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Pardon
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A pardon is a government decision to allow a person to be relieved of some or all of the legal consequences resulting from a criminal conviction. A pardon may be granted before or after conviction for the crime, depending on the laws of the jurisdiction.[1][2]
Pardons can be viewed as a tool to overcome miscarriage of justice, allowing a grant of freedom to someone who is believed to be wrongly convicted or subjected to an excessive penalty.[3][4] The second-best theory of pardons views pardons as second-best to fair justice.[5] Pardons can be granted in many countries when individuals are deemed to have demonstrated that they have "paid their debt to society", or are otherwise considered to be deserving of them. In some jurisdictions of some nations, accepting a pardon may implicitly constitute an admission of guilt; the offer is refused in some cases. Cases of wrongful conviction are in recent times more often dealt with by appeal rather than by pardon; however, a pardon is sometimes offered when innocence is undisputed in order to avoid the costs that are associated with a retrial. Clemency plays a critical role when capital punishment exists in a jurisdiction.
Pardons can also be a source of controversy, such as when granted in what appears to be a political favor.[6] The arbitrariness[5] and limited political accountability[7] of pardons have been criticized.
By country
[edit]Australia
[edit]In Australia, the pardon power is referred to as the royal prerogative of mercy,[8] an executive power that is vested in the King and may be exercised by the governor-general.[9] The prerogative of mercy is a broad discretionary power that may be exercised by a state governor who is acting on the advice of the state executive council and the state attorney general.[10] Courts in Australia may also exercise their traditional power to exercise mercy when the circumstances of the defendant or offense warrant relief.[11]
In addition to the prerogative of mercy, Australia has passed legislation that creates additional avenues to seek a pardon, exoneration, reduced sentence,[12] or conditional release.[13][14]
Canada
[edit]Pardons
[edit]The Parole Board of Canada (PBC) is the federal agency responsible for making pardon decisions under the Criminal Records Act (CRA). Under the CRA, the PBC can issue, grant, deny, and revoke pardons.
In 2012, the Parliament of Canada passed the Safe Streets and Communities Act,[15] which changed many elements of the criminal justice system. The Act replaced the term "pardon" with "record suspension",[16] and the pardon system was similarly changed.[17]
A pardon keeps the police record of a conviction separate and apart from other criminal records, and gives law-abiding citizens an opportunity to reintegrate into Canadian society.
The Royal Canadian Mounted Police removes all information about the conviction for which an individual received the pardon from the Canadian Police Information Centre (CPIC). Federal agencies cannot give out information about the conviction without approval from the minister of public safety.
A pardon does not, however, erase the fact that an individual was convicted of a crime. The criminal record is not erased, but it is kept separate and apart from other (non-pardoned) criminal records.
A pardon removes disqualifications caused by a criminal conviction, such as the ability to contract with the federal government, or eligibility for Canadian citizenship.
If an individual in receipt of a pardon is convicted of a new offence, the information may lead to a reactivation of the criminal record for which the pardon was received in CPIC.
A pardon does not guarantee entry or visa privileges to another country. Before travelling to another country, individuals must still contact the authorities of the country in question to find out what the requirements are to enter that country.
Processing of pardons by the Parole Board of Canada generally takes six months for a summary offence and twelve months for an indictable offence. If the Parole Board proposes to deny the application, it can take 24 months to process.[18]
Individuals can apply for a pardon if they were convicted as an adult of a criminal offense in Canada, or of an offense under a federal act or regulation of Canada, or if they were convicted of a crime in another country and were transferred to Canada under the Transfer of Offenders Act or International Transfer of Offenders Act. Non-Canadian citizens are not eligible for a Canadian pardon unless they were convicted of a crime in Canada.
To be eligible for a pardon or record suspension, individuals must have completed all of their sentences and a waiting period.
Individuals are considered to have completed all of their sentences if they have:
- Paid all fines, surcharges, costs, restitution and compensation orders
- Served all sentences of imprisonment, conditional sentences, including parole or statutory release
- Completed their probation order
Prior to 2012, following completion of all of their sentences, individuals must have completed a waiting period, as follows:
- Three years for summary convictions under the Criminal Code or other federal act or regulation, except sexual crimes against children
- Three years under the National Defence Act, if fined $2,000 or less, detained or imprisoned six months or less, or subjected to various lesser punishments for a service offence
- Five years for indictable convictions under the Criminal Code or other federal act or regulation and summary convictions of sexual crimes against children
- Five years for all convictions by a Canadian offender transferred to Canada under the Transfer of Offenders Act or International Transfer of Offenders Act
- Five years under the National Defence Act, if you were fined more than $2,000, detained or imprisoned more than six months, or dismissed from service
- Ten years for indictable convictions for sexual crimes against children and criminals receiving more than two years of imprisonment time for "serious personal injury offence" such as manslaughter or other designated offence under section 752 of the Criminal Code.[19]
Effective 13 March 2012, the eligibility criteria and waiting periods changed:
- Five years for summary convictions under the Criminal Code or other federal act or regulation, except sexual crimes against children
- Five years under the National Defence Act, if fined $2,000 or less, detained or imprisoned six months or less, or subjected to various lesser punishments for a service offence
- Ten years for indictable convictions under the Criminal Code or other federal act or regulation and summary convictions of sexual crimes against children
- Ten years for all convictions by a Canadian offender transferred to Canada under the Transfer of Offenders Act or International Transfer of Offenders Act
- Ten years under the National Defence Act, if fined more than $2,000, detained or imprisoned more than six months, or dismissed from service
- "Not Eligible" for indictable convictions for sexual crimes against children (Schedule 1 Offence under CRA)
- "Not Eligible" for criminals with more than three offences prosecuted by indictment, each with a prison sentence of two or more years.[20]
Applicants for a record suspension must be able to show that they have completed their sentences in full and provide proof of payment.[21]
Individuals can apply for a pardon by filling out the application forms available from the Parole Board and by paying a $50 pardon/record suspension application fee.[22]
Clemency
[edit]In Canada, clemency is granted by the governor general of Canada or the Governor in Council (the federal cabinet) under the royal prerogative of mercy. Applications are also made to the National Parole Board, as in pardons, but clemency may involve the commutation of a sentence, or the remission of all or part of the sentence, a respite from the sentence (for a medical condition or a relief from a prohibition, e.g., to allow someone to drive who has been prohibited from driving).
Chile
[edit]In Chile, the institution of pardon (indulto) is regulated in the Criminal Code (article 93, Nº 4º),[23] which deals with the extinction of criminal liability. A pardon "only grants the remission or the commutation of the sentence; it does not remove the condition of having been condemned". The pardon may be either general, when it is granted to all those covered by a specific law passed by qualified quorum in National Congress, or particular, when it is granted by Supreme Decree of the president of the republic. In Chile's presidential regime, the president is the head of state; in this capacity, the president has the discretionary power to grant particular pardons and is not obliged to seek opinion or approval from other authorities, although, the granting of pardons is limited by the norms of Law No. 18.050 (1981),[24] and its Regulations (Decree No. 1542 of 1981 on particular pardons),[25] which forbid particular pardons for those convicted of a crime of terrorism.[26]
China
[edit]The 1954 Constitution of China made provision for amnesties and pardons, both of which were to be powers of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress. The amnesty or pardon would then be issued by the president. Chairman Mao Zedong and President Liu Shaoqi released the first-time pardon in 1959.[27]
The later three constitutions promulgated in 1975, 1978, and 1982 all removed provision amnesty and only kept pardons. In China, pardons are decided by the National Standing Committee of the People's Congress and issued by the president.
Egypt
[edit]On 23 September 2015, President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi issued a pardon freeing 100 activists, including Al Jazeera journalists Mohamed Fahmy and Baher Mohamed.[28]
France
[edit]Pardons and acts of clemency (droit de grâce) are granted by the president of France, who, ultimately, is the sole judge of the propriety of the measure. It is a prerogative of the president which is directly inherited from that of the kings of France. The convicted person sends a request for pardon to the president of the republic. The prosecutor of the court that pronounced the verdict reports on the case, and the case goes to the Ministry of Justice's directorate of criminal affairs and pardons for further consideration.
If granted, the decree of pardon is signed by the president, the prime minister, the minister of justice, and possibly other ministers involved in the consideration of the case. It is not published in the Journal Officiel.
The decree may spare the applicant from serving the balance of his or her sentence, or commute the sentence to a lesser one. It does not suppress the right for the victim of the crime to obtain compensation for the damages it suffered, and does not erase the condemnation from the criminal record.
When the death penalty was in force in France, all capital sentences resulted in a presidential review for a possible clemency. Executions were carried out if and only if the president rejected clemency, by signing a document on which it was written: "decides to let justice take its course".
