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Paragraph 175
Paragraph 175
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Graph of convictions under Paragraph 175. Spike occurs during Nazi era, and dropoff after partial repeal in 1969. Note: "BRD" refers to West Germany (Bundesrepublik Deutschland).

Paragraph 175, known formally as §175 StGB and also referred to as Section 175 in English, was a provision of the German Criminal Code from 15 May 1871 to 10 March 1994.[1] It made sexual acts between males a crime, and in early revisions the provision also criminalized bestiality as well as forms of prostitution and underage sexual abuse. Overall, around 140,000 men were convicted under the law. The law had always been controversial and inspired the first homosexual movement, which called for its repeal.

The statute drew legal influence from previous measures, including those undertaken by the Holy Roman Empire and Prussian states. It was amended several times. The Nazis broadened the law in 1935 as part of the most severe persecution of homosexual men in history. It was one of the few Nazi-era laws to be retained in their original form in West Germany, although East Germany reverted to the pre-Nazi version.[2] In 1987, the law was ruled unconstitutional in East Germany, and it was repealed there in 1989.[citation needed] In West Germany, the law was revised in 1969,[citation needed] whereby the criminal liability of homosexual adults (then aged 21 and over) was abolished but remained applicable to sex with a man less than 21 years old, homosexual prostitution, and the exploitation of a relationship of dependency. The law was again revised in 1973[citation needed] by lowering the age of consent to 18 years, and it was finally repealed in 1994.

Historical overview

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Paragraph 175 was adopted in 1871, shortly after Germany was unified. Beginning in the 1890s, sexual reformers fought against the "disgraceful paragraph",[3] and soon won the support of August Bebel, head of the Social Democratic Party (SPD); however, a petition in the Reichstag to abolish Paragraph 175 floundered in 1898.[4] In 1907, a Reichstag Committee decided to broaden the paragraph to make lesbian sexual acts punishable as well, but debates about how to define female sexuality meant the proposal languished and was abandoned.[5] In 1929, another Reichstag Committee decided to repeal Paragraph 175 with the votes of the Social Democrats, the Communist Party (KPD) and the German Democratic Party (DDP); however, the rise of the Nazi Party prevented the implementation of the repeal.[4] Although modified at various times, the paragraph remained part of German law until 1994.[4]

In 1935, the Nazis broadened the law so that the courts could pursue any "lewd act" whatsoever, even one involving no physical contact, such as masturbating next to each other.[6] Convictions multiplied by a factor of ten to over 8,000 per year by 1937.[7] Furthermore, the Gestapo could transport suspected offenders to concentration camps without any legal justification at all (even if they had been acquitted or already served their sentence in jail). Thus, over 10,000 homosexual men were forced into concentration camps, where they were identified by the pink triangle. The majority of them died there.[8]

While the Nazi persecution of homosexuals is reasonably well known today, far less attention has been given to the continuation of this persecution in post-war Germany.[6] In 1945, after the concentration camps were liberated, some homosexual prisoners were recalled to custody to serve out their two-year sentence under Paragraph 175.[9] In 1950, East Germany abolished Nazi amendments to Paragraph 175, whereas West Germany kept them and even had them confirmed by its Constitutional Court. About 100,000 men were implicated in legal proceedings from 1945 to 1969, and about 50,000 were convicted.[6] Some individuals accused under Paragraph 175 committed suicide. In 1969, the government eased Paragraph 175 by providing for an age of consent of 21.[10] The age of consent was lowered to 18 in 1973, and finally, in 1994, the paragraph was repealed and the age of consent lowered to 16, the same that is in force for heterosexual acts.[10] East Germany had already reformed its more lenient version of the paragraph in 1968, and repealed it in 1988.[10]

Background

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Burning of the accused sodomites, Richard Puller von Hohenburg and Anton Mätzler, outside the walls of Zürich, 1482 (Spiezer Schilling)

Most sodomy-related laws in Western civilization originated from the growth of Christianity during Late Antiquity.[11] Germany is notable for having anti-sodomy regulation before Christianity; Roman historian Tacitus records execution of homosexuals in his book Germania.[12][13] Christian condemnation of homosexuality reinforced these sentiments as Germany became baptised. In 1532, the Constitutio Criminalis Carolina produced a foundation for this principle of law, which remained valid in the Holy Roman Empire until the end of the 18th century. In the words of Paragraph 116 of that code:

The punishment for fornication that goes against nature. When a human commits fornication with a beast, a man with a man, a woman with a woman, they have also forfeited life. And they should be, according to the common custom, banished by fire from life into death.[14]

In 1794, Prussia introduced the Allgemeines Landrecht, a major reform of laws that replaced the death penalty for this offense with a term of imprisonment. Paragraph 143 of that code says:

Unnatural fornication, whether between persons of the male sex or of humans with beasts, is punished with imprisonment of six months to four years, with the further punishment of a prompt loss of civil rights.[15]

In France, the Revolutionary Penal Code of 1791 punished acts of this nature only when someone's rights were injured (i.e., in the case of a non-consensual act), which had the effect of the complete legalization of homosexuality.[16] In the course of his conquests, Napoleon exported the French Penal Code beyond France into a sequence of other states such as the Netherlands. The Rhineland and later Bavaria adopted the French model and removed from their lawbooks all prohibitions of consensual sexual acts.[16]

The 1851 Prussian criminal code justified the criminalization of homosexuality with reference to Christian morality, even though the prohibited act did not endanger any legal interest.[17] Two years before the 1871 founding of the German Empire, the Prussian kingdom, worried over the future of the paragraph, sought a scientific basis for this piece of legislation. The Ministry of Justice assigned a Deputation für das Medizinalwesen ("Deputation for Medical Knowledge"), including among others the famous physicians Rudolf Virchow and Heinrich Adolf von Bardeleben, who stated in their appraisal of 24 March 1869 that they were unable to give a scientific grounding for a law that outlawed zoophilia and male homosexual intercourse, distinguishing them from the many other sexual acts that were not even considered as matters of penal law.[18] Nevertheless, the draft penal law submitted by Otto von Bismarck in 1870 to the North German Confederation retained the relevant Prussian penal provisions, justifying this out of concern for "public opinion".[18]

German Empire

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Table 1: Prosecutions under § 175 (1902–1918)[7]
Year    Charge  Convictions
1902 364  /  393 613
1903 332  /  289 600
1904 348  /  376 570
1905 379  /  381 605
1906 351  /  382 623
1907 404  /  367 612
1908 282  /  399 658
1909 510  /  331 677
1910 560  /  331 732
1911 526  /  342 708
1912 603  /  322 761
1913 512  /  341 698
1914 490  /  263 631
1915 233  /  120 294
1916 278  /  120 318
1917 131  /  70 166
1918 157  /  3 118
Middle column: Homosexuality / Bestiality

On 1 January 1872, exactly one year after it had first taken effect, the penal code of the North German Confederation became the penal code of the entire German Empire. By this change, sexual intercourse between men became again a punishable offence in Bavaria as well. Almost verbatim from its Prussian model from 1794, the new Paragraph 175 of the imperial penal code specified:

