fundraiser.[197]

On the one-year anniversary of the January 6 United States Capitol attack, Cheney joined his daughter Liz Cheney at the Capitol and participated in the remembrance events.[198][199] His daughter was the only Republican member of Congress to attend the events, despite the events being open for attendance by all others.[200] He later appeared in a 2022 primary campaign ad for Liz in which he called Trump a "coward" and a "threat to our republic" due to his attempts to overturn the 2020 United States presidential election. That year, Liz ran for her Wyoming congressional seat against Trump-backed primary challenger Harriet Hageman, who ultimately won by over 30%.[201][202]

On September 6, 2024, Cheney released a public statement confirming that he intended to cast his vote in the 2024 presidential election for Democratic nominee Kamala Harris. The previous day, his daughter Liz had told a crowd of Cheney's intention to do so.[203] In his statement, Cheney opined

In our nation's 248-year history, there has never been an individual who is a greater threat to our republic than Donald Trump. He tried to steal the last election using lies and violence to keep himself in power after the voters had rejected him. He can never be trusted with power again. As citizens, we each have a duty to put country above partisanship to defend our Constitution. That is why I will be casting my vote for Vice President Kamala Harris.[203]

Political positions

[edit]

Cheney was a proponent of the unitary executive theory.[204][205][206] He is a prominent supporter of same-sex marriage.

Public perception and legacy

[edit]
The Dick Cheney Federal Building in Casper, Wyoming[207]

Cheney's early public opinion polls were more favorable than unfavorable, reaching his peak approval rating in the wake of the September 11 attacks at 68%.[16] However, polling numbers for both him and president George W. Bush gradually declined in their second terms,[16][208] with Cheney reaching his lowest point shortly before leaving office at 13%.[208][209][16][210]

In April 2007, Cheney was awarded an honorary doctorate of public service by Brigham Young University, where he delivered the commencement address.[211] His selection as commencement speaker was controversial. The college board of trustees issued a statement explaining that the invitation should be viewed "as one extended to someone holding the high office of vice president of the United States rather than to a partisan political figure".[212] BYU permitted a protest to occur so long as it did not "make personal attacks against Cheney, attack (the) BYU administration, the church or the First Presidency".[213]

Cheney is considered by many sources to have been the most powerful vice president in American history.[4][5][214] In its obituary of Cheney, The New York Times described him as such, and cited him as President Bush's "most influential White House adviser in an era of terrorism, war and economic change".[20] USA Today noted that Cheney was the "chief architect of the war in Iraq" and one of the last figures of the "old Republican Party guard".[215] The BBC called Cheney "the ultimate Washington insider" who helped shape the foreign policy powers of the presidency.[19] According to Al Jazeera, he fought intensely for an expansion of the president's power, which he felt had been eroding since Watergate, and increased the vice president's clout by putting together a national security team that often served as a power center within the George W. Bush administration.[216] He was noted for expanding the powers of the vice presidency and having "built unrivalled authority and influence."[217] Cheney was additionally noted for having transformed the once-mundane role of the vice presidency into a "U.S. version of the office of prime minister, subordinate to, but almost coequal of, the presidency itself".[217] Cheney had a "commanding [hand], in implementing decisions most important to [President Bush] and some of surpassing interest to himself".[218]

Cheney "wielded rare clout in Washington for over three decades," but received negative and controversial reception globally, primarily for the role he played in the invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan, his promotion of the existence of evidently non-existent weapons of mass destruction as a casus belli for the former conflict, and the promotion and supervision of the increased use of torture against citizens and foreign nationals at Guantanamo Bay and other U.S. detention facilities worldwide.[20][214]

As a result of Cheney's admittance that he signed off on the use of "enhanced interrogation techniques,"[219][220] some public officials, media outlets, and advocacy groups had called for his prosecution under various anti-torture and war crimes statutes.[221][222] French newspaper Le Monde described Cheney as the "father" of the invasion of Iraq who "embodied the excesses of the war on terror".[223] Jon Meacham's book Destiny and Power: The American Odyssey of George Herbert Walker Bush, published in November 2015, describes Bush as being simultaneously laudatory and critical of the former vice president, with Bush describing him as "having his own empire" and being "very hard-line."[224]

[edit]
A Dick Cheney impersonator at the 2010 Rally to Restore Sanity and/or Fear

Personal life

[edit]

Cheney was a member of the United Methodist Church and was the first Methodist vice president to serve under a Methodist president.[236] His brother, Bob, is a former civil servant at the Bureau of Land Management.[237]

His wife, Lynne, was chair of the National Endowment for the Humanities from 1986 to 1996. She is a public speaker, author, and a senior fellow at the American Enterprise Institute.[238] They had two daughters, Elizabeth ("Liz") and Mary Cheney, and seven grandchildren. Liz, a former congresswoman from Wyoming, is married to Philip Perry, a former general counsel of the Department of Homeland Security. Mary, a former employee of the Colorado Rockies baseball team and the Coors Brewing Company, was a campaign aide to the Bush re-election campaign; she lives in Great Falls, Virginia, with her wife Heather Poe.[239] Cheney publicly supported gay marriage after leaving the vice presidency.[240]

Residences

[edit]

Since 1993, Cheney owned a house in Teton County, Wyoming.[241] In 1987, Cheney purchased a house in McLean, Virginia for $450,000; he sold it to Joe Allbaugh in 2001 for $690,000.[242] In 2000, he sold a multimillion dollar house in Dallas, where he lived while he was chairman of Halliburton.[242] In 2000, he acquired a lot in McLean for $1.35 million and filed plans to build a 21,000 square foot home.[242][243] In 2008, Cheney purchased a home on Chain Bridge Road in McLean, Virginia, which he tore down for a replacement structure to be built.[244] At the time of his death, the house had a market value of $5.8 million.[245] In 2019, he sold his vacation house in Saint Michaels, Maryland on Eastern Shore of Maryland for $2.1 million, at a loss; he had paid $2.67 million for the house in 2005.[246]

Health problems

[edit]

Cheney's long histories of cardiovascular disease and periodic need for urgent health care raised questions of whether he was medically fit to serve in public office.[247] Having smoked approximately three packs of cigarettes per day for nearly 20 years,[248] Cheney had his first of five heart attacks on June 18, 1978,[249] at age 37. Subsequent heart attacks in 1984, 1988, 2000, and 2010 resulted in the moderate contractile dysfunction of his left ventricle.[250] He underwent four-vessel coronary artery bypass grafting in 1988, coronary artery stenting in November 2000, urgent coronary balloon angioplasty in March 2001, and the implantation of a implantable cardioverter-defibrillator in June 2001.[251]

On September 24, 2005, Cheney underwent a six-hour endo-vascular procedure to repair popliteal artery aneurysms bilaterally, a catheter treatment technique used in the artery behind each knee.[252] The condition was discovered at a regular physical in July, and was not life-threatening.[253] Cheney was hospitalized for tests after experiencing shortness of breath five months later. In late April 2006, an ultrasound revealed that the clot was smaller.[252]

On March 5, 2007, Cheney was treated for deep vein thrombosis in his left leg at George Washington University Hospital after experiencing pain in his left calf. Doctors prescribed blood-thinning medication and allowed him to return to work.[254] CBS News reported that during the morning of November 26, 2007, Cheney was diagnosed with atrial fibrillation and underwent treatment that afternoon.[252] On July 12, 2008, Cheney underwent a cardiology exam; doctors reported that his heartbeat was normal for a 67-year-old man with a history of heart problems. As part of his annual checkup, he was administered an electrocardiogram and radiological imaging of the stents placed in the arteries behind his knees in 2005. Doctors said that Cheney had not experienced any recurrence of atrial fibrillation and that his special pacemaker had neither detected nor treated any heart arrhythmia.[255] On October 15, 2008, Cheney returned to the hospital briefly to treat a minor irregularity.[256]

On January 19, 2009, Cheney strained his back "while moving boxes into his new house," according to a White House statement. As a consequence, he was in a wheelchair for two days, including his attendance at the 2009 United States presidential inauguration.[257][258] On February 22, 2010, Cheney was admitted to George Washington University Hospital after experiencing chest pains. A spokesperson later said Cheney had experienced a mild heart attack after doctors had run tests.[259] On June 25, 2010, Cheney was admitted to George Washington University Hospital after reporting discomfort.[260]

In early-July 2010, Cheney was outfitted with a left-ventricular assist device (LVAD) at Inova Fairfax Heart and Vascular Institute to compensate for worsening congestive heart failure.[261] The device pumped blood continuously through his body.[262][263] He was released from Inova on August 9, 2010,[264] and had to decide whether to seek a full heart transplant.[265][266] This pump was centrifugal and as a result he remained alive without a pulse for nearly fifteen months.[267]

External videos
video icon Presentation by Cheney and Jonathan Reiner on Heart: An American Medical Odyssey, December 2, 2013, C-SPAN

On March 24, 2012, Cheney underwent a seven-hour heart transplant procedure at Inova Fairfax Hospital in Woodburn, Virginia. He had been on a waiting list for more than 20 months before receiving the heart from an anonymous donor.[268][269] Cheney's principal cardiologist, Jonathan Reiner, advised his patient that "it would not be unreasonable for an otherwise healthy 71-year-old man to expect to live another 10 years" with a transplant, saying in a family-authorized interview that he considered Cheney to be otherwise healthy.[270] Cheney and Reiner later collaborated on a book published in 2013 by Simon & Schuster, Heart: An American Medical Odyssey -- The Story of a Patient, a Doctor, and 35 Years of Medical Innovation.[271][272]

Hunting and fishing

[edit]

On February 11, 2006, Cheney accidentally shot Harry Whittington, a then-78-year-old Texas attorney, while participating in a quail hunt at Armstrong ranch in Kenedy County, Texas.[273] Secret Service agents and medical aides, who were traveling with Cheney, came to Whittington's assistance and treated his birdshot wounds to his right cheek, neck, and chest. An ambulance standing by for the Vice President took Whittington to nearby Kingsville before he was flown by helicopter to Corpus Christi Memorial Hospital. The incident was the subject of jokes and satire and hurt Cheney's popularity.[274][275] According to polls two weeks after the accident, Cheney's approval rating dropped 5 percentage points to 18%.[276]

Like other members of his family, Cheney was a passionate fisherman, especially fly fishing on the Snake River. His frequent boatmate, Dick Scarlett, said that he was very good, "Dick can place a fly on a saucer at 40 feet."[277] While vice president, he was pressed for time but still spent about ten days a year on the water and his Secret Service code name was "Angler". He had a library of about a hundred books about fishing including classics such as Ernest Schwiebert's Trout and Izaak Walton's The Compleat Angler. He liked to fish in silence and was stoic about the occasional injury such as being hooked by another fisherman's fly.[277][30]

Death and funeral

[edit]
Cheney's funeral service, attended by former presidents George W. Bush and Joe Biden, and former vice presidents Dan Quayle, Al Gore, Mike Pence and Kamala Harris; November 20, 2025.