The Parliament of France, on occasions, grants amnesty. This is a different concept and procedure from that described above, although the phrase "presidential amnesty" (amnistie présidentielle) is sometimes pejoratively applied to some acts of parliament traditionally voted upon after a presidential election, granting amnesty for minor crimes.
Germany
[edit]The right to grant pardon in Germany is divided between the federal and the state level. Federal jurisdiction in matters of criminal law is mostly restricted to appeals against decisions of state courts. Only "political" crimes like treason or terrorism are tried on behalf of the federal government by the highest state courts. Accordingly, the category of persons eligible for a federal pardon is rather narrow. The right to grant a federal pardon lies in the office of the president of Germany, but the president can transfer this power to other persons, such as the chancellor or the minister of justice.
In early 2007, there was a widespread public discussion about the granting of pardons in Germany after convicted Red Army Faction terrorist Christian Klar, who was serving six consecutive sentences of life imprisonment, filed a petition for pardon. President Horst Köhler ultimately denied his request. Following a court decision, Klar was released on parole in December 2008.[29]
For all other (and therefore the vast majority of) convicts, pardons are in the jurisdiction of the states. In some states it is granted by the respective cabinet, but in most states the state constitution vests the authority in the state prime minister. As on the federal level, the authority may be transferred. Amnesty can be granted only by federal law.
Greece
[edit]The Constitution of Greece grants the power of pardon to the president of the republic (Art. 47, § 1). The president can pardon, commute or remit punishment imposed by any court, on the proposal of the minister of justice and after receiving the opinion (not the consent necessarily) of the Pardon Committee.
Hong Kong
[edit]Prior to the handover of Hong Kong in 1997, the power of pardon was the royal prerogative of mercy of the monarch of the United Kingdom. This was used and cited the most often in cases of convicts who had been given the death penalty: from 1965 to 1993 (when the death penalty was formally abolished) death sentences were automatically commuted to life imprisonment under the royal prerogative.
Since the transfer, the chief executive of Hong Kong now exercises the power to grant pardons and commute penalties under section 12 of article 48 Basic Law of Hong Kong. "The Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall exercise the following powers and functions ... to pardon persons convicted of criminal offences or commute their penalties".
India
[edit]Under the Constitution of India (Article 72), the president of India can grant a pardon or reduce the sentence of a convicted person, particularly in cases involving capital punishment. A similar and parallel power vests in the governors of each state under Article 161.
The Constitution of India vests sovereign power in the president and governors. The governance in the centre and states is carried out in the name of the president and governor respectively. The president is empowered with the power to pardon under Article 72 of the Indian Constitution, which says that the president shall have the power to grant pardons, reprieves, respites or remissions of punishment or to suspend, remit or commute the sentence of any person convicted of any offence. The meaning of these terms is as follows:
The pardoning powers of the Indian president are elucidated in Art 72 of the Indian Constitution. There are five different types of pardoning which are mandated by law.
- Pardon: completely absolving the person of the crime and letting him go free. The pardoned criminal will be treated like a normal citizen.
- Commutation: changing the type of punishment given to the guilty into a less harsh one, for example, a death penalty commuted to a life sentence.
- Reprieve: a delay allowed in the execution of a sentence, usually a death sentence, for a guilty person to allow him some time to apply for a presidential pardon or any other legal remedy to prove his innocence or allow for successful rehabilitation.
- Respite: reducing the quantum or degree of the punishment to a criminal in view of some special circumstances, like pregnancy, mental condition to name a few.
- Remission: changing the quantum of the punishment without changing its nature, for example reducing twenty years worth of rigorous imprisonment to ten years.
Article 72 reads:
(1) The President shall have the power to grant pardons, reprieves, respites or remission of punishment or to suspend remit or commute the sentence of any persons convicted of any offence-
(a) in all cases where the punishment or sentence is by a court martial;
(b) in all cases where the punishment or sentence is for an offence against any law relating to a matter to which the executive power of the Union extends;
(c) in all cases where the sentence is a sentence of death.
(2) Nothing in sub- clause (a) of clause (1) shall alter the power conferred by law on any officer of the Armed Forces of the Union to suspend, remit or commute a sentence passed by a Court Martial.
(3) Nothing in sub-clause (c) of clause (1) shall affect the power to suspend remit or commute a sentence of death exercisable by the Governor of a State under any law for the time being in force.
Similarly, as per article 161, the governor of a state has the power to grant pardons, reprieves, respites or remissions of punishment or to suspend, remit or commute the sentence of any person convicted of any offence against any law relating to a matter to which the executive power of the state extends. The president can grant a pardon to a person awarded death sentence; however, the governor of a state does not enjoy this power.
The question is whether this power to grant a pardon is absolute or this power of pardon shall be exercised by the president on the advice of the Council of Ministers. The pardoning power of the president is not absolute. It is governed by the advice of the Council of Ministers. This has not been discussed by the constitution but is the practical truth. Further, the constitution does not provide for any mechanism to question the legality of decisions of the president or governors exercising mercy jurisdiction. Nonetheless, the SC in the Epuru Sudhakar case has given a small window for judicial review of the pardon powers of the president and governors for the purpose of ruling out any arbitrariness. The court has earlier held that court has retained the power of judicial review even on a matter which has been vested by the Constitution solely in the executive.
However, it is important to note that India has a unitary legal system and there is no separate body of state law. All crimes are crimes against the Union of India. Therefore, a convention has developed that the governor's powers are exercised for only minor offenses, while requests for pardons and reprieves for major offenses and offenses committed in the union territories are deferred to the president.
Both the president and governor are bound by the advice of their respective Councils of Ministers and hence the exercise of this power is of an executive character. It is therefore subject to judicial review as held by the Supreme Court of India in the case of Maru Ram v. Union of India [1980] INSC 213, 1981 (1) SCC 107, Supreme Court. It was subsequently confirmed by Kehar Singh v. Union of India [1988] INSC 370, 1989(1) SCC 204, Supreme Court. In the case of Epuru Sudhakar & Anr vs Govt. Of A.P. & Ors [2006] INSC 638, Supreme Court, it was held that "clemency is subject to judicial review and that it cannot be dispensed as a privilege or act of grace". The court made these observation while quashing the decision of then Governor of Andhra Pradesh Sushil Kumar Shinde in commuting the sentence of a convicted Congress activist.[30]
Iran
[edit]In the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Supreme Leader has the power to pardon and offer clemency under Article 110, § 1, §§ 11.
Ireland
[edit]Constitutional basis
[edit]The Irish constitution states (in Article 13.6) that
The right of pardon and the power to commute or remit punishment imposed by any court exercising criminal jurisdiction are hereby vested in the President, but such power of commutation or remission may also be conferred by law on other authorities.[31]
The power of clemency is nominally exercised by the president. However, the president of Ireland must act "on the advice" of the Government (cabinet), so in practice the clemency decisions are made by the government of the day and the president has no discretion in the matter. The responsibility can also be delegated to people or bodies other than the president.
Amnesty and immunity, on the other hand, are usually dealt with by an Act of the Oireachtas rather than by a general form of pardon or a slate of individual pardons.
There are two methods by which a pardon may proceed:
Method I
[edit]In the first procedure, aimed at miscarriages of justice, the minister for justice may recommend to the Government that they formally advise the president to grant a pardon, and any conditions along with it. The 1993 Criminal Procedure Act[32] provides the method by which a person convicted of an offence may apply for a pardon. Under this procedure, the person must:
- Have already been convicted.
- Have used up their appeals.
- Allege a new fact (previously known and believed to be significant, but which he has a reasonable excuse for not having mentioned) or newly discovered fact (including a fact previously known which was not believed to be significant) showing a miscarriage of justice has taken place.
Then they can apply in writing to the minister for justice for a pardon. The minister may then "make or cause to be made such inquiries as they consider necessary" and may refuse to grant the pardon on his/her own initiative, or if they think the person should be pardoned, bring such argument to cabinet.
Method II
[edit]Section six of the act allows a minister for justice to seek or receive a pardon request from someone whose case is not a 'miscarriage of justice', but has some other fault, such as an archaic law, a law being misapplied by a rogue judge, a reduction in the harshness of a sentence or a substitution of a sentence, without having to go through the procedure above, gone through appeals, or presented new facts. It also allows the minister to waive the procedure in a case of miscarriage of justice if the specific case warrants it. It may also allow prospective pardons as it allows the minister to pardon someone who has not been convicted yet, which the other procedure requires.
Committee of Inquiry
[edit]The government itself may assemble a committee to study the case in more detail on their behalf. This may consist of anyone, and any number, but the chair must be:
- A judge or former judge or
- A barrister of at least 10 years standing or
- A solicitor of at least 10 years standing.
This special committee may look to any material it sees fit to make its decision, even if it was not, or would not be, available to a jury or trial judge in a normal court. The government do not have to be bound by the committee recommendations.