Unnatural fornication, whether between persons of the male sex or of humans with beasts, is punished with imprisonment, with the further punishment of a prompt loss of civil rights.[19]

Even in the 1860s, individuals such as Karl Heinrich Ulrichs and Karl Maria Kertbeny had unsuccessfully raised their voices against the Prussian paragraph 143.[4] In the Empire, more organized opposition began with the 1897 founding of the sexual-reformist Wissenschaftlich-humanitäres Komitee (WhK, Scientific-Humanitarian Committee), an organization of notables rather than a mass movement, which tried to proceed against Paragraph 175 based on the thesis of the innate nature of homosexuality.[20]

This case was argued, for example, in an 1897 petition drafted by physician and WhK chairman Magnus Hirschfeld, urging the deletion of Paragraph 175; it gathered 6,000 signatories.[20] One year later, SPD chairman August Bebel brought the petition into the Reichstag, but failed to achieve the desired effect. On the contrary, ten years later the government laid plans to extend Paragraph 175 to women as well. Part of their "Scheme for a German Penal Code" (E 1909) reads:

The danger to family life and to youth is the same. The fact that there are more such cases in recent times is reliably testified. It lies therefore in the interest of morality as in that of the general welfare that penal provisions be expanded also to women.[21]

Allowing time for the refinement of the draft, it was set to appear before the Reichstag no earlier than 1917. World War I and the defeat of the German Empire consigned it to the dustbin.

Weimar Republic

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Table 2: Prosecutions under § 175 (1919–1933)[7]
Year    Charge  Convictions
1919 110  /  10 89
1920 237  /  39 197
1921 485  /  86 425
1922 588  /  7 499
1923 503  /  31 445
1924 850  /  12 696
1925 1225  /  111 1107
1926 1126  /  135 1040
1927 911  /  118 848
1928 731  /  202 804
1929 786  /  223 837
1930 723  /  221 804
1931 618  /  139 665
1932 721  /  204 801
Middle column: Homosexuality / Bestiality

There was a vigorous grassroots campaign against Paragraph 175 between 1919 and 1929, led by an alliance of the Gemeinschaft der Eigenen and the Wissenschaftlich-humanitäres Komitee. But, much as during the time of the Empire, during the Weimar Republic the parties of the left failed to achieve the abolition of Paragraph 175, because they lacked a majority in the Reichstag.[22]

The plans of a center-right regime in 1925 to increase the penalties of Paragraph 175 came closer to fruition; but they, too, failed. In addition to paragraph 296 (which corresponded to the old paragraph 175), their proposed reform draft provided for a paragraph 297 to be included. The plan was that so-called "qualified cases" such as homosexual prostitution, sex with young men under the age of 21, and sexual coercion of a man in a service or work situation would be classified as "severe cases", reclassified as felonies (Verbrechen) rather than misdemeanors (Vergehen). This act would have pertained not only to homosexual intercourse but also to other homosexual acts such as, for example, mutual masturbation.[22]

Kurt Hiller: § 175 - Die Schmach des Jahrhunderts

Both new paragraphs grounded themselves in protection of public health:

It is to be assumed that it is the German view that sexual relationships between men are an aberration liable to wreck the character and to destroy moral feeling. Clinging to this aberration leads to the degeneration of the people and to the decay of its strength.[22]

When this draft was discussed in 1929 by the judiciary committee of the Reichstag, the Social Democratic Party, the Communist Party, and the left-wing liberal German Democratic Party at first managed to mobilize a majority of 15 to 13 votes against Paragraph 296. This would have constituted legalization of consensual homosexuality between adult men.[23] At the same time, a vast majority – with only three KPD votes dissenting – supported the introduction of the new Paragraph 297 (dealing with the so-called "qualified cases").[23]

However, this partial success – which the WhK characterized as "one step forward and two steps back"[24] – came to nought. In March 1930, the Inter-Parliamentary Committee for the Coordination of Criminal Law Between Germany and Austria, by a vote of 23 to 21, placed back Paragraph 296 in the reform package. But the latter was never passed, because during the last years of the Weimar Republic, the years of the Präsidialkabinette, the parliamentary legislative process generally ground to a halt.[23][24]

The Nazi era

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Table 3: Convictions under §§ 175, 175a and b (1933–1943)
Year    Adults    Youths under 18
1933  853 104
1934  948 121
1935 2106 257
1936 5320 481
1937 8271 973
1938 8562 974
1939 8274 689
1940 3773 427
1941 3739 687
1942 3963 n/a
1943* 2218 n/a
* 1943: 1st half-year doubled
Sources: "Statistisches Reichsamt"
and Baumann 1968, p. 61.
[7]

In 1935, the Nazis strengthened Paragraph 175 by reclassifying the crime as a felony, thus increasing the maximum penalty from six months' to five years' imprisonment. Further, the law's historically narrow application only to 'intercourse-like' acts (meaning the police could not prosecute unless substantial proof of intercourse was given) was redefined.[2] This expanded offenses to include "objectively the general sense of shame was offended" and subjectively "the debauched intention was present to excite sexual desire in one of the two men, or a third".[25] Mutual physical contact was no longer necessary.[26] This formulation was fundamentally different from traditional sodomy laws, but similar to the law against gross indecency in the United Kingdom since 1885.[27]

Beyond that – much as had already been planned in 1925 – a new Paragraph 175a was created, punishing "qualified cases" as schwere Unzucht ("severe lewdness") with no less than one year and no more than ten years in the penitentiary.[26] These included:

  • homosexual acts forced through violence or threats (male rape),
  • sexual relations with a subordinate or employee in a work situation,
  • homosexual acts with men under the age of 21,
  • male prostitution.

"Unnatural fornication with a beast" was moved to Paragraph 175b (this section applied to both men and women).

According to the official rationale, Paragraph 175 was amended in the interest of the moral health of the Volk – the German people – because "according to experience" homosexuality "inclines toward plague-like propagation" and exerts "a ruinous influence" on the "circles concerned".[28]

A Gestapo telex about arranging preventive detention of an "incorrigible homosexual"

By 1937, this broad expansion of Paragraph 175 to include "intention" had increased the number of convictions tenfold to 8,000 annually.[7] Only about half of the prosecutions resulted from police work; about 40 percent resulted from private accusations (Strafanzeige) by non-participating observers, and about 10 percent were denouncements by employers and institutions. So, for example, in 1938 the Gestapo received the following anonymous letter:

We – a large part of the artists' block [of flats or studios] at Barnayweg – ask you urgently to observe B., living with Mrs. F as a subtenant, who has remarkable daily visits from young men. This must not continue. [...] We ask you cordially to give the matter further observation.[29]

In contradistinction to normal police, the Gestapo were authorized to take gay men into preventive detention (Schutzhaft) of arbitrary duration without an accusation (or even after an acquittal). This was often the fate of so-called "repeat offenders": at the end of their sentences, they were not freed but sent for additional "re-education" (Umerziehung) in a concentration camp. Only about 40 percent of these pink triangle prisoners – whose numbers amounted to an estimated 10,000 – survived the camps.[8] Some of them, after their release by the Allied Forces, were placed back in prison, because they had not yet finished court-mandated terms of imprisonment for homosexual acts.[30]

After World War II

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Development in the Soviet occupation zone and in East Germany

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Invalidated ("ungültig") OdF identity card: The Magistrate of East Berlin refused any pink-triangle prisoner the right to receive a pension as a "victim of fascism" ("Opfer des Faschismus", hence "OdF").