Cheney died at his home in McLean, Virginia on the evening of November 3, 2025, at the age of 84.[19][20][278][279] He had been experiencing complications related to pneumonia and vascular disease.[18]

Former president George W. Bush issued a statement praising Cheney as "among the finest public servants of his generation – a patriot who brought integrity, high intelligence, and seriousness of purpose to every position he held".[280] The other living former presidents, Bill Clinton, Barack Obama, and Joe Biden (also Cheney's successor as vice president), as well as former vice presidents Dan Quayle, Al Gore, Mike Pence, and Kamala Harris issued their own statements honoring Cheney.[281][282][283][284] President Donald Trump did not issue a statement after his death was announced, and Vice President JD Vance waited until the day of Cheney's funeral to make a statement.[283][285][286] After being questioned about Trump's lack of a comment regarding Cheney's death, Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt stated that Trump was "aware" that Cheney had died without elaborating any further.[287] Senate majority leader John Thune said that the Republican leadership reviewed the possibility of having Cheney lying in state at the U.S. Capitol Rotunda.[288] U.S. flags at the White House were lowered in Cheney's honor on the day of his death.[289] Some states including South Carolina, North Carolina, Missouri, Ohio, and Delaware lowered flags after Cheney's death announcement and kept them lowered until the date of his interment.[290]

Online, some commentators such as Alex Jones and Omar Suleiman denounced Cheney as a mass murderer and war criminal who faced no prosecution while alive.[291][292]

External videos
video icon Funeral of Vice President Dick Cheney, November 20, 2025, C-SPAN

Cheney's funeral was held at Washington National Cathedral in Washington, D.C., on November 20.[293] It marked only the second time a vice president had their funeral held at the cathedral.[294] Family members present included his widow Lynne, his two daughters, and his daughter Liz's children.[295] Former presidents Joe Biden and George W. Bush were in attendance along with former first ladies Jill Biden and Laura Bush.[296][297] Former vice presidents Kamala Harris, Mike Pence, Al Gore and Dan Quayle also attended the service along with former second ladies Marilyn Quayle and Karen Pence. Former second gentleman Doug Emhoff declined to attend.

House members attending included Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi and U.S. representatives Debbie Dingell of Michigan, Jamie Raskin of Maryland, Bennie Thompson of Mississippi and a number of senators, including Majority Leader John Thune, Cynthia Lummis and John Barrasso of Wyoming, Adam Schiff of California, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, John Boozman of Arkansas, Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, Kevin Cramer of North Dakota, Shelley Moore Capito of West Virginia, and Roger Wicker of Mississippi.[298] U.S. Supreme Court justices in attendance included Chief Justice John Roberts, associate justices Clarence Thomas, Elena Kagan and Brett Kavanaugh, and retired justice Anthony Kennedy.[299]

Cheney's daughter Liz, three of his grandchildren, Bush, former NBC News correspondent Pete Williams and Cheney's former cardiologist Jonathan Reiner delivered eulogies.[300][301] Rev. Randolph Hollerith closed the service with a homily.[300] Former president Bill Clinton declined to attend due to his attending an event in Arkansas celebrating the 75th anniversary of the Arkansas governor's mansion.[302] Former president Barack Obama also declined to attend.[303] President Donald Trump and Vice President JD Vance were not invited.[304] Former first ladies Hillary Clinton and Michelle Obama declined to attend as well.[296]

Works

[edit]
  • Clausen, Aage R.; Cheney, Richard B. (March 1970). "A Comparative Analysis of Senate–House Voting on Economic and Welfare Policy, 1953–1964*". American Political Science Review. 64 (1): 138–152. doi:10.2307/1955618. ISSN 0003-0554. JSTOR 1955618. S2CID 154337342. Archived from the original on August 17, 2017. Retrieved June 8, 2017 – via Cambridge Core.
  • Cheney, Richard B.; Cheney, Lynne V. (1983). Kings of the Hill: Power and Personality in the House of Representatives. New York: Continuum. ISBN 0-8264-0230-5.
  • Cheney, Dick (1997). Professional Military Education: An Asset for Peace and Progress. Directed and edited by Bill Taylor. Washington, D.C.: Center for Strategic & International Studies. ISBN 0-89206-297-5. OCLC 36929146.
  • Cheney, Dick; et al. (with Liz Cheney) (2011). In My Time: A Personal and Political Memoir. New York: Threshold Editions. ISBN 978-1-4391-7619-1.
  • Cheney, Dick; Reiner, Jonathan; et al. (with Liz Cheney) (2013). Heart: An American Medical Odyssey. New York: Scribner. ISBN 978-1-4767-2539-0.
  • Cheney, Dick; Cheney, Liz (2015). Exceptional: Why the World Needs a Powerful America. New York: Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-1-5011-1541-7.

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Bibliography

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Richard Bruce Cheney (born January 30, 1941; died November 3, 2025) was an American politician and businessman who served as the 46th vice president of the United States from 2001 to 2009 under President George W. Bush. Prior to that, he held key roles including White House Chief of Staff under President Gerald Ford from 1975 to 1977, U.S. Representative from Wyoming from 1979 to 1989, where he rose to House Minority Whip, and Secretary of Defense under President George H. W. Bush from 1989 to 1993. As Secretary of Defense, Cheney directed the rapid buildup and execution of Operation Desert Shield and Desert Storm, expelling Iraqi forces from Kuwait in 1991 with minimal U.S. casualties relative to the operation's scale, earning him the Presidential Medal of Freedom. Between government service, from 1995 to 2000, Cheney served as chief executive officer of Halliburton Company, during which the firm grew revenues despite declining oil prices through diversification into services like asset management and international operations. In the Bush administration, Cheney played a central role in national security decisions following the September 11, 2001, attacks, advocating for the invasion of Iraq in 2003 on grounds including intelligence assessments of weapons of mass destruction and ties to terrorism—claims later undermined by the absence of such weapons—and supporting expanded executive powers and interrogation methods deemed necessary for intelligence gathering amid ongoing threats. His influence has been described as unprecedented for a vice president, shaping policies on the war on terror, though drawing criticism for alleged overreach and ties to Halliburton's wartime contracts, which benefited from non-competitive bidding processes without evidence of direct personal impropriety.

Early Life and Education

Childhood and Family

Richard Bruce Cheney was born on January 30, 1941, in Lincoln, Nebraska, to Richard Herbert Cheney, a civil service employee with the U.S. Department of Agriculture's Soil Conservation Service, and Marjorie Lorraine Dickey Cheney. The family relocated to Casper, Wyoming, around 1954 when Cheney was about 13 years old, following his father's job transfer to the region's oil fields and federal conservation efforts. In Casper, a rough-and-ready oil boomtown, the Cheneys settled into a modest, stable household emphasizing self-reliance and hard work, values reinforced by the father's steady government role amid Wyoming's rugged frontier ethos. Cheney's father, described by his son as "utterly stable," provided a model of dependable public service despite being a Democrat, while the sparse population and outdoor demands of the area—hunting, fishing, and resource extraction—fostered an early appreciation for individual initiative over expansive government intervention. Cheney's youth included brushes with authority, notably two driving while intoxicated convictions in Wyoming: the first in November 1962 in Cheyenne at age 21, and a second the following year. These incidents, occurring amid his early adulthood transitions, prompted personal reckoning, as Cheney later attributed them to prompting greater responsibility and focus.

Academic Background and Early Influences

Cheney entered Yale University in 1959 on an academic scholarship but departed after two and a half years in 1962 without a degree, having struggled with coursework that led to failing grades and the loss of his funding. He returned to Wyoming, where he worked physically demanding jobs, including as a power lineman installing transmission lines, experiences that exposed him to the rigors of blue-collar labor amid Casper's harsh economic conditions. These setbacks prompted a reassessment, as his high school sweetheart Lynne Vincent urged him to resume education, warning she had no interest in marrying someone forgoing higher ambitions for manual work. In 1963, Cheney enrolled at Casper College for foundational coursework before transferring to the University of Wyoming, earning a Bachelor of Arts in political science in 1965 and a Master of Arts in the same discipline in 1966. He and Vincent, whom he had known since high school, married on August 29, 1964, in Casper; their relationship provided stability during his academic recovery, with Vincent pursuing her own graduate studies alongside him. Cheney's trajectory at Wyoming reflected a shift toward disciplined focus, yielding consecutive degrees in under three years after prior interruptions. Throughout his extended student years spanning Yale and Wyoming, Cheney secured five draft deferments from Selective Service during the Vietnam War escalation, four classified as student exemptions (2-S) for ongoing enrollment and one hardship deferment (3-A) in 1966 following the birth of their first daughter, Elizabeth, in July of that year. By age 26 in January 1967, he was exempt from further draft eligibility, a pattern mirroring the era's systemic allowances where over half of draft-age men avoided service through educational, familial, or occupational deferments, often favoring those with access to prolonged schooling. These deferments, tied to his academic persistence and family formation rather than outright evasion, aligned with broader Selective Service practices that prioritized deferring students and dependents amid wartime manpower needs.

Early Political Career

Initial Government Roles

Cheney's entry into government service began in Wyoming, where he served as a legislative intern under Republican Governor Clifford Hansen in the mid-1960s, providing early exposure to state-level policymaking and conservative Republican networks in the Mountain West. By 1969, following completion of his graduate education, he took on the role of administrative assistant to the director of Wyoming's Office of Community Development, handling administrative duties related to local economic and planning initiatives amid the state's resource-driven economy. These positions built foundational skills in bureaucratic coordination and regional policy execution, aligning him with pragmatic Western conservatives focused on limited government intervention. Transitioning to federal service in 1969, Cheney joined the Nixon administration as a special assistant to Donald Rumsfeld, then director of the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), assisting in oversight of anti-poverty programs like Job Corps and community action agencies despite criticisms of their inefficiency and overlap with state efforts. In 1971, he moved to the Cost of Living Council as assistant director, where he helped enforce President Nixon's Phase I wage-price freeze and subsequent controls under the Economic Stabilization Act of 1970, measures that temporarily curbed double-digit inflation but drew conservative skepticism for market distortions and administrative overreach. His work under Rumsfeld, a key figure in Nixon-Ford era reforms, fostered connections within a network emphasizing fiscal restraint and executive efficiency. In 1974, amid the Watergate crisis and Nixon's resignation, Cheney followed Rumsfeld to the White House under President Ford as deputy assistant, focusing on domestic policy coordination during a period of economic stagnation and post-scandal stabilization. This role involved advising on interagency responses to inflation, energy shortages, and the pardon of Nixon, offering hands-on experience in executive operations, staff management, and navigating congressional oversight without delving into broader staffing leadership. These early positions honed Cheney's administrative acumen and reinforced his alignment with Republican priorities of deregulation and anti-inflationary discipline.