Pardons under military law
[edit]Under Section 7(5) of the act, the same powers of the minister for justice apply to the minister for defence in the case of military officers and enlisted convicted by courts martial.
Compensation
[edit]The minister for justice or defence may also, in their absolute discretion, pay compensation, determined by them alone, to any person given a pardon, if this compensation is applied for. If they think the compensation is too low they may challenge for a higher figure in the High Court.
List of people who have received a presidential pardon since 1938
[edit]The power is used very infrequently compared to, for example, pardons in the United States.[33]
- 1940 – Thomas Quinn, granted by Douglas Hyde
- 1943 – Walter Brady, granted by Douglas Hyde
- 1992 – Nicky Kelly, granted by Mary Robinson
- 1999 – William Geary, granted by Mary McAleese
- 2018 – Maolra Seoighe, granted by Michael D. Higgins[34]
- 2021 – John Twiss, granted by Michael D. Higgins[35]
Israel
[edit]In Israel the president has the power to pardon criminals or commute their sentences. The president's pardon powers are set out in the Basic Laws of Israel. The pardon is given following a recommendation by the minister of justice.
After the Kav 300 affair, President Chaim Herzog issued a pardon to four members of the Shin Bet prior to them being indicted. This unusual act was the first of its kind in Israel.
Italy
[edit]In Italy, the president of the republic may "grant pardons, or commute punishments" according to article 87 of the Italian Constitution. Like other acts of the president, the pardon requires the countersignature of the competent government minister. The Constitutional Court of Italy has ruled that the minister of justice is obliged to sign acts of pardon.[36]
The pardon may remove the punishment altogether or change its form. Unless the decree of pardon states otherwise, the pardon does not remove any incidental effects of a criminal conviction, such as a mention in a certificate of conduct (174 c.p.) or the loss of civil rights.
According to article 79 of the Italian Constitution the Parliament may grant amnesty (article 151 c.p.) and pardon (article 174 c.p.) by law deliberated a majority of two-thirds of the components. The last general pardon, discounting three years from sentences, was approved in 2006.
Morocco
[edit]In Morocco, the king has the right to grant pardons pursuant to Article 58 of the Constitution of Morocco and Dahir (royal decree) No. 1-57-387 of 6 February 1958. Requests for pardon are required to go through an examination process by a commission comprising the minister of justice and representatives of the supreme court prior to approval by the king.[37]
The right to pardon was traditionally recognized as a common practice among the sultans of the Alawi dynasty, and were only codified into the constitution by Hassan II (r. 1961–1999). This prerogative is currently used several times per year by the monarch during public holidays.[38][39]
On one occasion, a pardon which was granted by Mohammed VI to Daniel Galván, a Spanish convicted child rapist, was revoked following public outrage.[40]
Poland
[edit]In Poland, the president is granted the right of pardon by Article 139 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland.[41] Whether the president may grant relief prior to (final) conviction remains controversial, as the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Tribunal have opposing views.[42][43]
By president:[44]
- Wojciech Jaruzelski
- Approved — 607
- Declined — 119
- Lech Wałęsa
- Approved — 3,454
- Declined — 444
- Aleksander Kwaśniewski
- Approved (both terms) — 4,302
- Declined (both terms) — 2,639
- Lech Kaczyński
- Approved — 201
- Declined — 913
- Bronisław Komorowski
- Approved — 360
- Declined — 1,544
- Andrzej Duda (prior to 16 April 2025)
- Approved (both terms) — 143
- Declined (both terms) — 936
Portugal
[edit]In Portugal, the heads of state – kings or presidents – have always enjoyed the prerogative of grace, being able to grant pardons, commuting or extinguishing sentences in the context of requests for clemency.
According to the Portuguese Constitution,[45] the president of the Portuguese Republic has the power to pardon and commute sentences, on the proposal of the Government of the Portuguese Republic. This is the exclusive and discretionary competence of the president and is not subject to any conditions beyond the prior hearing of the Government, generally represented by the minister of justice. Requests or proposals for pardons are instructed by the Criminal Execution Court by referral from the Ministry of Justice and subsequently submitted to the president for consideration. The pardon is granted by presidential decree; if the pardon is denied, the president decides by order. Traditionally pardons are granted during the Christmas period. The pardon can be revoked by the president of the republic.
In 2019, president Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa granted two pardons.[46][full citation needed]
The pardon, as an individual, shall not be confused with amnesty or generic forgiveness, both of a general and abstract nature. Amnesty has retroactive effects, affecting not only the penalty applied but the past criminal act itself, which is forgotten, considered as not practiced (retroactive abolition of crime). Generic forgiveness focuses only on the penalties determined by the sentencing decision and for the future. It is the reserved competence of the Portuguese Parliament to approve generic amnesties and pardons.[47]
Russia
[edit]The president of the Russian Federation is granted the right of pardon by Article 89 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation. The chain of pardon committees manage lists of people eligible for pardon and directs them to the president for signing. While President Boris Yeltsin frequently used his power of pardon (1998 – 7,000 to 8,000 cases), his successor Vladimir Putin is much more hesitant; he granted five pardons in 2014 and two in 2015.[48] In 2021, Vladimir Putin officially pardoned six convicted offenders.[49]
A pardon can be requested at any time, although a one-year waiting period is required between requests.[50] This right is granted to citizens of the Russian Federation by Article 50 of the constitution.[49]
The Regulation on the Procedure for Considering Requests for Pardon in the Russian Federation, which was approved by Executive Order No.787, states that a pardon may be granted to the following individuals:[49]
- Individuals convicted by Russian courts and serving their sentences on Russian territory.
- Individuals convicted by foreign courts and serving their sentences in Russian territory (in accordance with international treaties).
- Individuals released on parole.
- Probationers and individuals serving suspended sentences by Russian courts.
- Individuals who have served their sentences but maintain official convictions on record.
As of 2023, Russia had pardoned over 5,000 convicts after they completed contracts with Wagner Group, a mercenary group, to fight in Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Yevgeny Prigozhin, the group's founder, offered thousands of inmates clemency in exchange for fighting in the most dangerous theaters of the war.[51] The program is no longer in effect as of 2024.[52]
Rwanda
[edit]The prerogative of mercy is a form of pardon that can be exercised by the president of Rwanda. The prerogative is one of the powers of the president defined by the Constitution of Rwanda, which came into effect in 2003 following a national referendum.[53] According to the Constitution of Rwanda, "The President of the Republic has authority to exercise the prerogative of mercy in accordance with the procedure determined by law and after consulting the Supreme Court on the matter."[54]
South Africa
[edit]Under section 84(2)(j) of the Constitution of South Africa, 1996 (Act 108 of 1996), the president of South Africa is responsible for pardoning or reprieving offenders. This power of the president is only exercised in highly exceptional cases.
To pardon a person is to forgive a person for his/her deeds. The pardon process is therefore not available to persons who maintain their innocence and is not an advanced form of appeal procedure.
Pardon is only granted for minor offences after a period of ten years has elapsed since the relevant conviction.
For many serious offences (for example if the relevant court viewed the offence in such a serious light that direct imprisonment was imposed) pardon will not be granted even if more than ten years have elapsed since the conviction.
Spain
[edit]The derecho de gracia ("right of grace") or indulto ("pardon") is acknowledged by the Spanish Constitution of 1978 as a privilege of the king of Spain (article 62.i: "Functions of the King"). Spanish law defines it as a renunciation on the state's part of its own punitive power on behalf of an individual, founded on reasons of equity or public interest. The Constitution subjects royal pardons to the law and forbids general pardons, so they have to be granted individually. Theoretically, a royal pardon can be granted for a general offense or accessory offenses alone; if it is granted for a general offense, the accessory ones it implies are also pardoned, with the exception of punishments involving political rights (i.e., removal of the right to run for a public office as a result of a sentence), which have to be explicitly mentioned in the pardon decree if they are going to be pardoned.
The procedure and requirements for the grant of the pardon are given by the Law of 18 June 1870, modified by Law 1/1988 of 14 January. The application for royal pardon has to be carried out by the convicted person himself, his relatives or any other person in his name. The convicting court will then issue a report of the case, which shall be considered along with the public comments of the prosecutor and the victims of the crime if there were any. All of this is gathered by the minister of justice, who will present the pardon issue to the Cabinet of Ministers. If the Cabinet decides a pardon should be granted, then the minister of justice will recommend as such to the king. Pardons are issued by royal decree and have to be published in the Boletín Oficial del Estado ("Public Journal").