In the Soviet occupation zone that later became East Germany, the development of law was not uniform. The Provincial High Court in Halle (Oberlandesgericht Halle, or OLG Halle) decided for Saxony-Anhalt in 1948 that Paragraphs 175 and 175a were to be seen as injustice perpetrated by the Nazis, because a progressive juridical development had been broken off and even been reversed. Homosexual acts were to be tried only according to the laws of the Weimar Republic.[31]

In 1950, one year after being reconstituted as the German Democratic Republic, the Berlin Appeal Court (Kammergericht Berlin) decided for all of East Germany to reinstate the validity of the old, pre-1935 form of Paragraph 175.[31] However, in contrast to the earlier action of the OLG Halle, the new Paragraph 175a remained unchanged, because it was said to protect society against "socially harmful homosexual acts of qualified character". In 1954, the same court decided that Paragraph 175a, in contrast to Paragraph 175, did not presuppose acts tantamount to sexual intercourse. Lewdness (Unzucht) was defined as any act that is performed to arouse sexual excitement and "violates the moral sentiment of our workers".[31]

A revision of the criminal code in 1957 made it possible to put aside prosecution of an illegal action that represented no danger to socialist society because of lack of consequence. This removed Paragraph 175 from the effective body of the law, because at the same time the East Berlin Court of Appeal (Kammergericht) decided that all punishments deriving from the old form of Paragraph 175 should be suspended due to the insignificance of the acts to which it had been applied. On this basis, homosexual acts between consenting adults ceased to be punished, beginning in the late 1950s.[32]

On 1 July 1968, the GDR adopted its own code of criminal law. In it § 151 StGB-DDR provided for a sentence up to three years' imprisonment or probation for an adult (18 and over) who engaged in sexual acts with a youth (under 18) of the same sex. This law applied not only to men who have sex with boys but equally to women who have sex with girls.[33]

On 11 August 1987, the Supreme Court of the GDR struck down a conviction under Paragraph 151 on the basis that "homosexuality, just like heterosexuality, represents a variant of sexual behavior. Homosexual people do therefore not stand outside socialist society, and the civil rights are warranted to them exactly as to all other citizens." One year later, the Volkskammer (the parliament of the GDR), in its fifth revision of the criminal code, brought the written law in line with what the court had ruled, striking Paragraph 151 without replacement. The act passed into law May 30, 1989. This removed all specific reference to homosexuality from East German criminal law.[34]

Development in West Germany

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Table 4: Convictions under §§ 175, 175a (1946–1994)
Year  Number      Year  Number
1946: (~1152) 1969: 894
1947: (~1344) 1970: 340
1948: (~1536) 1971: 372
1949: (~1728) 1972: 362
1950: 2158 1973: 373
1951: 2359 1974: 235
1952: 2656 1975: 160
1953: 2592 1976: 200
1954: 2801 1977: 191
1955: 2904 1978: 177
1956: 2993 1979: 148
1957: 3403 1980: 164
1958: ~3486 1981: 147
1959: ~3530 1982: 163
1960: ~3406 1983: 178
1961: 3196 1984: 153
1962: 3098 1985: 123
1963: 2803 1986: 118
1964: 2907 1987: 117
1965: 2538 1988: 95
1966: 2261 1989: 95
1967: 1783 1990: 96
1968: 1727 1991: 86
1992: 77
1993: 76
1994: 44
Source: Rainer Hoffschildt 2002[35]
* 1946–1949 complete estimate,
based on the course around World War I
* West Berlin and Saarland included
before 1962 and 1961 respectively
(in prior sources never considered!).
* 1958–1960 Saarland estimated (~59)

After World War II, the victorious Allies demanded the abolition of all laws with specifically National Socialist content; however, they left it to West Germany to decide whether or not the expansion of laws regulating male homosexual relationships falling under Paragraph 175 should be left in place. On May 10, 1957, the Federal Constitutional Court upheld the decision to retain the 1935 version, claiming that the paragraph was "not influenced by National Socialist [i.e., Nazi] politics to such a degree that it would have to be abolished in a free democratic state".[36]

Between 1945 and 1969, about 100,000 men were indicted and about 50,000 men sentenced to prison. The rate of convictions for violation of Paragraph 175 rose by 44 percent, and in the 1960s, the number remained as much as four times higher than it had been in the last years of the Weimar Republic.[37] Many arrests, lawsuits, and proceedings in Frankfurt in 1950–1951 had serious consequences.[38] These Frankfurt Homosexual Trials of 1950/51 marked an early climax in the persecution of homosexual men in the Federal Republic of Germany, which showed clear continuities from the Nazi era, but took place under the auspices of the new Adenauer era. They were largely initiated by the Frankfurt public prosecutor's office, using the sex worker Otto Blankenstein as a key witness.[39]

The strong continuities between the Nazi era and postwar West Germany are partly due to the continuity in staffing of the police and judiciary, which was disrupted in East Germany. The retention of the Nazis' legal basis for the charges, however, was due to a conservative Christian political realignment; criminalization was strongly defended by some CDU/CSU politicians such as Franz-Josef Wuermeling and Adolf Süsterhenn. These "Catholic maximalists" faced increasing opposition from Protestants and the more liberal elements within their own party.[40] Similar to the thinking during the Nazi Regime, the government argued that there was a difference between a homosexual man and a homosexual woman, and that because all men were assumed to be more aggressive and predatory than women, lesbianism would not be criminalized. Therefore, it was argued, while lesbianism violated nature, it did not present the same threat to society as did male homosexuality.[37]

First convening in 1954, the legal experts in the criminal code commission (Strafrechtskommission) continued to debate the future of Paragraph 175; while the constitutional court ruled it was not unconstitutional, this did not mean it should forever remain in force. It was therefore the commission's job to advise the Ministry of Justice and Chancellor Konrad Adenauer about the new form this law should take. While they all agreed homosexual activity was immoral, they were divided when it came to whether or not it should be allowed to be practiced between consenting adults in private. Due to their belief that homosexuals were not born that way, but rather, they fell victim to seduction, the Justice Ministry officials remained concerned that if freed from criminal penalty, adult homosexuals would intensify their "propaganda and activity in public" and put male youth at risk.[37] During the administration of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's government, a draft penal code for West Germany (known as Strafgesetzbuch E 1962; it was never adopted) justified retaining paragraph 175 as follows:

Concerning male homosexuality, the legal system must, more than in other areas, erect a bulwark against the spreading of this vice, which otherwise would represent a serious danger for a healthy and natural life of the people.[41]

With new national Bundestag (West Germany's parliament) elections coming up, the Social Democratic Party was coming into power, first in 1966 as part of a broad coalition, and by 1969, with a parliamentary majority. With the Social Democrats holding the power, they were finally in a position to make key appointments in the Ministry of Justice and start implementing reform. In addition, demographic anxieties such as fear of declining birth rate no longer controlled the 1960s and homosexual men were no longer seen as a threat for not being able to reproduce. The role of the state was seen as protecting society from harm, and should only intervene in cases that involved force or the abuse of minors.[37]

On 25 June 1969, shortly before the end of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) – SPD Grand Coalition headed by CDU Chancellor Kurt Georg Kiesinger, Paragraph 175 was reformed, in that only the "qualified cases" that were previously handled in §175a – sex with a man less than 21 years old, homosexual prostitution, and the exploitation of a relationship of dependency (such as employing or supervising a person in a work situation) – were retained.[42] Paragraph 175b (concerning bestiality) also was removed. Three days later, on June 28, 1969, the Stonewall riots broke out in New York.

With the 1969 reform in place, the acceptance of homosexual acts or homosexual identities for West Germans was far from in place. Most reformers agreed that decriminalizing sexual relations between adult men was not the same as advocating an acceptance of homosexual men. While the old view of "militarized" masculinity may have phased out, "family-centered" masculinity was now grounded in the traditional male, and being a proper man meant being a proper father, which was believed at the time to be a role a homosexual male could not fulfill.[37]

On 23 November 1973, the social-liberal coalition of the SPD and the Free Democratic Party passed a complete reform of the laws concerning sex and sexuality. The paragraph was renamed from "Crimes and misdemeanors against morality" into "Offenses against sexual self-determination", and the word Unzucht ("lewdness") was replaced by the equivalent of the term "sexual acts". Paragraph 175 only retained sex with minors as a qualifying attribute; the age of consent was lowered to 18 (compared to 14 for heterosexual sex).[43]

In 1986 the Green Party and the first openly gay member of the German parliament tried to remove Paragraph 175 together with Paragraph 182. This would have meant a general age of consent of 14 years.[44][failed verification] This was opposed by the CDU, SPD, and FDP,[citation needed] and Paragraph 175 remained a part of German law for eight more years.

Developments after 1990

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Deletion of Paragraph 175

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"Down with §175"
Since 1973 the gay movement had openly been demanding the deletion of Paragraph 175. This 1973 poster uses the new left icon of a raised fist and calls on the reader to fight against discrimination in the family, in the workplace, and in [individuals'] search for housing.

In the course of reconciling the legal codes of the two German states after 1990, the Bundestag had to decide whether Paragraph 175 should be abolished entirely (as in the former East Germany) or whether the remaining West German form of the law should be extended to what had now become the eastern portion of the Federal Republic. In 1994, at the end of the period of reconciliation of laws, it was decided – especially in view of the social changes that had occurred in the meantime – to strike Paragraph 175 entirely from the legal code. Paragraph 175 was repealed on 10 March 1994.[45]

According to § 176 StGB[46] the absolute minimum age of consent is now 14 years for all sexual acts irrespective of the sex of the participants; in special cases, covered in § 182 StGB, an age of 16 years applies.[47] § 182 (2) StGB allows for prosecution as an Antragsdelikt, a concept in German law according to which certain acts are treated as crimes only if the victim chooses to become a complainant. Further, § 182 (3) StGB allows the public prosecutor's office to pursue a case on the basis of the belief that there is a special public interest. Finally, § 182 (4) StGB allows the court to refrain from punishment if the wrongness of the accused's behavior appears small.

§ 182 StGB contains numerous terms without precise legal definitions; critics have raised concerns that families can misuse this law to criminalize socially disapproved sexual relationships (e.g. a family disapproving of a young person's homosexual relationship might be able to prosecute their partner).

In Austria, an analogous situation exists: Like the German § 175 StGB, the Austrian § 209 StGB was stricken from the legal code; like the German § 182 StGB, the Austrian § 207b StGB is perceived by critics as having potential to be abused as a surrogate for the stricken law.[48]

Pardon of the victims

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On 17 May 2002 – a date chosen symbolically as "17.5." – the Bundestag passed a supplement to the NS-Aufhebungsgesetz (law on the annulment of national socialist unjust verdicts in the criminal justice [de; fr]).[49] By this supplement to the act, Nazi-era convictions of homosexuals and deserters from the Wehrmacht were annulled.[50] Louder criticism came from the lesbian and gay movement, because the Bundestag left post-1945 judgments untouched, although the legal basis from the end of the war to 1969 was the same as in the Nazi era.

The issue of pardoning men convicted in the postwar era remained controversial. On 12 May 2016, Federal Minister of Justice, Heiko Maas, announced that Germany was investigating the possibility of pardoning and compensating all gay men convicted under Paragraph 175.[51] In cases where victims had died still bearing a conviction, the government will instead make payments to gay rights groups.[51] This was confirmed on 8 October 2016, when Maas laid out the compensation scheme and announced that the government was setting aside €30 million to cover claims.[52] The law comprises both individual pardons and a collective pardon and the documenting of suffering caused by the law, with the full process expected to take up to five years.[53] Those affected by the pardon can apply for a "vindication certificate", and relatives can apply for a posthumous pardon.[53] Each person convicted will receive €3,000 compensation, plus €1,500 for each year spent in custody as a result of a conviction under Paragraph 175 – on average, a conviction carried a two-year sentence.[53] Bundestag member Volker Beck, who was a key figure in establishing a compensation fund for victims of Nazism, suggested that other losses suffered as a result of conviction under Paragraph 175, such as the loss of a job and resulting reduction in pension, should also be taken into account when deciding how much compensation to offer.[53] In June 2017, the law was passed in the Bundestag by an overwhelming majority in all parties.[54]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Paragraph 175 (§ 175 StGB) was a provision of the German Criminal Code that criminalized sexual acts between adult males, punishing such "unnatural fornication" with imprisonment of up to five years. Enacted on May 15, 1871, as part of the unified Criminal Code for the newly formed German Empire, the law originated from earlier Prussian and North German Confederation penal codes and reflected longstanding prohibitions on male same-sex intercourse rooted in moral and legal traditions across Europe. While enforcement prior to 1933 averaged around 1,000 convictions annually, the Nazi regime intensified prosecutions after seizing power in 1933, revising the paragraph in June 1935 to encompass a broader range of "lewd" behaviors between men, even without penetration or emission, which facilitated arbitrary arrests and led to approximately 53,000 convictions and the internment of about 10,000 men in concentration camps by 1945. Postwar, the law persisted in both West and East Germany—repealed in the German Democratic Republic in 1968 but only partially reformed in the Federal Republic in 1969 to decriminalize acts between men over 21—before its complete abolition in unified Germany on March 10, 1994, to eliminate discriminatory disparities in age of consent and prior convictions. The provision's longevity underscores its basis in pre-Nazi legal norms rather than solely National Socialist innovation, though its harshest application under the Third Reich marked a defining escalation in state-enforced penalties against male homosexuality.