White House Chief of Staff

Richard Bruce Cheney was appointed White House Chief of Staff by President Gerald Ford on November 4, 1975, following Donald Rumsfeld's nomination as Secretary of Defense. At 34 years old, Cheney became the youngest individual to serve in the position in U.S. history. His prior role as Deputy White House Chief of Staff from December 1974 positioned him to assume leadership of the executive office staff amid ongoing post-Watergate stabilization efforts. As Chief of Staff, Cheney coordinated White House operations during a period of political turbulence, including the management of legislative relations as Congress overrode 12 of Ford's 66 vetoes between 1975 and 1976. He facilitated the administration's implementation of the Helsinki Accords, signed by Ford in August 1975, which aimed to promote security and cooperation in Europe despite domestic criticisms of conceding to Soviet influence. Cheney's tenure emphasized efficient crisis response, as evidenced by his involvement in high-level meetings addressing international incidents, such as the 1976 assassinations of U.S. diplomats in Beirut. He cultivated working relationships across party lines to advance Ford's agenda in a divided Congress. Cheney supported Ford's September 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon, viewing it as essential to prevent prolonged national division, though the decision occurred before his Chief of Staff appointment. His loyalty to Ford extended through the 1976 presidential campaign, where the incumbent faced challenges from both Jimmy Carter and internal Republican dynamics. Following Ford's narrow election defeat on November 2, 1976, Cheney departed the White House on January 20, 1977, returning to Wyoming to engage in state-level political activities.

Congressional Service

Elections and Constituency

In the 1978 election for Wyoming's at-large U.S. House seat, Richard Cheney secured the Republican nomination in a three-way primary, demonstrating grassroots appeal after building his profile through prior government service outside the state. He then defeated Democratic nominee Bill Bagley in the general election on November 7, with 75,855 votes (58.6 percent) to Bagley's 53,522 (41.4 percent), succeeding retiring Democratic incumbent Teno Roncalio and entering Congress on January 3, 1979. Cheney was reelected five times—in 1980, 1982, 1984, 1986, and 1988—with margins typically exceeding 60 percent and reaching up to 70 percent in later contests, reflecting sustained voter loyalty in the reliably Republican state. These victories underscored his alignment with constituency priorities, including fiscal restraint amid Wyoming's resource-based economy, and his avoidance of primary challenges after 1978. Wyoming's at-large district encompasses the entire state, a sparsely populated, rural area heavily reliant on energy production, including coal, crude oil, and natural gas extraction, which account for a significant portion of its economy and federal land management concerns. Cheney's representation emphasized stewardship of public lands for resource development, consistent with fiscal conservative principles that prioritized economic viability over expansive regulation, fostering district loyalty through targeted advocacy for Western resource interests.

Legislative Priorities and Votes

During his tenure in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1979 to 1989, Dick Cheney prioritized policies aligned with limited government intervention, fiscal conservatism, and robust national defense, reflecting a commitment to Reagan-era principles of tax reduction and military strength. He consistently supported measures to cut taxes and deregulate the economy, voting in favor of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, which reduced marginal income tax rates by 25% over three years and indexed brackets for inflation. Cheney also backed balanced budget amendments, including efforts in the mid-1980s to impose constitutional limits on federal deficits through spending restraints, emphasizing empirical evidence that unchecked deficits eroded economic stability. Cheney's voting record demonstrated strong opposition to expansions of gun control and abortion rights, maintaining a pro-life stance by voting against federal funding for abortions and measures broadening access, such as those tied to Medicaid expansions. On Second Amendment issues, he opposed bans on certain ammunition and firearms, including votes against restrictions on "cop-killer" bullets and plastic guns, arguing such measures infringed on constitutional rights without proven causal reductions in crime. His American Conservative Union (ACU) ratings averaged above 90%, reaching 100% in three of his final four years, underscoring adherence to conservative priorities over bipartisan compromise optics. In defense matters, Cheney advocated for Reagan's military buildup, supporting increased funding that raised defense spending from 4.9% of GDP in 1980 to 6.2% by 1986 to counter Soviet capabilities, based on assessments of strategic deterrence efficacy. He voted repeatedly for production of the MX Peacekeeper missile, reversing earlier reservations after strategic reviews confirmed its necessity for maintaining nuclear parity amid Soviet ICBM advancements, prioritizing verifiable threat assessments over initial cost concerns. These positions favored empirical data on deterrence outcomes and limited government scope, avoiding expansive social programs that lacked demonstrated long-term benefits.

Committee Assignments and Leadership

Dick Cheney served on the House Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, the House Committee on Agriculture, and the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence during his congressional tenure from 1979 to 1989. These assignments positioned him to address Wyoming's resource-dependent economy, agricultural interests, and national security intelligence, fostering expertise in energy policy and threat assessment that influenced his later career. On the Interior Committee, he prioritized federal land use reforms favoring extraction industries over expansive regulatory frameworks, reflecting a preference for economic pragmatism grounded in regional needs. In leadership roles, Cheney chaired the House Republican Policy Committee from 1981 to 1987, where he shaped party positions on defense and foreign policy, including advocacy for robust military spending to counter the Soviet Union's enduring nuclear and conventional threats, even as détente signals emerged under Gorbachev. He warned of persistent Soviet expansionism and intelligence gaps, supporting Reagan-era buildups that emphasized deterrence over unilateral disarmament. Elected House Minority Whip in 1988 for the 101st Congress, he managed Republican floor strategy until his 1989 departure, enforcing discipline on votes advancing market-oriented energy policies that resisted environmental mandates seen as economically disruptive. Cheney's Intelligence Committee service provided early insights into Middle East volatility, including Iranian influence and proxy conflicts, reinforced by his 1987 role on the joint Iran-Contra investigation panel, where he defended executive prerogatives in covert actions while critiquing congressional overreach. These experiences underscored his realism on regional instability, prioritizing U.S. strategic leverage amid oil-dependent alliances and terror risks predating 9/11.

Secretary of Defense

Appointment and Reforms

President George H. W. Bush nominated Richard B. Cheney, then the House Republican Whip from Wyoming, as Secretary of Defense on March 10, 1989, following the Senate's rejection of John Tower's nomination amid controversy over personal conduct and alleged conflicts of interest. The Senate confirmed Cheney unanimously by a vote of 92-0 on March 17, 1989, with no significant opposition noted in hearings focused on his congressional experience in defense matters. He assumed office on March 21, 1989, inheriting a Department of Defense bloated by Reagan-era expansions, with procurement costs exceeding $100 billion annually and infrastructure strained by the tail end of Cold War force posture. Cheney's early tenure emphasized efficiency reforms amid the accelerating dissolution of the Soviet Union, which rendered massive U.S. forces geared toward global superpower confrontation increasingly mismatched to emerging threats like regional aggressions. He advanced the Base Realignment and Closure (BRAC) process, originally authorized in 1988, by proposing closures and realignments in subsequent rounds (1991, 1993, and 1995) that ultimately eliminated over 350 major installations, saving an estimated $5.6 billion annually in operating costs while redirecting resources to active-duty readiness. These actions faced resistance from Congress and local interests protective of jobs but proceeded via independent commissions to insulate decisions from political pressure. To streamline procurement, Cheney issued a July 1989 Defense Management Report that consolidated contract administration under a single entity, reducing duplication across military branches and aiming to curb cost overruns in a system criticized for inefficiency. He also directed cuts to hundreds of underperforming weapons programs, including halting or scaling back initiatives deemed redundant post-Cold War, such as excess tactical aircraft and naval vessels, while prioritizing modernization of core capabilities like precision-guided munitions. Organizational overhauls under his leadership restructured oversight roles to enhance accountability, shifting focus from expansive force growth to a leaner "Base Force" doctrine oriented toward deterring two major regional contingencies without overextension. These reforms, grounded in empirical assessments of fiscal sustainability and strategic pivots, positioned the Pentagon for a smaller but more agile posture amid budget pressures projected to decline 25% by mid-decade.

Gulf War Strategy and Execution

As Secretary of Defense, Dick Cheney coordinated the U.S. military response to Iraq's invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990, which overran the country within hours. Under President George H.W. Bush's direction, Cheney worked with General Colin Powell, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, to assemble a coalition of 34 nations, including several Arab states, authorized by United Nations Security Council Resolution 678 on November 29, 1990, to use "all necessary means" to restore Kuwait's sovereignty after January 15, 1991. Operation Desert Shield began on August 7, 1990, with the rapid deployment of over 500,000 U.S. troops and allied forces to Saudi Arabia to deter further Iraqi advances and build up capabilities. Following Iraq's failure to withdraw, Operation Desert Storm commenced on January 17, 1991, with a 39-day air campaign targeting Iraqi command, control, and military infrastructure, severely degrading Republican Guard divisions and air defenses. The ground offensive, launched on February 24, 1991, employed a "left hook" maneuver through the western desert to outflank Iraqi defenses, liberating Kuwait in a 100-hour assault that routed Iraqi forces and destroyed much of their armored capabilities. Cheney emphasized limited objectives focused on ejecting Iraqi troops from Kuwait rather than pursuing regime change in Baghdad, arguing that advancing further would entangle U.S. forces in a prolonged occupation amid Iraq's ethnic divisions and potential insurgency, leading to higher casualties without clear strategic gains. This approach yielded empirical success, with U.S. combat deaths totaling 148 amid over 697,000 deployed troops, far below pre-war estimates of tens of thousands, while Iraqi military losses exceeded 20,000 killed and 75,000 captured. The coalition's decisive action demonstrated the efficacy of overwhelming force and multinational coordination against unprovoked aggression, containing Saddam Hussein's ambitions without destabilizing the region through overreach. In the war's aftermath, Cheney supported the implementation of no-fly zones—Operation Provide Comfort in the north starting April 1991 to protect Kurds from reprisals, and Operation Southern Watch in the south from August 1991 to shield Shiites—enforced by U.S. and allied air patrols to prevent Iraqi aerial attacks on civilian populations. Accompanying UN Security Council Resolution 687, comprehensive sanctions were imposed to dismantle Iraq's weapons of mass destruction programs and enforce containment, restricting regime resources while allowing humanitarian exceptions, thereby sustaining pressure on Saddam without committing ground forces to nation-building. These measures maintained regional stability and deterred further invasions until the 2003 Iraq War.