Pardons are not commonly conceded in Spain but for offenders convicted for minor crimes who are about to complete their sentence and have shown good behaviour and repentance. Dating back to medieval times, several organisations and religious brotherhoods still hold the right of granting pardons as part of some privilege or other granted to them by the king of Spain. The scope of this privilege depends on the royal charter received by the organisation when their right to concede pardons was granted, though it usually holds only for minor offenses in very especial conditions; this right is implicitly acknowledged by the public offices nowadays, though it is not exercised but following the usual procedure for royal pardons. Traditionally, they will propose some petty criminal about to end his sentence for pardon being granted to him, and he/she will be released following the tradition to which the pardon holds, usually during the Holy Week. This type of pardons are distinguished from the usual ones in that they only release the prisoner from jail, halting the sentence, but do not pardon the offense itself.
Sri Lanka
[edit]In Sri Lanka, under the Sri Lankan Constitution the president can grant a pardon, respite or substitute a less severe form of punishment for any punishment imposed to any offender convicted of any offence in any court within the Republic of Sri Lanka. It is generally referred to as a presidential pardon.
Switzerland
[edit]In Switzerland, pardons may be granted by the Swiss Federal Assembly for crimes prosecuted by the federal authorities. For crimes under cantonal jurisdiction, cantonal law designates the authority competent to grant pardons (if any). In most cantons, the cantonal parliament may pardon felonies, and the cantonal government may pardon misdemeanors and minor infractions.
Turkey
[edit]The president of Turkey is granted the right of pardon under certain circumstances defined in the constitution, article 104. According to the article, the president can "remit, on grounds of chronic illness, disability, or old age, all or part of the sentences imposed on certain individuals". After the convict's or his or her proxy's application, if the Council of Forensic Medicine determines that the convict suffers from chronic illness, disability, or old age, the Ministry of Justice presents the situation to the president, and the president can choose to grant a pardon.
Additionally, the parliament of Turkey has the power to announce general amnesty.
United Kingdom
[edit]The power to grant pardons and reprieves in the United Kingdom is known as the royal prerogative of mercy. It was traditionally in the absolute power of the monarch to pardon an individual for a crime, whether or not he or she had been convicted, and thereby commute any penalty; the power was then delegated both to the judiciary and the sovereign's ministers. Since the creation of legal rights of appeal, the royal prerogative of mercy is no longer exercised by the person of the sovereign, or by the judiciary, but only by the government.
In constitutional terms, under the doctrine of the rule of law, the power of ministers to overrule the judiciary by commuting criminal sanctions imposed resolves different and sometimes conflicting public interests. In civil matters, only the legislative branch, and not ministers, have the power to override the judiciary.
The Indemnity and Oblivion Act 1660 was a general pardon for everyone who had committed crimes during the English Civil War and Interregnum with some exceptions for regicides and serious crimes.
Until the nineteenth century, for many crimes the sentence was mandatory and was formally pronounced in court immediately upon conviction, but judges and ministers were given powers to exercise the royal prerogative of mercy out of court, in order to mitigate the rigour of the law. Before there was any general form of criminal appeal, a judge might grant a pardon either by way of clemency, because he felt in his opinion that the law was unduly harsh (for example, in the case of convictions of minors), that the verdict was dubious, to seek public approval, or it was otherwise in the public interest. Capital sentences imposed by the assizes were generally executed when the assize was concluded and as the circuit judge left the town, so there was a limited window of time to apply to a judge or directly to the Crown for a pardon. Especially for assizes that were far away from the then capital and major cities of London, York, Durham, Edinburgh, or Dublin, a pardon might well arrive too late. Perhaps as a form of temporary punishment, to give solace, to avoid public disorder, to consult or obtain further evidence, or to maximise the public approval of the King's mercy, judges often did not grant their pardons until their departures; the convict often hoped until his last moments that the sentence of death would not actually be executed, and it was generally popular for a reprieve to arrive at the scaffold at the very moment of the execution.[55]
Conditional pardons were granted to many in the 18th century, in return for transportation to British colonies overseas for life in lieu, especially to the Australian colonies.
The first known general pardon in post-Conquest England was issued during the celebrations at the coronation of King Edward III in 1327. In 2006, all British Armed Forces soldiers who were executed for cowardice during the First World War were given a statutory pardon by an Act of Parliament (the Armed Forces Act 2006), following a long-running controversy about the justice of their executions.[56]
Today the sovereign only grants pardons upon the advice of their ministers: currently they are the Lord Chancellor, for England and Wales; the First Minister of Scotland; or the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. The Secretary of State for Defence is responsible for military cases. It is the standard policy of the government to only grant pardons to those who are considered "morally" innocent of the offence, as opposed to those who may have been wrongly convicted by a misapplication of the law. Pardons are generally no longer issued prior to a conviction, but only after the conviction. The royal prerogative of mercy is now rarely used, given that the Criminal Cases Review Commission and the Scottish Criminal Cases Review Commission are now avenues to statutory remedies against miscarriages of justice.[citation needed]
Therefore, the grant of pardons is now very rare occurrence indeed, and the vast majority of acknowledged miscarriages of justice were decided upon by the courts. During the Birmingham Six case, Home Secretary Douglas Hurd stressed that he could only make the decision for a pardon if he was "convinced of [their] innocence", which at the time he was not.[57]
One recent case was that of two drug smugglers, John Haase and Paul Bennett. They were pardoned in July 1996 from their sentences of imprisonment both of 18 years, having served some ten months, on the advice of Home Secretary Michael Howard.[58] This was intended as a reward for their information given to the authorities, but there were speculations as to the motives of the Home Secretary.[59] In 2008 they were sentenced to imprisonment for 20 and 22 years, respectively, after subsequent discovery that the information they gave was unreliable.
In 1980, after the courts had dismissed their appeals, the Home Secretary, William Whitelaw, used the royal prerogative of mercy to free David Cooper and Michael McMahon from their imprisonment, both having been convicted of murder on poor evidence.[60][61]
Under the Act of Settlement 1701, a pardon cannot prevent a person from being impeached by Parliament, but a pardon may commute any penalties imposed for the conviction. In England and Wales no person may be pardoned for an offence under Section 11 of the Habeas Corpus Act 1679 (unlawfully transporting prisoners out of England and Wales).[62]
United States
[edit]
Federal government
[edit]In the United States, the pardon power for offenses against the United States is granted to the president of the United States under Article II, Section 2 of the United States Constitution which states that the president "shall have power to grant reprieves and pardons for offenses against the United States, except in cases of impeachment". The U.S. Supreme Court has interpreted this language to include the power to grant many different forms of clemency (generally less sweeping than a full pardon), including not only pardons, but also conditional pardons, commutations of sentence, conditional commutations of sentence, remissions of fines, forfeitures and other criminal financial penalties, respites and reprieves, and amnesties.[63]
The pardon power of the president applies only to convictions under federal law.[64] Additionally, the power extends to military court-martial cases as well as convictions in the Superior Court of the District of Columbia.[64]
Almost all pardon petitions are addressed to the president, who grants or denies the request. In some cases, the president will, of their own accord, issue a pardon.[65] Since the 19th century, applications for pardons have been referred for review and non-binding recommendation by the Office of the Pardon Attorney, an official of the United States Department of Justice.[66][67]
State law
[edit]The governors of most U.S. states have the power to grant pardons, reprieves and other forms of clemency for offenses under state criminal law. In other states, that power is committed to an appointed agency or board, or to a board and the governor in some hybrid arrangement (in some states the agency is merged with that of the parole board, as in the Oklahoma Pardon and Parole Board).[68]
Nine states in the United States have boards of pardons and paroles that exclusively grant all state pardons. These states are: Alabama (Board of Pardons and Paroles), Connecticut (Board of Pardons and Paroles), Georgia (Board of Pardons and Paroles), Idaho (Commission of Pardons and Paroles), Minnesota (Board of Pardons), Nebraska (Board of Pardons), Nevada (Board of Pardon Commissioners), South Carolina (Board of Probation, Parole and Pardon), and Utah (Utah Board of Pardons and Parole).
On at least four occasions, state governors – Toney Anaya of New Mexico in 1986,[69] George Ryan of Illinois in 2003,[70] Martin O'Malley of Maryland in 2014,[71] and Kate Brown of Oregon in 2022[72] – have commuted all death sentences in their respective states prior to leaving office.
Related concepts
[edit]These terms differ subtly from country to country, but generally:[73]
- Clemency is a general concept of amelioration of penalties, especially by action of executive officials; the forms it may take include the following:
- Amnesty: A pardon applied to a group of people rather than an individual. President Jimmy Carter offered amnesty to anyone who had evaded the draft. Weapon amnesties are often granted so that people can hand in weapons to the police without any legal questions being asked as to where they obtained them, why they had them, etc. After a civil war a mass amnesty may be granted to absolve all participants of guilt and "move on". Amnesties are typically applied in advance of any prosecution for the crime.