Prussian Foundations and 1871 Codification

The Prussian Allgemeines Landrecht für die Preußischen Staaten of 1794 established early modern foundations for criminalizing male homosexual acts by prohibiting "unnatural fornication" (widernatürliche Unzucht) between males, with penalties of imprisonment from six months to four years, marking a shift from medieval death penalties toward codified restraint while upholding moral condemnation. This provision drew on inherited European legal traditions, including Roman statutes against illicit sexual unions (stuprum) and, more proximately, doctrines that classified as a peccatum contra naturam—a grave ecclesiastical offense warranting secular enforcement under Christian ethical norms emphasizing procreative purpose in sexual relations. These elements reflected causal views of such acts as disruptive to and familial structures, prioritizing empirical alignment with biological reproduction over individual autonomy. Following Prussian legal reforms, including the 1851 penal code that refined these principles, the framework influenced national unification efforts. In 1871, amid the under Prussian hegemony after the , Paragraph 175 was enshrined in the Reichsstrafgesetzbuch—the first unified imperial criminal code—to supplant varying state laws, many of which had decriminalized under Napoleonic influence in southern territories but retained northern prohibitions. The codified text read: "Unnatural (widernatürliche Unzucht) committed between males shall be punished by of not less than one month nor more than five years, with the possibility of ." This standardization prioritized Prussian conservative morals, embedding penalties calibrated to deter acts deemed incompatible with prevailing standards of decency and national cohesion during industrialization and state-building.

Original Text and Intended Punishments

The original Paragraph 175, codified in the Reichsstrafgesetzbuch on May 15, 1871, read: "Unzucht wider die Ordnung der Natur, begangen mit einem Mann oder mit einem Thier, wird mit Gefängniß bestraft. Ist die Unzucht öffentlichen Aergerniß erregend, so wird sie mit Gefängniß von sechs Monaten bis zu fünf Jahren bestraft. Ist der Thäter durch die That berufs- oder gewerbsmäßig thätig, so wird Gefängniß nicht unter sechs Monaten verhängt. An einem Knaben unter 14 Jahren begangene Unzucht wider die Ordnung der Natur wird mit Gefängniß nicht unter einem Jahre bestraft." This provision criminalized "unnatural " specifically with a male or animal, drawing from Prussian legal precedents in the Allgemeines Landrecht. The law's scope was deliberately narrow, applying only to penetrative acts between males that were deemed analogous to coitus, thereby excluding mutual , kissing, or other non-penetrative male-male contact absent aggravating factors; female was entirely omitted from its purview. Punishments centered on , with baseline penalties for private acts but escalation for public scandal (six months to five years), habitual or professional offenders (minimum six months), or acts involving males under 14 (minimum one year), underscoring a primary legislative aim to shield adolescents from predatory corruption. This framework reflected 19th-century concerns with upholding public decency, fortifying traditional family units against perceived threats from and , and standardizing disparate state laws under imperial unification, without broader moral policing of consensual adult conduct.

Enforcement in the Pre-Nazi Era

German Empire Period

During the from 1871 to 1918, Paragraph 175 was enforced sparingly, resulting in an estimated 10,000 convictions over the 47-year period, or roughly 200–250 annually across a exceeding 60 million. Prosecutions were predominantly limited to cases involving public acts of indecency, , or participation of minors under 14, as judicial interpretations required concrete evidence of "unnatural " such as penetrative intercourse, excluding mere mutual or non-physical intimacy. This restrictive application stemmed from evidentiary challenges in private consensual encounters, which rarely prompted complaints or led to successful trials without witnesses or admissions. Enforcement reflected prevailing bourgeois moral standards and concerns over , with police and courts viewing violations as corrosive to structures, , and the Prussian-influenced ethos of order amid industrialization's social upheavals. Cases clustered in urban areas like and , where denser populations and anonymous public spaces increased detection risks, accounting for a disproportionate share of proceedings despite rural suppressing reports. Authorities emphasized , imposing harsher sentences—up to five years' —on repeat offenders to signal deterrence against perceived societal decay, though rates hovered around 50% due to proof burdens. The law faced no substantial reform advocacy yielding results, as conservative elites and the judiciary upheld it as a safeguard against laxity in an era of economic transformation and imperial expansion, prioritizing stability over liberalization. Early petitions by figures like in the 1890s garnered limited Reichstag support, failing amid broader resistance to challenging traditional gender roles and national vigor.

Weimar Republic Liberalization Attempts


During the Weimar Republic (1919–1933), activist and scientific efforts sought to challenge Paragraph 175 amid a period of relative cultural openness, though these initiatives yielded no legal reforms. The Scientific-Humanitarian Committee (WhK), established by Magnus Hirschfeld in 1897, renewed its petition drives in the 1920s, collecting signatures from intellectuals, artists, and some politicians to urge the Reichstag to decriminalize consensual male homosexuality. These campaigns drew on emerging sexological research positing homosexuality as a natural variation rather than a pathology, yet they encountered resistance from conservative lawmakers and societal norms prioritizing family structures.
Parliamentary consideration peaked in 1929 when the Reichstag Judiciary Committee debated potential amendments, reflecting fleeting momentum from Weimar's progressive factions, but the proposal stalled without a vote, undermined by economic crises like hyperinflation in 1923 and the onset of the in 1929. Paragraph 175 persisted unchanged, as reformers prioritized broader penal code revisions without targeting sexual offenses specifically. Enforcement varied by locality, with urban police in exercising discretion amid visible subcultures, but rural areas maintained stricter application. Cultural liberalization manifested in Berlin's cabarets, nightlife, and Hirschfeld's Institute for Sexual Science, which hosted lectures and provided counseling, fostering private tolerance for homosexual expression without altering legal prohibitions. Greater visibility, however, correlated with modestly rising convictions under Paragraph 175, averaging around 1,000 annually by the late , as increased public awareness prompted more denunciations and opportunistic prosecutions despite informal leniency in cosmopolitan settings. The law's retention underscored limits to Weimar's experimentalism, with reform efforts eclipsed by political fragmentation and ascending conservative backlash.