Budget and Military Modernization

As Secretary of Defense from 1989 to 1993, Richard Cheney implemented substantial post-Cold War reductions in U.S. military personnel and spending to align forces with diminished Soviet threats while pursuing fiscal restraint. The active-duty end strength declined by approximately 25% over five years, from 2.2 million personnel in 1989 to about 1.6 million by the mid-1990s, with the Army experiencing a 25.8% cut from 770,000 to 572,000 soldiers. These drawdowns, planned in June 1990, were paired with a 10% reduction in military spending to achieve efficiencies without compromising core capabilities. Defense budgets reflected this discipline, with total obligational authority falling from $291.3 billion in fiscal year (FY) 1990 to $269.9 billion in FY 1993, including an initial $10 billion cut to the proposed FY 1990 budget exceeding $300 billion. Cheney's FY 1993 proposal incorporated $50 billion in five-year savings compared to prior baselines, yielding cumulative reductions of $180 billion from FY 1992 through FY 1994 through targeted efficiencies like management streamlining, which alone saved $2.3 billion in FY 1991. He resisted congressional pressures for deeper slashes—advocating only a 10% budget cut versus proposals exceeding 25%—to prevent a "hollow force" of under-equipped units, emphasizing sustained readiness amid the transition to regional contingencies. Concurrently, Cheney directed modernization efforts toward high-technology assets, prioritizing precision-guided munitions and enhanced intelligence systems to offset personnel cuts with qualitative edges. These investments built on existing programs, as evidenced by the effective deployment of precision weapons in the 1991 Gulf War, which Cheney cited as validating the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA)—a paradigm shift leveraging advanced sensors, targeting, and strike capabilities for efficient power projection. By curtailing legacy systems like the B-2 bomber (capped at 20 aircraft) and redirecting funds, his approach laid foundational RMA elements, balancing fiscal savings exceeding $100 billion in efficiencies with preserved combat effectiveness against emerging threats.

Private Sector Career

Halliburton Leadership

In 1995, following his resignation as U.S. Secretary of Defense, Dick Cheney was appointed chairman and chief executive officer of Halliburton Company, a Dallas-based provider of oilfield services, engineering, and construction to the global energy industry. During his tenure through July 2000, Cheney focused on strategic acquisitions and operational expansion to capitalize on recovering oil demand post-1990s price slumps, including the $7.7 billion merger with Dresser Industries in September 1998, which integrated advanced technologies in drilling fluids, cementing, and subsurface evaluation. This deal, the largest in the sector's history at the time, bolstered Halliburton's engineering and project management divisions, enabling service to over 100 countries and navigating volatility from oil prices dipping below $10 per barrel in 1998 before rebounding. Under Cheney's leadership, Halliburton revenues grew from $5.8 billion in 1995 to $11.9 billion by 1999, driven by diversification into liquefied natural gas projects and enhanced logging-while-drilling tools that improved extraction efficiency in challenging environments. The company's stock price, trading around $12 per share in early 1996 (pre-split adjusted), reached highs near $25 by late 1997, reflecting more than a doubling in value amid investor recognition of its technological edge over competitors reliant on state subsidies. Cheney emphasized private-sector incentives, such as performance-based incentives and reduced bureaucratic overhead, to foster innovation in hydraulic fracturing precursors and deepwater capabilities, contrasting with government-dependent models in national oil companies. Cheney's compensation included a 1998 deferred salary arrangement of approximately $800,000, paid annually in installments starting post-resignation to align with long-term company performance, alongside unexercised stock options valued at millions upon his 2000 departure. This structure, insured against market downturns, yielded about $150,000–$200,000 yearly through the early 2000s, but faced post-tenure allegations of undue enrichment from energy sector ties, though analyses attribute Halliburton's gains primarily to commercial efficiencies rather than political favoritism during his CEO years. Critics, including congressional Democrats, highlighted the firm's tax strategies expanding offshore subsidiaries from 9 to 44, which lowered effective rates, yet these moves exemplified standard corporate adaptation to global competition in a capital-intensive industry.

Energy Policy Insights and Business Success

As chief executive officer of Halliburton from 1995 to 2000, Dick Cheney led the $7.7 billion stock merger with Dresser Industries, completed on September 29, 1998, which positioned the combined entity as the world's largest oilfield services and products provider. This acquisition doubled Halliburton's size amid a period of depressed oil prices, averaging approximately $12 per barrel in 1998, compelling a strategic emphasis on cost reductions and technological advancements in drilling and exploration services. Cheney's oversight included acquisitions like Landmark Graphics in 1996 for seismological software and Numel in 1997 for drilling equipment, fostering innovations that improved extraction efficiencies during market downturns. These initiatives enhanced Halliburton's global supply chain resilience, with overseas revenue share rising from 51% to 68% by 2000, supporting overall operational expansion without documented irregularities in core business practices. This tenure provided Cheney with firsthand knowledge of energy sector dynamics, including the necessity of sustained investment in production technologies to counter supply vulnerabilities, insights that informed his advocacy for U.S. energy independence via policies promoting domestic output growth. In 1999, Cheney highlighted in a speech to the Institute of Petroleum the enduring role of oil and gas, underscoring technological efficiencies as key to meeting rising global demand projected to increase 50% by 2020. Such perspectives aligned with empirical trends, as U.S. crude oil production capacity benefited from service sector innovations that later facilitated expansions from 5.8 million barrels per day in 2000 toward higher levels through enhanced recovery methods.

2000 Election and Vice Presidency

Selection as Running Mate

George W. Bush, having secured the Republican presidential nomination, tasked Dick Cheney with leading the vice presidential search committee in the spring of 2000. Cheney, then serving as a Halliburton executive and drawing on his prior roles in the Ford and George H. W. Bush administrations, vetted a roster of potential candidates including former Senators John Danforth and Elizabeth Dole, requiring them to complete detailed 83-question questionnaires probing personal finances, health, and political vulnerabilities. Despite initially positioning himself outside the finalist pool, Cheney emerged as Bush's preferred choice after private deliberations, with the decision reportedly finalized by mid-July following Bush's personal screening of Cheney. Bush formally announced Cheney's selection as running mate on July 25, 2000, during an event in Casper, Wyoming, emphasizing Cheney's decades of public service, including his tenure as Secretary of Defense from 1989 to 1993 and White House Chief of Staff from 1975 to 1977. To address potential constitutional hurdles under the Twelfth Amendment, which bars presidential electors from casting votes for both candidates from the same state, Cheney re-established his residency in Wyoming—his native state and former congressional district—by changing his voter registration there on July 21, 2000, despite having lived primarily in Texas for years. This maneuver ensured ballot access nationwide, as Wyoming's minimal three electoral votes posed negligible risk compared to Texas's larger delegation. Cheney's selection provided Bush's ticket with seasoned national security expertise and institutional loyalty, countering Al Gore's advantage as the sitting vice president with eight years of White House exposure. Bush praised Cheney as a "steady hand" whose foreign policy credentials, forged during the Gulf War and congressional leadership on defense committees, would stabilize the campaign against Democratic attacks on Bush's relative inexperience in international affairs. This pairing balanced Bush's image as a reform-minded governor with Cheney's Washington insider gravitas, fostering perceptions of a competent, unified Republican leadership capable of restoring traditional conservative priorities.

Campaign Contributions

During the 2000 vice presidential campaign, Cheney participated in a single debate against Democratic nominee Senator Joseph Lieberman on October 5 at Centre College in Danville, Kentucky. The exchange was noted for its civility, with Cheney defending the Bush ticket's positions on taxes, defense, and foreign policy while critiquing the Clinton-Gore administration's perceived weaknesses, particularly in military readiness and international leadership. He highlighted the need to restore American strength abroad, arguing that the prior eight years had seen declining defense budgets and inadequate responses to global threats. Cheney also addressed scrutiny over his congressional voting record from 1979 to 1989, which included opposition to certain gun control measures, environmental regulations, and abortion rights expansions—positions Democrats labeled as extreme. In media appearances and the debate, he countered by emphasizing his executive experience as Defense Secretary and the pragmatic conservatism of the Bush platform, framing his record as consistent with fiscal restraint and national security priorities rather than ideological rigidity. To counter concerns about his health, Cheney transparently released detailed medical records in July 2000, documenting five prior heart attacks since 1978 but affirming his fitness for office through rigorous evaluations by cardiologists. Physicians reported he maintained a vigorous lifestyle with medication management, and despite a minor heart attack on November 22—attributed to a treadmill stress test—subsequent tests showed no lasting damage, allowing him to continue campaigning. Post-election, as Florida's vote tally triggered recounts amid irregularities like punch-card errors and the Palm Beach butterfly ballot, Cheney advised the Bush campaign on legal strategy, coordinating with attorneys challenging selective manual recounts for violating equal protection standards. On December 3, he publicly urged Vice President Al Gore to concede, asserting Bush's certified victory based on state law and canvassing board decisions. The U.S. Supreme Court's 5-4 ruling in Bush v. Gore on December 12 halted further recounts, citing inconsistent standards that risked disparate treatment of votes, thereby securing Florida's 25 electoral votes and the presidency for Bush. Cheney's role extended to leading the transition team, ensuring continuity despite the 39-day delay.

Vice Presidency Under George W. Bush

Expansion of Vice Presidential Role

Dick Cheney's vice presidency marked a significant expansion of the office's influence, enabled by President George W. Bush's deliberate delegation of authority and the inherent flexibility of the vice presidential role under the U.S. Constitution, which assigns limited formal duties but allows for substantial advisory and operational involvement at the president's discretion. Bush, valuing Cheney's extensive experience in government including stints as White House chief of staff, congressman, and secretary of defense, granted him unprecedented access to decision-making processes from the outset of the administration in January 2001. This arrangement positioned Cheney as a de facto prime minister-like figure, participating routinely in high-level deliberations without the need to build credibility as some predecessors had. Cheney assumed leadership of key policy councils, most notably chairing the National Energy Policy Development Group established by executive order on January 29, 2001, which shaped the administration's energy strategy through interagency coordination and external consultations. He also attended National Security Council (NSC) and principals meetings more frequently than prior vice presidents, leveraging his proximity to Bush to influence national security and domestic policy formulation directly. This level of engagement contrasted with historical norms, where vice presidents typically played marginal roles unless elevated by specific circumstances, allowing Cheney to streamline inter-branch coordination and policy development. Central to Cheney's approach was advocacy for the unitary executive theory, which posits that the president holds sole authority over the executive branch to ensure unified and efficient implementation of policy, rather than as a means of unchecked expansion. This framework, rooted in interpretations of Article II of the Constitution, facilitated rapid decision-making, particularly in the immediate aftermath of the September 11, 2001, attacks, where Cheney's involvement helped consolidate executive responses amid heightened national security demands. Empirical outcomes included accelerated policy integration across agencies, demonstrating the practical benefits of centralized authority in crisis scenarios without altering the constitutional balance of powers.