- Commutation: Substituting the imposed penalty for a crime with a lesser penalty, whilst still remaining guilty of the original crime (e.g., someone who is guilty of murder may have their sentence commuted to life imprisonment rather than death, or the term of imprisonment may be reduced).
- Remission: Complete or partial cancellation of the penalty, whilst still being considered guilty of said crime (i.e., reduced penalty). (This should not be confused with what is known in the United States as remission of remand, in which a case is sent back to a lower court from which it was appealed, with instructions as to what further proceedings should be held.)
- Reprieve: Temporary postponement of a punishment, usually so that the accused can mount an appeal (especially if he or she has been sentenced to death).[74]
- Respite: The delay of an ordered sentence, or the act of temporarily imposing a lesser sentence upon the convicted, whilst further investigation, action, or appeals can be conducted.
- Parole is the provisional early release of a prisoner who agrees to abide by imposed behavioral conditions, generally including periodic check-ins with parole officers. Failure to comply with the terms of early release may result in reincarcertion.
- Expungement: The process by which the record of a criminal conviction is destroyed or sealed from the official repository, thus removing any traces of guilt or conviction.
- Immunity from prosecution: A prosecutor may grant immunity, usually to a witness, in exchange for testimony or production of other evidence. The prosecutor (conditionally) agrees not to prosecute a crime that the witness might have committed in exchange for said evidence. For example, a car thief who witnesses a murder might be granted immunity for his crime as an inducement to identify, and perhaps to truthfully testify against the murderer. Some criminals who testify for the prosecution may be offered immunity from prosecution for their own crimes.[75]
See also
[edit]- Acts of grace (piracy) – Pardons for acts of piracy
- Deferred prosecution – Way to avoid prosecution
- Ius strictum
- Might makes right – View that morality is, or ought to be, determined by those in power
References
[edit]- ^ Jacob Frenkel (21 July 2017). "President Trump Can Preemptively Pardon His Advisers And Family, But Will He?". Forbes.
- ^ Glenn P. Hastedt (2007). White House Studies Compendium. Vol. 6. Nova Science Pub Inc. p. 328. ISBN 978-1-60021-680-0.
- ^ Larkin, Paul J. (2017). "Mistakes and Justice—Using the Pardon Power to Remedy a Mistake of Law". Georgetown Journal of Law and Public Policy. 15: 651.
- ^ Love, Margaret Colegate (1999). "Of Pardons, Politics and Collar Buttons: Reflections on the President's Duty to Be Merciful". Fordham Urban Law Journal. 27: 1483.
- ^ a b "Pardons and the Theory of the Second-Best". 65 Fla. L. Rev. 1559. 2013. Retrieved 25 January 2025.
- ^ Alschuler, Albert W. (2021). "Limiting the Pardon Power". Arizona Law Review. 63: 545.
- ^ Smith, Christopher E.; Johnson, Scott P. (1988–1989). "Presidential Pardons and Accountability in the Executive Branch". 35 Wayne L. Rev. 1113. 35: 1113. Retrieved 25 January 2025.
- ^ "Royal Prerogative of Mercy and statutory referrals". Attorney General's Department. Government of Australia. Archived from the original on 30 May 2019. Retrieved 30 May 2019.
- ^ "Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act, Sec. 61". Commonwealth Consolidated Acts. Australian Legal Information Institute. Retrieved 30 May 2019.
- ^ "Royal Prerogative of Mercy review". Justice. New South Wales Government. Retrieved 30 May 2019.
- ^ "Mercy". Commonwealth Sentencing Database. National Judicial College of Australia. 31 January 2013. Retrieved 30 May 2019.
- ^ "Crimes Act of 1914". Federal Register of Legislation. Australian Government. 22 November 2018. Retrieved 30 May 2019.
- ^ "Release on Parole or Licence". Commonwealth Sentencing Database. National Judicial College of Australia. 31 January 2013.
- ^ "Crimes Act of 1914, Sec. 19AP. Release on licence". Commonwealth Consolidated Acts. Australian Legal Information Institute. Retrieved 30 May 2019.
- ^ Safe Streets and Communities Act, S.C. 2012, c. 1
- ^ "What is a Record Suspension?". Government of Canada. 6 July 2017. Retrieved 26 July 2017.
- ^ Love, Margaret (23 November 2014). "Canada stiffens policy on sealing of criminal records – but it still looks pretty liberal from here". Collateral Consequences Resource Center. Retrieved 26 July 2017.
- ^ "Record Suspensions". Parole Board of Canada. Archived from the original on 5 July 2016. Retrieved 30 June 2016. Retrieved on June 30, 2016
- ^ "Limiting Pardons for Serious Crimes". Public Safety Canada. 11 July 2002. Archived from the original on 30 June 2013. Retrieved 26 July 2017.
- ^ "Criminal pardon application fee to drop from $658 to $50 in new year". Government of Canada. 21 December 2021. Retrieved 26 July 2017.
- ^ "Record Suspension Guide". Parole Board of Canada. 31 May 2018. Retrieved 18 June 2018.
- ^ "National Parole Board Welcome Page | Commission nationale des libérations conditionnelles Page d'accueil". globalnews.ca. Retrieved 23 May 2023.
- ^ Ministry of Justice of Chile (12 November 1874). "Código penal" (in Spanish). Library of the National Congress of Chile. Retrieved 18 March 2010.
- ^ Ministry of Justice of Chile (6 November 1981). "Ley N.º 18050 Fija normas generales para conceder indultos particulares" (in Spanish). Library of the National Congress of Chile. Retrieved 14 January 2004.
- ^ Ministry of Justice of Chile (6 November 1981). "Decreto N.º 1542 Reglamento sobre indultos particulares" (in Spanish). Library of the National Congress of Chile. Retrieved 14 January 2004.
- ^ Politoff L., Sergio; Matus, Jean Pierre; Ramírez G., María Cecilia (2004). Lecciones de Derecho Penal Chileno. Parte General. Santiago: Editorial Jurídica de Chile. p. 572.
- ^ "Dialogue – Issue 34: 1959 Special Pardon Encouraged Prisoners to Reform". duihua.org. 29 January 2009. Retrieved 22 March 2022.
- ^ "Al Jazeera journalists freed from Egypt prison". Al Jazeera. 23 September 2015. Retrieved 9 October 2019.
- ^ "Vorzeitiges Haftende: Ex-RAF-Terrorist Christian Klar ist frei". Der Spiegel (in German). Retrieved 5 January 2021.
- ^ "Court Can Review Pardon: SC". Economic Times. 12 October 2006. Archived from the original on 29 June 2013. Retrieved 5 April 2013.
- ^ "Electronic Irish Statute Book (EISB)".
- ^ "Electronic Irish Statute Book (EISB)".
- ^ Murdoch, Henry (2000). Murdoch's Dictionary of Irish Law (3rd ed.). Topaz Publications. p. 566. ISBN 0-9514032-5-7.
- ^ Fortin, Jacey (6 April 2018). "Hanged After a Trial He Couldn't Understand, and Pardoned 136 Years Later". The New York Times. Retrieved 17 December 2021.
- ^ "John Twiss: Presidential pardon issued for 1895 Cork murder". BBC News. 16 December 2021. Retrieved 17 December 2021.
- ^ "Giudizio per Conflitto di Attribuzione Tra Poteri Dello Stato" [Judgement for Conflict of Attribution Between the Power of the State]. Constitutional Court of Italy (in Italian). 24 May 2006. Retrieved 22 July 2017.
- ^ "Dahir n° 1-57-387 du 16 rejeb 1377 (6 février 1958) relatif aux grâces". Archived from the original on 3 September 2009. Retrieved 21 November 2013.
- ^ "Revolution of the King and the People: Royal Pardon for 653 Convicts". Maghreb Arabe Presse. 19 August 2023. Retrieved 11 August 2024.
- ^ "Eid Al Fitr: Royal Pardon for 2,097 People". Maghreb Arabe Presse. 9 April 2024. Retrieved 11 August 2024.
- ^ "Spanish paedophile Daniel Galvan Vina remanded in custody". BBC News. 6 August 2013. Retrieved 11 August 2024.
- ^ "The Constitution of the Republic of Poland". www.sejm.gov.pl. Retrieved 24 October 2023.
- ^ "Wyrok SN z 6 czerwca 2023, II KK 96/23". Supreme Court (Poland) (in Polish). Retrieved 18 December 2023.
- ^ "Postanowienie TK z 2 czerwca 2023, Kpt 1/17". Constitutional Tribunal (Poland) (in Polish). Retrieved 18 December 2023.
- ^ "Pięć lat prezydentury Andrzeja Dudy". Oficjalna strona Prezydenta Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej.