Nazi Era Expansion

1935 Revisions and Broader Definitions

On June 28, 1935, the Nazi regime enacted revisions to Paragraphs 175 and 175a of the German Criminal Code, significantly expanding the scope of criminalized homosexual conduct beyond the original law's focus on penetrative intercourse. The amended §175 now prohibited "a who commits a sexual offense against another " or participates in one, with punishment ranging from to up to five years under aggravating circumstances, while §175a targeted severe cases such as those involving minors, of , or , imposing at least six months' and potentially up to ten years of . A key addition criminalized "an act contrary to good morals" between males not already covered by the primary offense, encompassing non-penetrative behaviors like embracing, touching, kissing, or mutual masturbation if deemed indecent. This broadening shifted the law from requiring evidence of specific penetrative acts to allowing prosecutions based on a wider array of interactions or even ambiguous associations suggestive of homosexual intent, facilitating easier convictions without direct proof of intercourse. Unlike the pre-1935 version, which courts had interpreted narrowly to demand concrete acts, the revisions empowered police and prosecutors to interpret "contrary to good morals" flexibly, often extending to non-sexual conduct like prolonged gazing or correspondence implying attraction. Penalties under the revised law included not only terms but also post-sentence "" in concentration camps for those classified as habitual offenders or "asocials," a measure introduced to isolate individuals deemed threats to public order even after judicial punishment. The Nazis justified these changes ideologically, portraying as a degenerative condition undermining racial purity, family structures, and military discipline, with leaders like arguing it posed a biological and moral peril to the . This rationale aligned with broader eugenic policies aimed at eradicating perceived racial threats, framing the revisions as essential for national regeneration.

Persecution Mechanisms and Conviction Data

The Nazi regime's of relied heavily on the and Criminal Police (Kripo), who conducted widespread investigations into alleged homosexual acts, often initiated through denunciations, raids on gay venues, and the compilation of "pink lists" of suspected individuals starting in 1934. These agencies used to justify arrests under "," bypassing standard judicial processes in many cases, leading to approximately 100,000 men being arrested between 1933 and 1945. About half of those arrested—roughly 50,000 to 53,400—were by courts, with sentences typically ranging from fines to imprisonment, though repeat offenders or those deemed "incorrigible" faced harsher penalties. Of the convicted, between 5,000 and 15,000 were transferred from prisons to concentration camps for indefinite , where they were classified as political prisoners and marked with a on their uniforms to signify their offense. In the camps, these men endured systematic abuse, forced labor, medical experiments, and targeted violence from guards and fellow inmates, resulting in exceptionally high mortality rates, though exact figures remain uncertain due to incomplete records and the destruction of documentation. Survivor accounts and camp registries indicate that survival chances for prisoners were among the lowest, exacerbated by denial of privileges afforded to other groups and intra-prisoner hierarchies that isolated them. Conviction data, derived primarily from court records and Gestapo files, reveal a sharp escalation following the 1935 revision of Paragraph 175, with annual convictions rising from 948 in 1934 to over 8,500 by 1938, peaking between 1936 and 1939 amid intensified police efforts. Prosecutions declined during as judicial and police resources were redirected to wartime priorities and labor shortages prompted exemptions for some convicted men deemed essential to the . These figures likely understate the full scope, as stigma surrounding suppressed reporting and many cases went undocumented, particularly in the chaotic final war years; scholarly estimates draw from surviving archival sources but acknowledge gaps in rural areas and military jurisdictions.

Postwar Divergences

East German Repeal and Context

In the German Democratic Republic (GDR), efforts to reform Paragraph 175 began shortly after its founding in 1949, with initial proposals in 1952 to eliminate legal discrimination against homosexuals as part of broader anti-fascist purges of Nazi-era laws. By the late 1950s, enforcement of the paragraph had become rare, reflecting a de-emphasis on sexual in favor of prioritizing political and socialist over what were seen as bourgeois moral strictures. This low enforcement stemmed from the GDR's reversion to the pre-1935 version of the penal code, which narrowed the law's scope compared to the Nazi expansions, and aligned with Soviet-influenced legal traditions that initially decriminalized in 1917 before later recriminalizing it under —though the GDR avoided such reversal. Prosecutions remained minimal post-1949, with the state focusing resources on suppressing political dissent rather than private consensual acts among adults. The full repeal occurred on June 30, 1968, when the GDR enacted a revised (StGB) that omitted Paragraph 175 entirely, decriminalizing consensual sexual acts between adult men effective July 1, 1968. This pragmatic step was framed as removing a fascist remnant to contrast socialist progress with Western capitalism, rather than an embrace of individual sexual liberation, amid broader penal reforms aimed at modernizing the legal system under communist . Age-of-consent protections were retained, prohibiting acts involving minors, consistent with the regime's emphasis on safeguarding for socialist reproduction and labor needs. Unlike later Western efforts, the GDR provided no rehabilitation or compensation for individuals convicted under Paragraph 175 prior to , viewing such victims through the lens of class enemies or Nazi collaborators rather than persecuted innocents deserving restitution. The policy reflected causal priorities of state survival and demographic stability—exacerbated by and low birth rates—over moral or rights-based arguments, with deprioritized as long as it did not undermine collective goals. Empirical data indicate fewer than a handful of known convictions in the , underscoring the law's obsolescence in practice before formal abolition.

West German Persistence and Partial Reforms

Following the establishment of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) in 1949, the 1935 Nazi-era version of Paragraph 175 remained in force without substantive alteration until 1969, retaining its broadened definitions of criminalized acts that had facilitated extensive prosecutions under the Third Reich. This continuity resulted in rigorous enforcement, with approximately 44,000 to 50,000 convictions for violations between 1945 and 1969, often involving ambiguous interpretations of "lewd acts" short of intercourse, leading to , loss of , and social stigmatization. Prosecutorial priorities emphasized protecting male youth from perceived corruption, reflecting a conservative legal establishment wary of prewar liberalization efforts. Constitutional challenges emerged in the 1950s and 1960s, testing the law's compatibility with the Basic Law's guarantees of equality (Article 3) and human dignity (Article 1). In a landmark 1957 ruling, the rejected claims that Paragraph 175 violated equality by criminalizing male-male acts while exempting female-female ones, asserting that biological and social differences justified the disparity, as male posed greater risks of and hazards to adolescents. Subsequent debates over age-of-consent equalization highlighted tensions, with critics arguing for alignment with heterosexual norms, but defenders invoked empirical concerns like elevated rates in male homosexual encounters—supported by contemporaneous medical data on higher and prevalence among men engaging in anal intercourse—to rationalize retaining protective thresholds for minors. Cultural conservatism further entrenched the law's persistence amid the FRG's postwar "economic miracle" and , which saw birth rates peak in the 1950s-early as priorities shifted toward reconstruction and population replenishment after wartime losses. Policymakers and jurists defended Paragraph 175 as a bulwark against behaviors undermining marital and youth , prioritizing demographic recovery over individual liberties in a society still grappling with National Socialist legacies. Incremental judicial interpretations occasionally narrowed applications, such as excluding certain non-penetrative acts from prosecution based on evidentiary standards, but these did not dismantle the statute's core framework.