Post-9/11 National Security Leadership

On September 11, 2001, following the hijackings and crashes into the World Trade Center and Pentagon, Vice President Cheney was evacuated from the White House to the Presidential Emergency Operations Center (PEOC) beneath it around 9:37 a.m. From the PEOC, Cheney assumed a central role in coordinating the immediate national response, including authorizing the U.S. military to shoot down any additional hijacked civilian airliners approaching Washington, D.C., a decision made within the first hour of the attacks. He also directed the evacuation of key congressional leaders, such as House Speaker Dennis Hastert, to secure facilities to ensure continuity of government. Cheney prioritized shifting U.S. national security from reactive measures to proactive prevention of future attacks, emphasizing intelligence gathering and disruption of terrorist networks. He strongly supported the USA PATRIOT Act, signed into law on October 26, 2001, which expanded federal surveillance powers, facilitated information sharing among law enforcement and intelligence agencies, and aimed to detect and prevent terrorist plots domestically. Under the policies implemented, including enhanced domestic monitoring defended by Cheney, the United States experienced no major foreign-directed terrorist attacks on its soil comparable to 9/11 during the remainder of the Bush administration. Cheney advocated for a doctrine of preemption in national security strategy, articulated in the 2002 National Security Strategy, which justified anticipatory action against emerging threats rather than awaiting attacks. He argued this approach was essential given the nature of non-state actors like al-Qaeda, stating in public remarks that regimes or entities harboring terrorists would be treated as hostile. Complementing this, Cheney coordinated closely with the CIA on the expansion of extraordinary rendition operations post-9/11, transferring captured al-Qaeda suspects to third countries for interrogation, which the administration credited with yielding intelligence that disrupted planned operations against the U.S.

Advocacy for Iraq War

As Vice President, Dick Cheney was a principal architect of the Bush administration's case for military action against Iraq, emphasizing Saddam Hussein's possession of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), his defiance of international obligations, and potential support for global terrorism in the wake of the September 11, 2001, attacks. Building on bipartisan support for regime change established by the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998, which declared U.S. policy to remove Saddam from power, Cheney argued that post-9/11 security imperatives necessitated decisive action to prevent Iraq from arming terrorists or reconstituting prohibited weapons programs. In a major address to the Veterans of Foreign Wars on August 26, 2002, Cheney asserted, "There is no doubt that Saddam Hussein now has weapons of mass destruction. There is no doubt he has the intention of using them," framing Iraq as a unique threat due to its history of aggression and non-compliance. Cheney's advocacy highlighted Iraq's repeated violations of United Nations Security Council resolutions, including at least 16 mandates dating back to the 1991 Gulf War ceasefire, which required verifiable disarmament and cooperation with inspectors. These violations encompassed failures to account for chemical, biological, and nuclear materials, as well as obstructions to UNSCOM and subsequent inspections under Resolution 1441 in November 2002, which found Iraq in "material breach." Post-9/11, Cheney linked Saddam's regime to terrorism by citing documented payments to families of Palestinian suicide bombers, harboring of Abu Nidal and other fugitives, and intelligence on Iraqi contacts with al-Qaeda affiliates, arguing that such ties posed an unacceptable risk of WMD transfer to non-state actors. He contended that containment had eroded, with Saddam's sanctions-busting generating billions in illicit revenue to sustain dual-use capabilities and regional destabilization. The administration's position gained legislative backing through the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq Resolution of 2002, passed by the House on October 10 and the Senate on October 11, which affirmed Saddam's threat to international peace and authorized the President to enforce UN resolutions by force if necessary. Cheney testified before Congress in support, stressing that inaction would embolden rogue states and terrorists, while removal would dismantle a regime responsible for genocide, including the Anfal campaign against Kurds in 1988 that killed up to 180,000 civilians. The invasion in March 2003 achieved regime change, leading to Saddam Hussein's capture in December 2003 and execution by hanging on December 30, 2006, following conviction by the Iraqi High Tribunal for crimes against humanity in the 1982 Dujail massacre. Iraq held its first multi-party parliamentary elections on January 30, 2005, with over 8 million voters participating despite insurgent violence, establishing a transitional National Assembly and marking the end of Ba'athist totalitarianism. While subsequent instability persisted, the ouster eliminated a dictator who had invaded neighbors, suppressed uprisings with chemical weapons, and defied global non-proliferation norms for decades, thereby removing a source of state-sponsored aggression in the Middle East.

Counterterrorism Policies and Enhanced Interrogation

As Vice President, Dick Cheney played a central role in shaping post-9/11 counterterrorism policies, advocating for aggressive measures to extract intelligence from captured al-Qaeda operatives and monitor potential threats. Following the September 11, 2001 attacks, Cheney supported the CIA's use of enhanced interrogation techniques (EIT), including waterboarding, sleep deprivation, and stress positions, which were authorized by Office of Legal Counsel (OLC) memos beginning in August 2002. These memos, drafted under the Bush administration, concluded that such methods did not constitute torture under U.S. law when applied to high-value detainees like Abu Zubaydah and Khalid Sheikh Mohammed (KSM), provided they did not cause severe physical or mental harm. Cheney personally participated in principals' meetings reviewing interrogation plans, emphasizing the need for techniques that could rapidly yield actionable intelligence amid fears of imminent follow-on attacks. Declassified CIA documents and administration assessments assert that EIT produced critical intelligence disrupting specific plots. For instance, information from KSM under EIT reportedly corroborated details on Jose Padilla's planned radiological "dirty bomb" attack in the U.S., leading to his arrest in May 2002, as well as insights into al-Qaeda networks that aided in targeting figures like Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, whose operations in Iraq were curtailed through subsequent strikes informed by detainee-derived leads. Cheney has maintained that these methods "prevented a second 9/11" by providing unique details unavailable through non-coercive means, citing internal CIA reviews that credited EIT with thwarting multiple attacks, though critics, including the Democrat-led Senate Intelligence Committee's 2014 report, contested the causal links, alleging exaggerated claims amid systemic incentives for agencies to justify programs. Empirical outcomes support efficacy claims: no successful al-Qaeda-orchestrated attacks on U.S. soil occurred from 2002 onward during peak EIT use, contrasting with pre-9/11 vulnerabilities. Parallel to EIT, Cheney championed the NSA's warrantless surveillance program, initiated by presidential authorization on October 4, 2001, to intercept international communications involving suspected terrorists without prior FISA court warrants, bypassing delays in targeting fast-moving threats. This Terrorist Surveillance Program, overseen by Cheney and defended as essential for real-time intelligence, reportedly thwarted plots including overseas calls linked to al-Qaeda operatives planning U.S. strikes, per declassified Justice Department analyses. Congress later codified expanded surveillance authorities in the FISA Amendments Act of 2008, signed by President Bush on July 10, which legalized bulk metadata collection and targeted foreign intercepts, reflecting bipartisan recognition of the program's role in national security despite initial legal controversies. A key empirical indicator of these policies' impact is the absence of successful civilian airline hijackings in the U.S. since 9/11, a stark reversal from the 130+ incidents between 1968 and 1972 alone, attributable in part to intelligence-driven disruptions of aviation-focused plots combined with reinforced cockpit doors and screening. While multifaceted security enhancements contributed, declassified reviews highlight surveillance and EIT's role in preempting hijacker recruitment and logistics, yielding a causal deterrent effect against the method's proven vulnerabilities exposed on September 11.

Domestic and Economic Influence

As Vice President, Dick Cheney exercised his constitutional role as President of the Senate by casting eight tie-breaking votes, the most since the 1970s and second only to John Adams and Richard Nixon in total number. These votes advanced key domestic priorities, including the April 3, 2001, tie-breaker on a budget resolution that enabled subsequent tax cut legislation by establishing fiscal parameters for reconciliation procedures. On December 21, 2005, he broke another tie to pass a measure requiring spending offsets for new programs, aiming to curb deficits amid post-9/11 security outlays, marking his seventh such intervention. Additional votes supported judicial confirmations and fiscal restraint, reinforcing conservative priorities against a divided Senate. Cheney chaired the National Energy Policy Development Group, established January 29, 2001, which produced the National Energy Policy report on May 16, 2001, emphasizing increased domestic production through expanded drilling on federal lands, streamlined permitting, and nuclear power incentives. The policy opposed stringent regulations, rejecting higher corporate average fuel economy standards and advocating against overreliance on conservation mandates, arguing that supply expansion—via 1,300 to 1,900 new power plants and enhanced fossil fuel access—better addressed demand without stifling investment. This approach facilitated technological advances in hydraulic fracturing and horizontal drilling, contributing to a rise in U.S. crude oil production from 5.2 million barrels per day in 2001 to over 5.5 million by 2008, laying groundwork for the shale revolution that reduced import dependence from 60% in 2005 to under 40% by 2014. Economically, Cheney helped architect the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts, which lowered top marginal rates from 39.6% to 35% and reduced capital gains taxes, correlating with GDP growth averaging 2.5% annually from 2003 to 2007 despite initial deficits widened by security expenditures. He argued these cuts stimulated investment without excessive borrowing, as evidenced by federal revenues rebounding to pre-cut levels by 2006 due to broadened tax bases. By prioritizing deregulation—such as easing environmental permitting for energy projects—Cheney's influence diminished foreign leverage over U.S. policy, with net petroleum imports falling 20% from 2005 peaks by decade's end, enhancing resilience against global disruptions.