- ^ Article 134.º, paragraph f of the Constitution of Portugal
- ^ "Presidente da República concede dois indultos 'por razões humanitárias'", 24 February 2020
- ^ Article 161.º, paragraph f) of the Constitution of Portugal
- ^ Не милосердие, а политическая игра: Владимир Путин ежегодно отпускает из тюрем всего пару человек. Почему? Meduza.io, 2016.05.31.
- ^ a b c "Presidential Pardon". President of Russia.
- ^ Указ Президента РФ от 28 декабря 2001 г. № 1500 «О комиссиях по вопросам помилования на территориях субъектов Российской Федерации»; «Положение о порядке рассмотрения ходатайств о помиловании в Российской Федерации».
- ^ "Russia pardons over 5,000 convicts after fighting in Ukraine with Wagner Group". France 24. 25 March 2023. Retrieved 15 May 2024.
- ^ "Putin has reportedly stopped pardoning prisoner recruits, and Russia's criminals-in-arms will now serve until the war ends". Meduza. Retrieved 15 May 2024.
- ^ Rwanda U.S. Department of State (accessed 2008-10-20)
- ^ Constitution of Rwanda Archived 2009-03-25 at the Wayback Machine Article 111. Legal and Constitutional Commission of Rwanda (accessed 2008-10-20)
- ^ In a 1655 case during the Commonwealth, a Roundhead judge rode from Cornwall to London and returned with Lord Protector Cromwell's pardon for the Royalist rebel William Wake whom he had himself sentenced to death; Wake had taken a beating for him when they were schoolboys together at Westminster School twenty years before. Budgell, Spectator No. 313. Thursday, February 28, 1712.
- ^ Fenton, Ben (16 August 2006). "Pardoned: the 306 soldiers shot at dawn for 'cowardice'". The Daily Telegraph. Archived from the original on 21 December 2006.
- ^ "Bombing (Court Cases)". Parliamentary Debates (Hansard). 20 January 1987.
- ^ Summers, Chris (19 November 2008). "How a Home Secretary was hoodwinked". BBC News.
- ^ Cohen, Nick (14 February 2005). "This man is one of Britain's most dangerous drug lords. Why did Michael Howard let him out of jail after ten months?". New Statesman.
- ^ Woffinden, Bob (24 June 2003). "It never feels a triumph". The Guardian.
- ^ Woffinden, Bob (1 August 2003). "Dead men finally cleared of murder". The Guardian.
- ^ "Habeas Corpus Act 1679, Section XI". legislation.gov.uk. The National Archives. Retrieved 23 May 2017.
- ^ Ruckman, P. S. Jr. (1997). "Executive Clemency in the United States: Origins, Development, and Analysis (1900–1993)". Presidential Studies Quarterly. 27 (2): 251–271. JSTOR 27551729.
- ^ a b "Pardon Information and Instructions". Office of the Pardon Attorney (USDOJ). Archived from the original on 6 February 2019. Retrieved 20 May 2014.
- ^ "Trump issues pardon to 'Scooter' Libby, former chief of staff to Vice President Cheney". The Washington Post. 13 April 2018.
- ^ "A look at the president's pardon power and how it works". PBS News. 26 August 2017. Retrieved 30 June 2025.
- ^ "The rise of federal clemency and second chances in the U.S. justice syst | The Jerusalem Post". The Jerusalem Post | JPost.com. 29 June 2025. Retrieved 30 June 2025.
- ^ "State Clemency Guide". Criminal Justice Policy Foundation. Archived from the original on 28 September 2011. Retrieved 5 October 2017.
- ^ "Anaya Takes 5 Off Death Row". Los Angeles Times. 26 November 1986. Retrieved 16 July 2013.
- ^ Marsh, Jason. "A Change of Heart". Greater Good. Berkeley University. Retrieved 16 July 2013.
- ^ "O'Malley commutes Maryland's last four death sentences". CNN. 31 December 2014. Retrieved 16 July 2013.
- ^ Selsky, Andrew (14 December 2022). "Oregon governor commutes all 17 of state's death sentences". Associated Press. Retrieved 15 December 2022.
- ^ Ruckman, P. S. (2013). "Federal Executive Clemency in the Administration of Barack Obama (2009–2013): A Pardon Power Report". SSRN Working Paper Series. doi:10.2139/ssrn.2234261. ISSN 1556-5068.
- ^ Black, Henry Campbell (1990). Black's law dictionary : definitions of the terms and phrases of American and English jurisprudence, ancient and modern (6th ed.). St. Paul, Minn.: West Pub. Co. p. 1302. ISBN 978-0314762719.
- ^ "Inside the witness protection program", Gabriel Falcon, CNN, February 16, 2013.
External links
[edit]Pardon
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Legal Nature
Core Definition and Distinctions
A pardon is an executive act of clemency that exempts a convicted individual from punishment for a criminal offense, effectively forgiving the guilt associated with the conviction and restoring civil rights forfeited due to it, such as the right to vote or serve on a jury.[8][9] This authority stems from the inherent prerogative of sovereigns or constitutional grants to executive branches in modern systems, allowing remission of penalties as an exercise of mercy rather than a judicial reversal of findings of guilt.[10] Unlike judicial processes, pardons do not require admission of factual innocence but acknowledge the crime while nullifying its legal consequences.[11] Pardons must be distinguished from related forms of executive relief. A commutation reduces the severity of a sentence—such as shortening imprisonment or converting it to a fine—without expunging the conviction itself, leaving the underlying guilt intact and civil disabilities potentially persisting.[1][12] A reprieve, conversely, offers only a temporary suspension of punishment, often to facilitate appeals, further investigation, or humanitarian considerations, but imposes no permanent forgiveness and defers rather than eliminates the penalty.[13][14] Amnesty differs fundamentally as a collective pardon applied to groups for classes of offenses, typically without individualized review, and often extended preemptively in political reconciliations or to address systemic overreach, such as draft evasions or minor regulatory violations en masse.[4] While pardons target specific post-conviction cases and imply personal rehabilitation or exceptional circumstances, amnesty serves broader policy aims and may encompass unconvicted individuals.[15] Broader clemency encompasses pardons alongside commutations and reprieves, but the term pardon specifically denotes full absolution rather than partial mitigation.[3][14]Scope and Limitations
The pardon power, rooted in executive prerogative under common law traditions and codified in systems like the U.S. Constitution's Article II, Section 2, Clause 1, extends to federal offenses against the United States, encompassing criminal convictions but excluding civil wrongs or non-federal violations.[16] This authority permits various forms of clemency, including full pardons that forgive the offense and restore the recipient's legal status as though the guilt had been obliterated, reprieves that temporarily suspend punishment, commutations that reduce sentences without absolving guilt, and remissions of fines or forfeitures.[17][3] Pardons can apply preemptively to uncharged or unconvicted federal offenses, as demonstrated by President Gerald Ford's 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon for any potential Watergate-related crimes committed during his presidency, but they cannot license or cover future criminal acts not yet perpetrated. A pardon applies only to the specific convictions or offenses explicitly covered by the grant and does not extend to separate federal charges against the same individual, even if connected to the investigation of the pardoned offenses.[18] Key limitations confine the power's reach: it explicitly excludes cases of impeachment, preventing executive interference with congressional removal proceedings.[19] Federal pardons do not apply to state, local, or tribal offenses, nor do they extinguish civil liabilities, private lawsuits, or contractual obligations arising from the pardoned conduct; for instance, a pardoned individual remains liable for restitution to victims or damages in tort claims.[20][21] While a full pardon generally relieves direct federal penalties and disabilities—such as ineligibility for certain government benefits—it does not invariably restore collateral consequences like firearm ownership rights under state laws, professional licensure, or voting privileges, which depend on jurisdiction-specific statutes and may necessitate separate petitions.[22][1] The pardon power's plenary character renders it largely immune to legislative or judicial override, as affirmed in cases like Ex parte Garland (1866), but unresolved questions persist regarding self-pardons, pardons for contempt of Congress, or conditional pardons imposing post-release restrictions, such as lifetime supervision.[3] In practice, these bounds preserve separation of powers while preventing the executive from nullifying non-criminal accountability or preempting uncommitted violations.[23]Historical Development
Ancient and Pre-Modern Origins
In ancient Near Eastern and biblical traditions, the concept of pardon emerged as a sovereign act of mercy, often tied to divine authority or royal prerogative. Under Mosaic Law, pardon involved forgiveness from punishment, as reflected in Hebrew scriptures where God is described as granting salach—a term denoting the lifting of guilt or penalty—freely and abundantly to the repentant, such as in instances of national atonement rituals outlined in Leviticus 16, where the high priest symbolically transferred sins to a scapegoat.[24] This framework influenced later legal thought by establishing pardon as an exceptional override of strict justice, distinct from routine sacrificial expiation. Similarly, in ancient Egypt, pharaohs occasionally exercised royal clemency for grave offenses, though records are sparse; exile was the standard penalty for serious crimes, with mercy serving to reinforce the ruler's divine role in maintaining ma'at (cosmic order).[25] In classical Greece, pardon was not a formalized executive power but appeared in philosophical and legal discussions as a tempered form of equity (epieikeia). Plato's Laws (circa 360 BCE) proposed that after a conviction and a period of exile—typically two or three years—a group of elders could review and potentially pardon the offender, aiming to balance rigid law with human fallibility while preventing abuse through collective deliberation.[26] This reflected a cultural emphasis on justice over unbridled mercy; early Greek thought prioritized retribution, with forgiveness viewed as rare and conditional, often absent in Homeric epics where enemies were destroyed rather than spared. Personifications like Eleos (pity or compassion) existed in myth, but practical clemency was limited, underscoring a societal preference for dikē (justice) as causal retribution.