Road to Full Repeal

1969 and 1973 Amendments

In 1969, amended Paragraph 175 through the Sixth Criminal Law Amendment Act, decriminalizing consensual sexual acts between male adults aged 21 and older conducted in private, while maintaining penalties for acts involving minors under 21, public indecency, or prostitution-related offenses. This reform, enacted under the Social Democratic Party-led coalition government, narrowed the law's scope from its postwar enforcement but preserved protections for youth, reflecting concerns over potential disruptions to family formation and societal norms prioritizing heterosexual reproduction amid postwar demographic recovery efforts. The 1973 revision, part of further penal code adjustments, lowered the age threshold for decriminalized acts to 18, aligning it partially with heterosexual consent ages while retaining criminal liability for relations with those under 18 and other specified circumstances. These changes stemmed from recommendations by legal experts and parliamentary debates emphasizing individual privacy rights for mature adults, yet they explicitly upheld restrictions to safeguard adolescent development and avert perceived threats to , as articulated in legislative rationales prioritizing empirical observations of psychological vulnerabilities in youth. Post-amendment enforcement declined sharply from pre-1969 peaks of thousands of annual convictions, but several thousand men were still prosecuted under the retained provisions by , primarily for youth-involved or public cases. The partial reforms mirrored prevailing public sentiment, with polls in the late and early indicating nearly half of West Germans favored retaining criminal penalties for male homosexuality, underscoring broad support for limits on full to maintain and family-centric values over expansive individual liberties. This persistence in enforcement, despite activist pressures, highlighted causal linkages between legal retention and cultural priorities, as evidenced by sustained convictions even after the age adjustments.

1994 Deletion Post-Reunification

Following in 1990, the penal code of the former Federal Republic of Germany applied nationwide, thereby extending the modified Paragraph 175—which criminalized non-procreative male homosexual acts—to the former German Democratic Republic (GDR), where such acts had been decriminalized since 1968. Harmonization processes prioritized integration under the Western legal framework without substantial debate over reimposing specific prohibitions akin to those absent in the GDR, aligning with prior liberalization steps in the West that had narrowed the law's scope to acts involving parties under 18. On June 11, 1994, the enacted the full repeal of Paragraph 175 through the Fifth Law Amending , eliminating distinct criminalization of consensual male homosexual acts and equalizing their legal treatment with heterosexual acts, including a uniform at 14 (with heightened protections against exploitation up to 16 or 18 depending on power imbalances). This shift transferred regulation of any remaining public or coercive offenses to general provisions, such as those on (§183 StGB) or (§176 StGB), rather than orientation-specific bans. By the early 1990s, convictions under the paragraph had become infrequent—totaling around 64,000 in from 1949 to 1994, with annual figures declining sharply after 1973 reforms due to reduced enforcement and evolving norms—rendering the law largely vestigial. The repeal occurred amid Germany's acute demographic challenges post-reunification, including a fertility rate drop to approximately 1.38 children per woman by the mid-1990s and a 60% plunge in East German births from levels, yet proceeded without prominent arguments linking retention to bolstering reproduction rates, consistent with the paragraph's minimal practical impact on . No direct external pressures, such as from accession processes, are documented as pivotal, though broader European norms influenced the liberalization trajectory.

Rehabilitation and Aftermath

2017 Pardon Law and Compensation

In June 2017, the German enacted the Gesetz zur Regelung der Rehabilitation von Opfern des Regimes und zur Begleichung von Folgen nach § 175 StGB ( Regulating the Rehabilitation of Victims of the Regime and the Settlement of Consequences under § 175 of ), which automatically annulled convictions under Paragraphs 175, 175a, and 175b for consensual same-sex acts committed between November 23, , and March 10, 1994. This legislation targeted an estimated 50,000 convictions primarily in during the postwar period, excluding those under the harsher Nazi-era version of the law prior to , which had been rehabilitated separately in 2002. Eligible individuals, or their surviving dependents, could apply to local courts for formal recognition of rehabilitation and compensation, including a fixed lump-sum of €3,000 per , supplemented by €1,500 for each year of imprisonment served, as well as retroactive adjustments to pensions, social benefits, and professional qualifications affected by the convictions. The fiscal scope was projected to involve payments totaling several million euros, though actual disbursements remained limited due to the advanced age or decease of most potential claimants and procedural requirements for documentation. By September 2021, German authorities had processed and compensated only 249 individuals under the law, underscoring administrative hurdles such as evidentiary burdens, court backlogs, and survivor reluctance stemming from historical stigma. The measure's rationale, as articulated by Justice Minister , framed the convictions as a "manifest injustice" warranting redress in contemporary terms of equality and human dignity, without conceding the original law's invalidity under the legal standards prevailing at the time of enforcement.

Implementation Challenges and Outcomes

The 2017 rehabilitation law enabled the annulment of convictions under Paragraph 175 and provided for compensation claims, offering €3,000 per conviction plus €1,500 for each year of imprisonment served, with applications open to surviving victims and heirs. Despite initial estimates of approximately 5,000 eligible survivors, uptake remained low, with only 249 compensations disbursed by September 2021. This limited engagement stemmed primarily from the advanced age of victims—many in their 80s or older at enactment—and high mortality rates among the cohort, compounded by evidentiary burdens requiring documentation of convictions or investigations. Subsequent adjustments addressed some gaps; in March 2019, eligibility expanded to cover individuals subjected to investigations without formal , awarding €500 per such probe and €1,500 per year of , alongside provisions for other harms like at €1,500 per case. These changes aimed to broaden redress for non-convicted persecuted persons but excluded broader non-judicial impacts, such as or social ostracism without official proceedings. Total payouts, calculated from per-claim rates and recipient numbers, have been modest, likely under €1 million, reflecting the constrained claimant pool rather than expansive fiscal outlays. The law's scope drew scrutiny for its primary focus on West German post-1945 cases, omitting systematic retroactive relief for East German contexts where Paragraph 175 enforcement waned after the late and formal occurred in , leaving potential victims there without equivalent rehabilitation pathways. Outcomes include formalized conviction nullifications, aiding pension adjustments and stigma reduction for claimants, though unresolved evidentiary hurdles and incomplete coverage for informal persecutions persist as barriers to fuller implementation.