Second Term and Internal Challenges

Cheney's second term as vice president, beginning January 20, 2005, faced escalating challenges in Iraq policy amid mounting U.S. casualties and domestic criticism, yet the administration maintained commitment to military objectives without conceding to calls for phased withdrawals. In August 2006, Cheney warned that premature troop pullouts would be "ruinous," linking such moves to potential victories for insurgents and arguing that fixed timelines ignored on-the-ground realities assessed by military commanders. This stance persisted into 2007, as he criticized Democratic proposals for deadlines like an August 2008 withdrawal, asserting they undermined strategic flexibility needed for stabilization. Even after the 2006 midterm elections, where Democrats gained control of both houses of Congress—losing 30 House seats and 6 Senate seats for Republicans—the Bush-Cheney team resisted legislative pressures for timetables, opting instead for an internal strategy review that culminated in the January 2007 surge of approximately 20,000 additional troops, a concept Cheney had supported in principle during late 2006 deliberations. The November 2006 elections, driven by voter dissatisfaction with Iraq progress, introduced oversight hurdles, including investigations into administration conduct, but Cheney emphasized continuity in counterinsurgency efforts, rejecting benchmarks tied to arbitrary dates as counterproductive to empirical assessments of enemy adaptations. Pre-surge advocacy focused on bolstering forces to secure population centers, drawing from data on al-Qaeda tactics and Iraqi security force gaps, rather than political expediency. By early 2007, Cheney reiterated opposition to withdrawal frameworks in Baghdad visits, urging Iraqi leaders toward reconciliation while defending U.S. persistence against narratives of quagmire. Legal and security incidents underscored internal and external pressures. In May 2005, a federal appeals court ruled that Cheney's 2001 energy task force meetings need not disclose participant details under the Federal Advisory Committee Act, rejecting demands from environmental groups for records on industry consultations, thereby preserving executive process autonomy despite transparency lawsuits. On February 27, 2007, during an unannounced visit to Bagram Airfield in Afghanistan, a Taliban suicide bomber detonated at the perimeter gate, killing 14 to 23 people including a U.S. soldier and Afghan civilians, in an apparent assassination attempt targeting Cheney, who remained unharmed inside the base approximately one mile away. Internal administration debates over detainee policies intensified, particularly with State Department officials advocating stricter adherence to Geneva Conventions interpretations, while Cheney prioritized intelligence yields from enhanced techniques. In late 2005 and 2006, Cheney lobbied Congress for exemptions allowing CIA methods short of torture, countering State Department reservations by citing operational data from interrogations that yielded actionable intelligence on plots, such as the Jose Padilla case. These tensions resolved through the Military Commissions Act of 2006, which codified definitions excluding certain practices from cruel treatment prohibitions, reflecting Cheney's view that factual outcomes—disrupted attacks—justified calibrated approaches over uniform restrictions. Despite leaks and partisan scrutiny post-midterms, the vice president's influence sustained policy resilience, prioritizing causal links between sustained pressure and security gains over electoral shifts.

Post-Vice Presidency Activities

Political Advocacy and Criticism

Following Barack Obama's inauguration on January 20, 2009, Cheney publicly argued that the new administration's reversal of Bush-era counterterrorism measures, including plans to close the Guantanamo Bay detention facility, rendered the United States less safe by limiting effective interrogation and detention options for captured terrorists. He contended that such policies prioritized optics over security, potentially allowing dangerous detainees to be released or relocated in ways that hampered intelligence gathering. Cheney sharply criticized the 2015 Iran nuclear agreement, describing it as "madness" that would provide Iran with resources and time to develop nuclear weapons capable of reaching the U.S. homeland, while failing to curb Tehran's ballistic missile program or regional aggression. In April 2015, he labeled Obama the worst U.S. president in foreign policy history, attributing this to perceived weaknesses in handling Iran, Iraq's deterioration, and broader threats from radical Islamists. Post-presidency, Cheney initially refrained from full-throated opposition to Donald Trump but grew critical of his post-2020 election conduct. In a 2022 advertisement supporting his daughter Liz Cheney's reelection bid, Cheney called Trump a "coward" and existential threat to the republic for refusing to accept the election outcome. On September 6, 2024, Cheney announced he would vote for Kamala Harris over Trump, stating that Trump "tried to steal the last election using lies and violence to keep power and failed," rendering him unfit for office. Cheney has advocated a realist approach prioritizing U.S. strength against authoritarian adversaries, rejecting isolationism in favor of sustained engagement to deter aggression. In 2017, he highlighted escalating threats from an "aggressive China," Russia—whose election interference he condemned—and other actors, urging robust responses over withdrawal. These warnings aligned with subsequent events, including Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, and China's territorial encroachments in the South China Sea, which demonstrated the costs of perceived U.S. hesitancy.

Publications and Memoirs

Dick Cheney co-authored two principal political memoirs that furnish first-hand accounts of his governmental service and rationales for major policy choices. These volumes emphasize causal linkages in decision-making, drawing on declassified intelligence, historical precedents, and operational details to challenge prevailing media interpretations of events during his tenure. "In My Time: A Personal and Political Memoir," published August 30, 2011, by Threshold Editions, spans Cheney's career from congressional aide to vice president under George W. Bush. The book defends the 2003 Iraq invasion as sound policy predicated on intelligence assessments of Saddam Hussein's active weapons of mass destruction programs and operational ties to al-Qaeda affiliates, which Cheney argued posed an imminent threat requiring preemptive action to avert potential attacks on the United States. It critiques selective media leaks—such as those disclosing enhanced interrogation methods—as deliberate efforts to undermine Bush administration counterterrorism efficacy, asserting that such disclosures endangered sources and emboldened enemies by revealing tactical adaptations developed in response to 9/11 intelligence gaps. Cheney delineates causal chains in post-9/11 strategy, linking rapid executive responses, including the establishment of the enhanced interrogation program, to specific interrogations that yielded actionable intelligence preventing further plots, such as the disruption of a Southeast Asian airline bombing scheme. "Exceptional: Why the World Needs a Powerful America," co-authored with daughter Liz Cheney and released September 1, 2015, by Threshold Editions, contends that robust U.S. military projection deters adversary aggression by signaling resolve and capability, citing empirical outcomes like the Soviet Union's restraint during Reagan-era deployments. The book argues that since World War II, American power and leadership have been an unmatched force for the defense of freedom around the globe, with free peoples relying on U.S. support to maintain their freedoms, and that faltering in leadership may endanger world peace, referencing President Truman's views on America's global responsibility. It rebuts claims of American exceptionalism's obsolescence with data on post-World War II interventions that stabilized regions, framing America's victory in World War II as transforming the nation into freedom’s defender: "We liberated millions and achieved the greatest victory in the history of mankind, for the good of all mankind. America—the exceptional nation—had become freedom’s defender."—such as the 1991 Gulf War's containment of Iraqi expansionism—and warns that retrenchment invites escalation, as evidenced by rising threats from Iran and Russia amid perceived U.S. withdrawals. Cheney applies causal realism to critique policies perceived as conciliatory, arguing they erode deterrence by decoupling rhetoric from action, and advocates sustained power maintenance to preserve global order without reliance on multilateral consensus that dilutes efficacy. Both works, grounded in Cheney's direct involvement, counter institutional narratives—often amplified by academia and mainstream outlets—with primary evidentiary rebuttals, underscoring how initial threat assessments and power dynamics shaped outcomes more than retrospective partisan deconstructions.

Recent Positions on Successors (2009–2025)

Following his vice presidency, Cheney affirmed the effectiveness and longevity of the Bush administration's national security framework, declaring in September 2011 that the White House "got it right" in its post-9/11 strategies, which he argued had demonstrably enhanced U.S. safety despite subsequent political shifts. This reflected his view that core policies on counterterrorism and deterrence persisted in influence, even as successors like Barack Obama adjusted tactics without fully reversing foundational commitments to robust defense postures. Cheney maintained a hawkish orientation toward geopolitical adversaries, consistently advocating confrontation of threats from authoritarian regimes. On Ukraine, he criticized perceived U.S. weakness under Obama as emboldening Russian aggression, stating in March 2014 that President Vladimir Putin viewed the administration as lacking resolve, which exacerbated the Crimea crisis. This stance aligned with his broader support for bolstering allies against expansionist powers, though direct commentary on post-2022 aid packages remained limited to general endorsements of deterrence over appeasement. In a marked departure from Republican orthodoxy, Cheney positioned himself against Donald Trump as a successor figure, culminating in his September 6, 2024, announcement that he would vote for Democratic nominee Kamala Harris. He cited Trump's efforts to overturn the 2020 election results through "lies and violence" as a profound violation of constitutional oaths, asserting that Trump "can never be trusted with power again" and represented "the greatest threat to our republic" in 248 years of U.S. history. This broke sharply with GOP support for Trump, emphasizing institutional integrity over partisan loyalty, a view echoed by his daughter Liz Cheney, who had previously endorsed Harris on similar grounds. By October 2025, Cheney's public engagements remained confined to occasional commentary, with no major policy initiatives or campaign involvements reported beyond these critiques of perceived threats to democratic norms.

Major Controversies

Halliburton Contracts and Conflicts of Interest

Prior to assuming the vice presidency on January 20, 2001, Dick Cheney had served as chief executive officer of Halliburton from 1995 to 2000, during which the company's subsidiary Kellogg Brown & Root (KBR) secured the U.S. Army's Logistics Civil Augmentation Program (LOGCAP) III contract on December 20, 2001, for global support services including potential contingency operations. This indefinite-delivery/indefinite-quantity framework, valued potentially up to $48 billion over 10 years, was competitively bid among three firms and awarded based on prior performance, predating Cheney's direct involvement in administration decisions. Following the March 2003 invasion of Iraq, the Army Corps of Engineers issued task orders under LOGCAP III to KBR for logistics support, including troop sustenance and infrastructure restoration, totaling approximately $39 billion in obligations for Iraq-related work through 2011. Initial awards, such as the February 26, 2003, Restore Iraqi Oil (RIO) contract worth up to $1.2 billion (later expanded), were sole-source due to the exigency of wartime needs, where competitive bidding was deemed infeasible under federal acquisition regulations allowing urgency exceptions to prevent operational delays in securing oil fields and supply lines critical to military stabilization. Critics, including Democratic lawmakers, alleged undue influence tied to Cheney's prior role, but Department of Defense Inspector General and Government Accountability Office reviews confirmed awards stemmed from KBR's established readiness and the compressed timeline, with no documented intervention from the vice president's office. Despite the contract volume, KBR reported net losses exceeding $200 million on Iraqi fuel imports, attributed to unanticipated global price surges after initial fixed-rate bids locked in lower costs, leading to $283 million in unrecovered expenses by 2004. Pentagon audits identified $108 million in questioned fuel reimbursements for potential overpricing, prompting repayments and adjustments, yet these represented a fraction of total billings and were disputed as reflective of volatile market conditions rather than intentional gouging. Halliburton overall posted an $85 million profit from Iraq operations in 2003 amid broader company losses of $820 million, underscoring that high-volume awards did not equate to unmitigated gains, countering narratives of systemic profiteering. Cheney's financial ties involved deferred compensation from his pre-vice presidential tenure, structured as fixed annual payments totaling about $2 million over his term (e.g., $178,437 in 2003 and $194,852 in 2004), derived from a 1998 agreement independent of company performance post-departure. He retained unexercised stock options but waived rights to further benefits during office, with payments continuing as contractual obligations unaffected by government actions. Multiple federal probes, including FBI and SEC inquiries into contract awards, found no evidence of influence peddling or ethical violations by Cheney, with settlements in unrelated matters (e.g., accounting practices) involving no admission of guilt. Allegations of conflict, often amplified in partisan media despite empirical clearances, overlooked the LOGCAP program's apolitical origins and the legal firewalls separating executive oversight from procurement autonomy.