[27] Roman practice elevated clemency (clementia) to a political virtue and tool of governance, particularly under the Republic and Empire. As early as the regal period (circa 2,000 years before the Common Era, per Plutarch), ad hoc mercy was possible, such as when a condemned criminal's path to execution accidentally crossed a Vestal Virgin's, sparing his life as an omen of divine favor.[28] Julius Caesar (100–44 BCE) systematized it during the civil wars, pardoning defeated senators and enemies after the Rubicon crossing in 49 BCE to foster loyalty and stability, framing clementia as a magnanimous alternative to proscription lists that confiscated property and authorized killings.[29] Emperors like Augustus later deified it, associating clemency with imperial authority to mitigate senatorial convictions or provincial rebellions, though it remained discretionary and often politically motivated rather than rights-based. This Roman model influenced subsequent European monarchies by linking pardon to the ruler's absolute power over life and death.[30] Pre-modern developments in late antiquity and early medieval Europe built on these foundations, integrating Christian theology of forgiveness with secular authority. Biblical precedents, including Joseph's pardon of his brothers (Genesis 45, circa 15th century BCE in tradition) and Jesus' mercy toward the adulterous woman (John 8:1–11), infused pardon with redemptive elements, portraying it as emulation of divine grace over vengeance.[31] In the early medieval West, rulers like King Ine of Wessex (r. 688–726 CE) asserted a prerogative of mercy in Germanic law codes, allowing royal intervention in capital cases within the royal household to avert blood feuds or enforce peace.[32] Continental practices, such as Carolingian capitularies (8th–9th centuries), extended this to felony pardons as acts of almsgiving for the soul, where monarchs granted remission to the indigent or penitent, viewing mercy as a Christian duty to temper lex talionis while asserting sovereignty over feudal jurisdictions.[33] These acts were not codified rights but pragmatic exercises of power, often requiring petitions or intercession, prefiguring later formalized processes without the adversarial common law structure.English Common Law Foundations
The royal prerogative of mercy, foundational to the pardon power in English common law, originated as a personal authority vested in the monarch to forgive offenses against the crown or the public, serving as a discretionary act of grace unbound by judicial processes. This prerogative traces its roots to early Anglo-Saxon kings, such as Ine of Wessex in the late 7th century, who exercised clemency as an extension of sovereign justice, a practice that evolved into a core element of monarchical rule by the Norman Conquest in 1066. By the 14th century, royal pardons had become a routine mechanism for granting immunity from common law prosecution, often issued to individuals or groups following convictions, thereby balancing strict legal enforcement with considerations of equity and political expediency.[32][34] In common law doctrine, as articulated by Sir William Blackstone in his Commentaries on the Laws of England (1765–1769), the pardon was distinguished as an act of oblivion that extinguished both the crime and its punishment, differing from mere reprieves which only delayed execution. Blackstone emphasized that the king could issue absolute pardons, fully absolving guilt, or conditional ones, attaching terms such as restitution or future good behavior, though limited by statutes like the prohibition on pardoning parliamentary impeachments to preserve legislative oversight. The Act of Settlement 1701 further refined this by ensuring pardons could not halt parliamentary inquiries into crown misconduct, embedding checks on the prerogative while affirming its role as a "safety valve" for mercy in cases where rigid law overlooked human frailty or evidentiary errors.[35][36][37] This prerogative was not absolute; common law courts upheld limitations, such as requiring parliamentary consent for pardons affecting peers' rights or excluding treason convictions post-impeachment, reflecting a tension between sovereign mercy and parliamentary sovereignty post-Glorious Revolution. Pardons thus functioned causally as a corrective to inflexible statutes, often granted via writs or charters, with records from the medieval period showing their use in quelling unrest or rewarding loyalty, though overuse prompted statutory curbs like Henry VIII's 1530s reforms targeting fraudulent claims. By the 18th century, the power's exercise had formalized through advisory councils, influencing its transmission to colonial jurisdictions as an inherent attribute of executive authority.[38][39]Adoption in Constitutional Systems
The pardon power, derived from the English Crown's prerogative of mercy, was adapted into the U.S. Constitution during the 1787 Constitutional Convention, where delegates vested it exclusively in the President under Article II, Section 2, Clause 1, which states: "The President ... shall have Power to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment."[40] This formulation limited the scope to federal offenses and excluded impeachment to prevent executive interference in congressional removal processes, marking a deliberate departure from unlimited monarchical authority while preserving executive discretion.[32] Proposals to involve the Senate in pardons, akin to treaty ratification, were rejected to avoid legislative delays that could exacerbate rebellions or civil unrest.[41] Alexander Hamilton, in Federalist No. 74, justified this broad executive grant as essential for correcting judicial errors, tempering excessive punishment, and restoring public order, such as by pardoning insurgents to avert broader conflict without awaiting legislative approval.[32] The Framers viewed the power as a check against prosecutorial or judicial overreach, rooted in English precedents like those under Charles II, but republicanized to align with separation of powers principles.[42] Ratified in 1788, this clause influenced state constitutions, where governors received analogous clemency authority—often mirroring federal language but tailored to state offenses—ensuring a uniform adoption across the early American constitutional framework.[41] Beyond the United States, constitutional systems in other republics adopted similar executive pardon mechanisms to balance justice with mercy, though with varying constraints. For instance, France's 1958 Constitution, Article 17, grants the President "the right of pardon," exercised individually rather than collectively, reflecting post-monarchical efforts to retain clemency while subordinating it to republican norms; this power has been used sparingly, with amnesties requiring parliamentary approval for broader application. In contrast, systems like Germany's Basic Law (Article 60) limit federal presidential pardons to advisory roles coordinated with states, emphasizing federalism over unilateral executive action, a design informed by Weimar-era abuses of mercy powers.[43] These adoptions underscore a common constitutional strategy: entrusting pardons to the executive for efficiency, while embedding limits to prevent arbitrary rule, though empirical outcomes vary by institutional checks and political culture.[23]Rationales and Ethical Considerations
Arguments for Mercy and Error Correction
The pardon power functions as a critical safeguard in legal systems, enabling executives to extend mercy where strict application of the law might yield unjust outcomes. Proponents argue that mercy acknowledges human fallibility and the limitations of judicial processes, allowing for forgiveness in cases of minor offenses, remorseful offenders, or disproportionate punishments. For instance, historical uses of clemency have emphasized tempering justice with compassion, particularly when laws fail to account for individual frailties or post-conviction rehabilitation.[38] This rationale draws from English common law traditions, where the prerogative of mercy served as a discretionary tool to mitigate overly severe penalties, a principle carried into modern constitutional frameworks.[4] In correcting judicial errors, pardons address miscarriages of justice that evidential processes or appeals may overlook. Legal scholars describe executive clemency as a "fail-safe" mechanism to rectify wrongful convictions, excessive sentences, or overlooked exculpatory evidence, thereby restoring equity without undermining the rule of law.[44] Empirical instances include governors and presidents granting relief based on DNA evidence or prosecutorial misconduct, with data from innocence projects indicating that clemency has exonerated individuals after years of imprisonment—such as the 142 DNA exonerations documented by the Innocence Project as of 2023, some facilitated through pardon processes.[45] This corrective role is particularly vital in systems prone to errors, where appellate courts are bound by procedural constraints, leaving clemency as the primary avenue for substantive review.[46] Furthermore, arguments for mercy and error correction underscore the pardon’s role in promoting systemic integrity over punitive rigidity. By enabling executives to intervene, pardons prevent the perpetuation of irreversible harms, such as the execution of innocents or the indefinite incarceration of the undeserving, aligning with first-principles notions of justice as outcome-oriented rather than process-bound. Critics of underutilized clemency highlight historical underuse—federal pardons averaging fewer than 100 annually in recent decades despite rising wrongful conviction estimates—suggesting a need for its revival to fulfill this equilibrating function.[47] Overall, these rationales position the pardon not as an exception but as an essential complement to adjudication, ensuring that legal consequences reflect true culpability and societal mercy.[48]Political and Prudential Justifications