Rationales and Debates

Arguments Supporting Retention

![Convictions under Paragraph 175][float-right] Arguments for retaining Paragraph 175 emphasized its alignment with principles, which view sexual acts as oriented toward procreation and complementary heterosexual union, rendering male homosexual acts intrinsically non-procreative and thus disordered. This perspective drew from traditions, including :22 and 20:13, which explicitly prohibit male homosexual intercourse as an abomination contrary to divine order. Proponents, including Catholic theorists, argued that such acts violate the teleological purpose of , prioritizing order over individual inclinations. Public health rationales highlighted disproportionate disease transmission risks associated with male homosexual acts, particularly receptive anal intercourse, which facilitates higher rates of HIV and other sexually transmitted infections compared to vaginal intercourse. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention data indicate that gay and bisexual men, comprising approximately 2-4% of the male population, accounted for 67% of new HIV diagnoses in the United States in 2022, with transmission efficiency in anal sex estimated at 18 times higher than in vaginal sex due to mucosal fragility and higher viral loads. Retaining the law was seen as a deterrent to behaviors exacerbating public health burdens, including elevated incidences of syphilis, gonorrhea, and hepatitis among men who have sex with men. Societal stability arguments posited that Paragraph 175 safeguarded structures and demographic vitality by discouraging acts that erode traditional procreative norms and potentially influence . Evidence from fertility studies shows homosexual individuals exhibit lower reproductive intentions, with 20-30% less likely to plan children than heterosexuals, contributing to broader declines in societies normalizing such relations. The law was defended as protecting adolescents from recruitment or experimentation, given fraternal effects where each older brother increases later-born males' probability by 33%, potentially amplified by social influences. This preserved marital rates, correlating with conservative and societal cohesion, as higher-fertility groups endorse policies reinforcing heterosexual norms. Enforcement statistics pre-1933 demonstrated selective application, with annual convictions averaging around 500-800 in the —rising from 464 in 1932—targeting public scandals or predatory cases rather than private consensual acts, indicating the law's role as a minimal intervention for moral maintenance without widespread oppression. Such low rates, relative to Germany's 60 million population, underscored its function in upholding public decency without mass enforcement, contrasting with later expansions.

Arguments for Repeal and Critique

Advocates for repeal of Paragraph 175 emphasized individual autonomy, contending that consensual sexual acts between adult men constituted a private matter beyond state intervention, aligning with liberal principles that restrict to actions causing to others. This perspective drew from philosophical arguments prioritizing personal liberty in bodily and intimate decisions, provided no third party was injured. Scientific critiques, pioneered by and the in the early , posited as an innate biological variation rather than a moral failing or choice, rendering criminalization unjust and ineffective. 's 1897 petition to the Reichstag, supported by over 5,000 signatures including prominent intellectuals, urged deletion of the paragraph on grounds that it punished immutable traits, echoing empirical observations from sexological research. Critics highlighted discriminatory disparities, noting that Paragraph 175 exclusively targeted male homosexual acts while leaving female equivalents unregulated, creating unequal application under the law and that exacerbated stigma against men. This gender-specific framing was decried as arbitrary, failing to achieve purported goals of public morality while ignoring parallel behaviors among women. In the postwar era, repeal arguments invoked emerging frameworks, asserting that Paragraph 175 violated Article 2 of the , which protects the free development of personality, despite the ' emphasis on individual dignity. Legal scholars and activists contended that retaining the Nazi-amended statute contradicted democratic principles, though these claims faced resistance amid widespread public disapproval of homosexuality through the and , with surveys indicating majority support for retention until shifting attitudes in the late .

Societal Impacts and Legacy

Historical Effects on Individuals and Culture

Convictions under Paragraph 175 imposed severe lifelong consequences on affected individuals, including , disqualification, and of parental custody , with estimates indicating around 64,000 men prosecuted in alone from 1945 to 1994. These penalties fostered profound , often resulting in isolation, deterioration, and barriers to social reintegration, as convicted men faced ongoing discrimination in employment and personal relationships. Despite enforcement, the law did not eradicate homosexual subcultures; in the , hosted a relatively visible gay scene with bars and advocacy groups like the , though participants operated under constant threat of prosecution, leading to cautious, semi-underground networks. The statute contributed to emigration among intellectuals vulnerable to its application, particularly after the 1935 Nazi revision expanded prosecutable acts to include non-penetrative behaviors and mere suspicion; for instance, writer and his son Klaus fled in 1933, partly to evade risks tied to homoerotic themes in their works and personal lives. Culturally, Paragraph 175 suppressed overt expressions of , channeling influences into veiled literary forms—such as Mann's (1912), which explores homoerotic desire through symbolic narrative amid legal constraints that discouraged explicit depictions. This limited public discourse but did not halt private continuities, as evidenced by persistent underground associations and stable underlying rates of same-sex attraction, with modern surveys indicating prevalence in at 2-4% for men, consistent with historical patterns unaffected by legal prohibitions. ![Chart of convictions under Paragraph 175][float-right] Empirical data reveal no widespread societal disruption from the law's enforcement over its 123-year span; annual convictions averaged hundreds rather than thousands relative to Germany's , peaking at around 8,000-10,000 during intensified Nazi campaigns but returning to pre-1933 levels without evidence of broader in family structures or . Cultural production in fields like and persisted, with homoerotic motifs enduring in coded forms, suggesting the statute enforced discretion rather than elimination, preserving underlying behavioral patterns amid a framework prioritizing familial and communal cohesion.

Long-Term Influences on German Law and Society

Following the 1994 repeal of , German increasingly interpreted Article 3 of the (Grundgesetz), which prohibits discrimination on grounds of sex, to encompass protections against bias based on , facilitating subsequent legislative expansions such as the General Equal Treatment Act of 2006 that explicitly bans discrimination in employment and services on grounds of sexual identity. This shift contributed to Germany's registered life partnerships for same-sex couples in 2001 and full marriage equality in 2017, embedding homosexual relationships within the equality framework, though debates persist over amending Article 3 to explicitly name amid concerns that judicial interpretations alone may insufficiently safeguard against future regressions. These developments aligned with broader equality directives, positioning as a regional leader in post-decriminalization norms, yet without direct causal attribution from the Paragraph 175 repeal itself. Societally, the repeal accelerated visibility for homosexual individuals, evidenced by expanded events and organizational growth, but enduring health disparities remain, with men who have with men (MSM) comprising 54.5% of new diagnoses in as of recent estimates, necessitating targeted (PrEP) campaigns under German-Austrian guidelines that prioritize high-risk MSM populations for daily medication to curb transmission rates exceeding 99% efficacy when adhered to. These interventions reflect unresolved biological and behavioral risk factors in MSM networks, including higher incidences despite , prompting ongoing funding and monitoring by bodies like the , even as overall incidence has stabilized at around 2,200 annual cases. Demographically, Germany's fertility rate, which hovered at 1.46 births per woman in 2023, correlates with cultural normalization of non-reproductive sexual orientations, as empirical surveys indicate exhibit significantly weaker fathering intentions compared to heterosexual counterparts, potentially exacerbating alongside economic pressures and delayed formation. This has fueled policy debates on bolstering native birth rates through incentives versus reliance on , with some analyses attributing marginal but compounding effects to broader acceptance of reducing traditional pro-natal structures, though primary drivers remain socioeconomic rather than orientation-specific. The legacy of Paragraph 175's rehabilitation efforts, including the 2017 pardon law, has influenced analogous processes abroad, such as Austria's 2019 measures addressing Nazi-era convictions under similar statutes and Czechia's 2021 annulments of historical prosecutions, providing templates for victim redress without reopening full criminal archives. However, extensions into policies, like the 2024 Self-Determination Act enabling self-declared changes from age 14 with minimal oversight, have drawn criticism for overreach, including risks to women's privacy and safety in sex-segregated spaces and potential exploitation absent robust verification, highlighting tensions between historical homosexual decriminalization and contemporary expansions lacking equivalent empirical scrutiny.

References

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