Intelligence and WMD Claims

Vice President Dick Cheney played a prominent role in articulating the intelligence assessments on Iraq's weapons of mass destruction (WMD) capabilities prior to the 2003 invasion, emphasizing in public statements that Saddam Hussein's regime possessed active chemical, biological, and nuclear programs posing an imminent threat. In a March 16, 2002, speech to the Veterans of Foreign Wars, Cheney asserted that Iraq had reconstituted its nuclear program and maintained stockpiles of banned weapons, drawing directly from ongoing intelligence evaluations shared across U.S. agencies. These claims aligned with the October 2002 National Intelligence Estimate (NIE), a consensus document coordinated by the CIA and involving input from the Departments of Energy, State, and Defense, which judged with high confidence that Iraq possessed chemical and biological weapons and was reconstituting its nuclear efforts, including high-strength aluminum tubes for centrifuges and uranium pursuits from Africa. The intelligence community's assessments relied heavily on sources like the Iraqi defector known as "Curveball," whose unverified reports of mobile biological weapons labs formed a key pillar of the biological WMD claims, though the CIA never directly interviewed him and depended on German Bundesnachrichtendienst summaries that failed to convey his unreliability. Despite later admissions by Curveball in 2011 that he fabricated details to undermine Saddam, pre-war handling reflected systemic analytical shortcomings rather than deliberate invention, as the defector's information corroborated other streams, including UNSCOM remnants and Iraqi procurement patterns. The Senate Select Committee on Intelligence's 2004 Phase I report on prewar assessments faulted the intelligence community for "groupthink," overreliance on single sources, and flawed collection—such as assuming continued stockpiling from 1990s programs without confirming destruction—but found no evidence of political pressure to fabricate or exaggerate findings for policy ends, attributing errors to professional failures shared by analysts across administrations. Post-invasion investigations by the Iraq Survey Group (ISG), culminating in the 2004 Duelfer Report, confirmed no active WMD stockpiles existed at the time of invasion, aligning with the absence of deployed weapons but validating aspects of the threat through evidence of Saddam's sustained intent and covert preservation of capabilities. The ISG documented Iraq's destruction of stockpiles in the 1990s under sanctions pressure, yet revealed ongoing deception, including hidden research archives, dual-use infrastructure like undeclared missile programs exceeding UN limits, and high-level directives to restart chemical and biological efforts once sanctions eased—actions that, per Duelfer's analysis, aimed to deter regional foes like Iran and project power. These findings underscored that while prewar estimates overestimated immediate stockpiles due to Saddam's effective concealment, the invasion dismantled a latent infrastructure poised for rapid reconstitution, preventing scenarios where relaxed sanctions could have enabled proliferation akin to unchecked 1980s programs that produced thousands of munitions. Regarding terrorism linkages, intelligence highlighted Abu Musab al-Zarqawi's pre-invasion operations in Iraq, where he established a training camp under Ansar al-Islam in the Kurdish north, facilitating al-Qaeda affiliates' transit and poison labs, with regime tolerance despite official denials. Post-invasion captures and documents affirmed Zarqawi's network as a bridge between Iraqi territory and global jihadists, confirming the assessed risk of Iraq serving as a sanctuary that the removal of Saddam eliminated, thereby disrupting potential escalations beyond isolated 1990s plots. Cheney later defended the overall intelligence framework in 2008 testimony, noting Iraq's "every intention" of resuming WMD pursuits, a view empirically supported by ISG interrogations of regime officials revealing post-1998 acceleration plans. This causal outcome—preempting reconstitution under a defiant regime—contrasts with historical appeasement precedents, such as pre-World War II allowances for German rearmament, where delayed action amplified threats, though empirical validation remains tied to the dismantled dual-use remnants rather than speculative futures. The CIA leak incident, also known as the Plame affair, arose in July 2003 when columnist Robert Novak publicly identified Valerie Plame, wife of former ambassador Joseph Wilson, as a CIA operative in a column criticizing Wilson's opposition to administration claims about Iraqi uranium purchases. Wilson's July 6, 2003, New York Times op-ed had questioned the intelligence behind President Bush's January 2003 State of the Union reference to British reports of Iraqi attempts to acquire uranium from Niger, though subsequent reviews found the "16 words" were based on multiple intelligence sources beyond Wilson's trip, which he had been sent on at Plame's suggestion per internal State Department records. The disclosure prompted scrutiny over whether it violated the Intelligence Identities Protection Act or aimed to retaliate against Wilson, but the CIA's post-investigation assessment found no evidence that Plame's exposure harmed operations, agents, or national security. Special Counsel Patrick Fitzgerald, appointed in December 2003, investigated potential leaks of classified information but identified no prosecutable violation of the Intelligence Identities Protection Act, shifting focus to process-related offenses after determining the initial disclosure originated from non-Cheney channels, specifically Deputy Secretary of State Richard Armitage, who spoke to Novak without authorization but faced no charges for the leak itself. Fitzgerald's probe examined Vice President Cheney's office due to notes suggesting awareness of Plame's role, but yielded no evidence that Cheney directed, authorized, or personally disclosed classified information about her; Cheney testified before the grand jury and FBI, consistently denying involvement in the leak to reporters. Empirical findings from the investigation revealed no conspiracy within the administration to expose Plame for political retribution, as multiple officials learned of her status independently through non-classified means, and Novak's sources included Armitage as the primary conduit, not Cheney's staff. Claims of a coordinated White House effort, often amplified in mainstream media narratives, overstated motives tied to Wilson's critique, ignoring that his Niger report had not definitively debunked the intelligence and that Plame's covert status was marginally protected at the time. The sole conviction stemmed from I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby, Cheney's chief of staff, indicted on October 28, 2005, for perjury, making false statements to the FBI, and obstruction of justice related to his accounts of discussions about Plame with reporters and officials, including denying early knowledge from Cheney and others. Libby was convicted on March 6, 2007, on all five felony counts following a trial where prosecutors argued he lied to protect Cheney, though defense evidence highlighted memory discrepancies among witnesses and no direct proof of Libby's role in the actual disclosure to Novak. Sentenced to 30 months imprisonment, a $250,000 fine, and two years probation on June 5, 2007, Libby's prison term was commuted by President Bush on July 2, 2007, sparing incarceration while upholding the conviction; President Trump issued a full pardon on April 13, 2018, citing Fitzgerald's failure to charge the leaker and perceived prosecutorial overreach in pursuing process crimes absent an underlying offense. No charges were ever brought against Cheney or other principals for the leak, underscoring that the affair produced no substantiated criminal conspiracy or classified disclosure attributable to the vice president's office.

Impeachment Attempts and Political Backlash

In April 2007, Representative Dennis Kucinich (D-OH) introduced H.Res. 333 in the U.S. House of Representatives, accusing Vice President Dick Cheney of high crimes and misdemeanors for allegedly manipulating intelligence to justify the Iraq War, including claims of Iraqi weapons of mass destruction and ties to al-Qaeda. The resolution listed 35 articles, primarily centered on deception of Congress and the public, but garnered minimal support even among Democrats. In November 2007, Kucinich forced a floor vote, but Democratic leadership, including Majority Leader Steny Hoyer, moved to refer it to the House Judiciary Committee, where it stalled without hearings or further action. A similar effort in 2008 also expired with the end of the 110th Congress on January 3, 2009, reflecting the partisan fringe nature of the push, as no bipartisan consensus emerged despite Democratic control of the House. These attempts coincided with broader political backlash from anti-war activists and segments of the media, which amplified unproven allegations of war crimes related to enhanced interrogation techniques and warrantless surveillance authorized under the Bush administration. However, such claims were countered by formal legal analyses from the Department of Justice's Office of Legal Counsel (OLC), which issued memos in 2002 and 2005 concluding that the techniques did not constitute torture under U.S. law (defined as acts causing severe physical or mental pain equivalent to organ failure or death) and were permissible under executive authority in wartime. These opinions, while later criticized and partially withdrawn, provided the constitutional and statutory basis for the policies at the time, underscoring that impeachment requires not mere policy disputes but impeachable offenses like treason or bribery, absent here. Empirically, no impeachment proceedings advanced, no Senate trial occurred, and courts did not hold Cheney personally liable for criminal conduct; challenges to related policies, such as in Hamdan v. Rumsfeld (2006), invalidated specific military commissions but affirmed broader executive detention powers under the Authorization for Use of Military Force, without deeming administration actions impeachable or prosecutable offenses. The failure of these efforts, despite sympathetic media coverage from outlets like Democracy Now, highlights their reliance on partisan rhetoric rather than verifiable evidence of constitutional violations, as subsequent investigations (e.g., Senate Intelligence Committee reports) critiqued intelligence handling but found no basis for individual criminality against Cheney.

Association with Jeffrey Epstein

Dick Cheney is not mentioned in the Jeffrey Epstein court documents, unsealed files, flight logs, little black book, or any associated records. No credible evidence or reliable reports indicate any connection or association between Dick Cheney and Jeffrey Epstein.

Legacy and Assessment

National Security Achievements

As Secretary of Defense from 1989 to 1993, Dick Cheney oversaw the planning and execution of Operation Desert Shield and Operation Desert Storm, which successfully expelled Iraqi forces from Kuwait following Iraq's invasion on August 2, 1990. The coalition of 34 nations under U.S. leadership achieved rapid victory with minimal American casualties—148 battle deaths—and restored Kuwaiti sovereignty by February 28, 1991, while demonstrating the effectiveness of precision-guided munitions and joint operations. This operation also strengthened post-war military cooperation with Gulf states, which became more receptive to U.S. basing and joint exercises. For his role, Cheney received the Presidential Medal of Freedom on July 3, 1991. In the vice presidency from 2001 to 2009, Cheney contributed to national security by advocating for expanded intelligence capabilities post-September 11, 2001, including enhanced surveillance and interrogation programs that intelligence officials credited with disrupting multiple terrorist networks. These efforts correlated with no successful large-scale foreign terrorist attacks on U.S. soil for over seven years, a period Cheney highlighted as evidence of effective countermeasures against al-Qaeda and affiliates. U.S. agencies foiled numerous plots during this time through intelligence sharing and law enforcement disruptions, such as the 2002 Lackawanna Six cell and transatlantic aircraft bomb attempts, sustaining homeland invulnerability to state-sponsored or major jihadist operations. Cheney also played a pivotal role in initiating targeted killing programs, including early CIA drone operations authorized under the Bush administration, which began with strikes in Pakistan and Yemen to eliminate al-Qaeda leaders without risking U.S. ground forces. These predated and informed the expanded drone campaign, enabling precise elimination of high-value targets like Abu Musab al-Zarqawi in 2006. In Iraq, Cheney's advocacy for regime change removed Saddam Hussein—a documented WMD user against Iran and Kurds, and proliferator to rogue actors—by 2003, eliminating a state sponsor of instability and enhancing regional deterrence against terror-enabling regimes. This action, framed as preemptive against proliferation risks, bolstered U.S. military posture and alliances in the Middle East.

Criticisms and Empirical Rebuttals

Cheney's public approval ratings, as measured by Gallup polls, declined sharply during his vice presidency, reaching lows of 18% in 2008 and hovering between 13% and 30% from 2007 onward, amid intense media scrutiny of Iraq War developments and domestic surveillance policies. These figures contrasted with initial post-9/11 highs above 60%, suggesting that sustained negative coverage in mainstream outlets, which often emphasized alleged policy failures without equivalent attention to thwarted attacks, contributed to the erosion rather than inherent policy invalidity. Empirical outcomes, such as the absence of large-scale terrorist attacks on U.S. soil for the subsequent two decades, indicate that national security measures under Cheney's influence—despite public backlash—achieved deterrence effects not captured in contemporaneous opinion data. Critics frequently cite the Iraq War's estimated U.S. budgetary costs exceeding $2 trillion, including direct military expenditures and veteran care, as evidence of imperial overreach and fiscal irresponsibility. However, this must be contextualized against Saddam Hussein's regime, which evaded U.N. sanctions through the Oil-for-Food program, generating approximately $1.7 billion in illicit kickbacks and $10.9 billion via smuggling to fund weapons programs and regional destabilization, while perpetrating genocides against Kurds and Shiites that killed hundreds of thousands. Retaining Saddam in power would have perpetuated these externalities, including ongoing sanctions enforcement costs and potential future conflicts, rendering the intervention's price not an unmitigated net loss when weighed against causal alternatives like indefinite containment, which historically failed to curb his defiance. On enhanced interrogation techniques (EIT), left-leaning critiques, exemplified by the 2014 Senate Intelligence Committee report under Democratic leadership, assert inefficacy and moral bankruptcy, claiming no unique intelligence gains. Counter-evidence from CIA operational records, however, documents EIT's role in eliciting details from detainees like Khalid Sheikh Mohammed that traced al-Qaeda's courier network, directly contributing to the intelligence chain culminating in Osama bin Laden's 2011 location and elimination—a outcome the CIA attributed to the program's coercive pressures amid time-sensitive threats. Absent such methods, standard interrogations yielded slower or incomplete results, as corroborated by declassified memos assessing EIT's marginal utility in breaking resistance among high-value targets hardened by training. Assertions of a civil liberties "apocalypse" from expansions like the Patriot Act overlook empirical realities: while surveillance authorities grew to enable bulk metadata collection, quantifiable abuses remained limited to isolated FISA court violations (fewer than 0.1% of queries per oversight reports), with no systemic erosion of core protections such as habeas corpus, free speech, or electoral integrity. Post-9/11 plots disrupted via these tools—over 50 according to FBI assessments—demonstrate causal trade-offs where heightened monitoring averted casualties without precipitating the dystopian overreach predicted by opponents, as U.S. democratic institutions endured intact through multiple election cycles and judicial challenges.

Public Opinion and Historical Ranking

Cheney has been described as one of the most polarizing vice presidents in U.S. history, with public opinion deeply divided along partisan lines. Gallup polling during his tenure revealed consistently low overall job approval ratings, peaking at around 55% favorable views in late 2003 amid post-9/11 security concerns, but declining to 36% approval by November 2005, with a polarization gap of 56 percentage points between Republican (68%) and Democratic (12%) approval. By 2007, overall approval had fallen to 30%, with 60% disapproval, and post-office surveys in 2009-2010 showed favorable ratings stabilizing at 30-36%, remaining markedly higher among Republicans (around 57%) than Democrats (12%) or independents (26%). A December 2008 CNN poll indicated that 23% of respondents viewed him as the worst vice president ever, underscoring widespread criticism tied to Iraq War policies and executive overreach. Historical rankings of vice presidents place Cheney highly for influence and power but mixed for overall effectiveness and legacy outcomes. He is frequently cited as the most powerful vice president in American history due to his extensive role in shaping national security and foreign policy under President George W. Bush, often functioning as a de facto chief policymaker. Expert assessments, such as those in scholarly surveys, rank him as a top-tier figure for decisiveness and advisory impact—particularly in counterterrorism strategy—but lower for public popularity and long-term policy results, with some placing him in mid-to-lower tiers amid debates over war costs and civil liberties. Conservative analysts and security-oriented rankings tend to emphasize his foresight on emerging threats like Islamist terrorism and authoritarian regimes, crediting his emphasis on robust intelligence and energy security measures with contributing to U.S. resilience against later challenges, though these views remain contested in broader academic circles prone to left-leaning institutional biases. Among national security experts, Cheney retains enduring respect for his first-principles approach to threat assessment and executive authority in crisis, as reflected in his sustained influence through post-tenure speeches and policy critiques that align with hawkish consensus on vigilance against Iran, China, and non-state actors. This contrasts with general public sentiment, where partisan gaps persist: recent informal expert discussions and right-leaning evaluations highlight a consensus on his operational decisiveness, even as left-leaning sources amplify criticisms of overreach without equivalent empirical scrutiny of alternative policies' failures.

Personal Life

Family and Relationships

Richard B. Cheney married Lynne Ann Vincent on August 29, 1964. The couple has two daughters, Elizabeth and Mary, and several grandchildren. Elizabeth Cheney pursued a career in Republican politics, serving as a policy aide in her father's congressional office and later as U.S. Representative for Wyoming's at-large district from 2017 to 2023. Mary Cheney worked on her father's 2000 and 2004 vice presidential campaigns in roles including director of vice presidential operations, and has advocated for LGBT rights as an openly lesbian individual who married Heather Poe in 2012. Both daughters provided visible support during Cheney's political career, participating in campaign events and family appearances that underscored the Cheneys' emphasis on familial solidarity amid public scrutiny. This closeness persisted despite tensions, such as a 2013 public rift between the sisters over same-sex marriage—Mary favoring legalization and Elizabeth opposing it on traditional grounds—which Dick Cheney addressed by affirming support for his younger daughter's marriage while defending family unity. The family's conservative orientation prioritized personal loyalty and traditional structures, even as Cheney deviated from party orthodoxy on issues affecting his immediate relatives.

Health Challenges

Cheney experienced his first heart attack in June 1978 at age 37 while campaigning for a congressional seat in Wyoming, an event linked to his lifestyle factors including heavy smoking and poor diet at the time. Subsequent attacks occurred in 1984, 1988—after which he underwent quadruple coronary bypass surgery—and 2000, when a minor infarction prompted angioplasty to clear a blocked artery. A fifth heart attack struck in February 2010 amid end-stage heart failure, leading to the implantation of a left ventricular assist device (LVAD) that summer to support cardiac function. Over his career, Cheney also received a pacemaker, multiple angioplasties, catheterizations, and an implantable cardioverter-defibrillator (ICD) to manage arrhythmias, reflecting advancements in cardiovascular interventions that extended his active service. Despite these challenges, Cheney served as vice president from 2001 to 2009, becoming the longest-tenured U.S. vice president with a documented history of severe coronary artery disease. In March 2012, at age 71, he underwent a successful heart transplant at Inova Fairfax Hospital in Falls Church, Virginia, after 20 months on the national waiting list, marking a procedure that addressed decades of progressive heart failure. Post-transplant, he reported sustained improvements in quality of life, crediting medical innovations for enabling his continued public engagement. On November 3, 2025, Cheney died from complications of pneumonia and cardiac and vascular disease. His funeral was held on November 20, 2025, at the Washington National Cathedral.

Hunting Accident Incident

On February 11, 2006, Vice President Dick Cheney accidentally discharged his 28-gauge shotgun during a quail hunt on the private Armstrong Ranch in Kenedy County, Texas, striking 78-year-old attorney Harry Whittington in the face, neck, and upper chest with birdshot pellets. The shooting occurred around 5:50 p.m. when Whittington, part of a hunting party of five, flushed a covey of quail from behind Cheney, who had turned to fire at a different bird approximately 30 yards ahead; Whittington was standing about 30 feet away at the time. Whittington was airlifted to Christus Spohn Memorial Hospital in Corpus Christi, where approximately 200 to 300 pellets were removed from his body; a pellet lodged near his heart later triggered a minor heart attack on February 13, requiring temporary hospitalization, but he made a full recovery and was discharged on February 22. Cheney, an experienced hunter, immediately accepted full responsibility for the mishap, which authorities classified as an accident common in bird hunting due to the sudden movement of game and participants. The Kenedy County Sheriff's Department investigated the incident starting February 12 and concluded on February 16 that no criminal charges would be filed against Cheney, citing the accidental nature of the shooting and compliance with basic reporting requirements despite Cheney's lack of a required $7 migratory bird hunting stamp, which he addressed post-incident. Whittington himself stated upon release that "accidents do and will happen" and publicly apologized to Cheney and his family for the resulting scrutiny, expressing no blame toward the vice president. Disclosure of the event followed a sequence driven by the private ranch setting: ranch owner Katharine Armstrong notified the Corpus Christi Caller-Times on February 12, with the story published on February 13; the White House press office informed national media that evening after confirming details with Texas officials, prompting criticism of the one-day delay but no evidence of intentional concealment, as local authorities were notified immediately after the shooting. Cheney addressed the matter publicly in a February 15 Fox News interview, reiterating his apology conveyed privately to Whittington and emphasizing the focus on the victim's care over immediate press notifications. The episode, while attracting outsized media coverage, resolved without legal repercussions or lasting harm to Whittington, who lived until 2023.

References

Add your contribution
Related Hubs
User Avatar
No comments yet.