The pardon power functions as a constitutional check on the judicial branch, enabling the executive to counteract erroneous convictions, overreach in prosecutions, or the application of rigid legal standards that may not align with broader political equities. In the American constitutional framework, this authority was envisioned by the Framers as a safeguard against the potential for judicial or legislative excess, particularly in politically sensitive cases where convictions might exacerbate divisions rather than resolve them.[49][47] Alexander Hamilton, in Federalist No. 74, emphasized its role in providing executive discretion to temper the "rigidity" of law, arguing that without such prerogative, prosecutions for sedition or treason could precipitate insurrections or civil discord by foreclosing paths to reconciliation.[50] Politically, pardons facilitate national stability by allowing leaders to grant amnesties or clemency in the aftermath of unrest, thereby restoring order and loyalty without undermining legal authority. Historical precedents include executive pardons issued to quell rebellions, such as those following armed insurrections, where the act served to mollify tensions and prevent escalation into broader conflict, aligning with the executive's responsibility for public welfare and security.[51][47] This rationale underscores the power's utility in scenarios where judicial finality might prioritize retribution over pragmatic governance, enabling the executive to exercise judgment informed by real-time political dynamics rather than static legal precedents.[3] Prudentially, the pardon authority promotes efficient administration of justice by incorporating flexibility into an otherwise mechanistic system, permitting corrections for miscarriages of justice or contextual factors overlooked in trials, such as post-conviction evidence of rehabilitation or disproportionate sentencing. Hamilton further justified it on grounds of "humanity and good policy," positing that vesting this discretion in a single executive avoids the delays and inconsistencies of collective decision-making, ensuring timely intervention to avert unnecessary suffering or societal costs.[50] In practice, this allows for prudential balancing of individual cases against collective interests, such as reducing prison overcrowding or incentivizing cooperation in larger investigations, without requiring systemic legislative reforms that could lag behind evolving circumstances.[23] Such considerations reflect a realist assessment that laws, being general, inevitably fail to address all particulars, rendering pardon a necessary adjunct for equitable outcomes.[52]Criticisms of Inequality and Abuse Potential
Critics contend that the pardon power exacerbates social inequalities by disproportionately favoring applicants from privileged backgrounds, particularly along racial and socioeconomic lines. An analysis of nearly 500 federal pardon applications from 2001 to 2008 revealed that white applicants were nearly four times more likely to receive pardons than minority applicants, with black petitioners facing the lowest success rates despite comprising a significant portion of the federal prison population.[53] This disparity persists even after controlling for factors like offense type and time served, suggesting systemic biases in the evaluation process conducted by the Office of the Pardon Attorney, where initial screenings and recommendations may undervalue petitions from underrepresented groups.[54] Socioeconomic critiques highlight how access to the pardon process inherently advantages the wealthy and well-connected, as successful petitions often require extensive legal representation, character references, and lobbying efforts that low-income individuals cannot afford. While comprehensive class-based data on pardon recipients is limited, historical patterns show pardons granted to high-profile figures with financial resources, such as donors or celebrities, far outpacing those for ordinary citizens; for instance, presidents have issued clemency to family members or political allies with means to influence outcomes, underscoring how economic barriers limit equitable application.[53] The low overall grant rate—fewer than 2% of petitions succeed federally—amplifies this, as resource-poor applicants struggle against a bureaucratic system that rewards persistence and elite networks.[55] The pardon power's unchecked nature invites abuse, enabling executives to circumvent accountability for political gain or personal protection, a concern echoed since the Constitutional Convention where delegates feared it could undermine the rule of law.[23] Historical examples include President Gerald Ford's 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon for Watergate-related offenses, criticized for preempting judicial scrutiny and shielding a former president from prosecution, thereby prioritizing political stability over equal justice.[56] Similarly, Bill Clinton's 2001 pardons of 140 individuals on his last day in office, including financier Marc Rich—who had fled U.S. tax evasion charges and whose ex-wife donated heavily to Clinton campaigns—drew accusations of cronyism and sale of influence.[57] Further abuses arise from pardons issued to allies amid investigations, as seen in Donald Trump's 2020-2021 clemencies for figures like Michael Flynn and Paul Manafort, convicted in probes tied to his administration, which opponents argued obstructed justice and exemplified self-serving use of the power.[57] Legal scholars note that without congressional oversight or judicial review, such actions erode public trust and incentivize corruption, as the president's sole discretion—absent impeachment—allows pardons to serve as tools for impunity rather than genuine mercy.[58] These patterns substantiate fears that the pardon, intended as a safety valve, can instead perpetuate elite impunity and politicize justice.Processes and Criteria
General Application Procedures
Applicants for a pardon in executive clemency systems typically must first confirm eligibility, which generally requires completion of the full sentence, including any probation or parole terms, followed by a waiting period of good conduct—often at least five years from release or conviction, whichever is later—to demonstrate rehabilitation.[59][60] Ineligibility persists during ongoing supervision or for certain offenses like treason in some jurisdictions.[61] The process begins with obtaining an official application form from the designated clemency authority, such as a pardon attorney office or board, which must be completed in full with personal details including full name, date of birth, offense history, employment record, and family background.[62][63] Supporting documentation is required, encompassing certified copies of court records (indictment, judgment, sentence), evidence of post-conviction conduct like character references, proof of community involvement or restitution, and a personal statement explaining remorse, behavioral changes, and specific need for relief such as restored rights for employment or travel.[64][65] Submission occurs via mail or online portal to the executive's clemency office, often without fee but sometimes with a non-refundable processing charge; military or specialized convictions may route directly to relevant departments like a secretary of defense.[66][67] Upon receipt, applications undergo administrative review for completeness, followed by investigation involving background checks, victim notifications where applicable, and possible interviews; advisory bodies, such as pardon boards, evaluate based on criteria like equity, public safety, and federal interest before recommending to the executive.[68][63] Decisions are discretionary and non-reviewable by courts, with no guaranteed timeline—federal processes can span years—and denials typically lack explanation, though reapplications are possible after further good conduct.[1] Waivers for waiting periods may be requested with justification, but approval is rare without compelling evidence of hardship.[69] Success rates remain low historically, emphasizing the exceptional nature of pardons as acts of mercy rather than routine relief.[70]Advisory Mechanisms and Eligibility Standards
In many jurisdictions, advisory mechanisms for pardons involve independent boards or departmental offices that review applications, investigate petitioners' backgrounds, and provide non-binding recommendations to the executive authority. For instance, in the United States federal system, the Office of the Pardon Attorney within the Department of Justice conducts investigations into applicants' post-conviction conduct, solicits input from prosecutors and victims, and forwards recommendations to the President, who holds ultimate discretion under Article II, Section 2 of the Constitution.[59] Similarly, state-level processes often route petitions through pardon advisory boards, such as Wisconsin's Pardon Advisory Board, which evaluates eligibility and rehabilitation evidence before advising the governor.[71] In Massachusetts, the Parole Board functions as an advisory body for clemency petitions, assessing factors like public safety risks and remorse.[72] These mechanisms aim to ensure thorough vetting, though executives may bypass them, as seen in direct grants without formal review.[73] Eligibility standards typically require petitioners to have completed their sentences, demonstrated sustained good conduct, and shown rehabilitation, with waiting periods to verify post-release stability. Federally in the U.S., applicants must generally wait five years after release from confinement or sentencing (if no imprisonment occurred), remain free of federal or state supervision like probation, and exhibit remorse or compelling reasons such as employment barriers.[59][69] State criteria vary: Virginia mandates freedom from court conditions and no pending charges for simple pardons, while some states impose no formal waiting periods but emphasize evidence of reform and low recidivism risk.[74] Pardons are rarely granted for unserved sentences or active fugitives, prioritizing cases where mercy addresses inequities without undermining justice.[75] In non-U.S. systems, such as New Jersey's recent clemency initiative, advisory boards apply similar standards, focusing on non-violent offenses and rehabilitation timelines established by executive order.[76]Implementation by Jurisdiction
United States
The pardon power in the United States derives from Article II, Section 2, Clause 1 of the Constitution, which grants the President authority to "grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment."[3] This executive prerogative applies exclusively to federal offenses and encompasses full pardons, which forgive the offense and restore civil rights; commutations, which reduce sentences; reprieves, which temporarily suspend punishment; and amnesties for groups.[4] The power is plenary and unreviewable by courts, though it cannot extend to state crimes or civil liabilities, and presidents have occasionally issued preemptive pardons before charges or convictions, as debated in legal scholarship regarding its scope.[16] At the federal level, clemency petitions are processed through the Office of the Pardon Attorney within the Department of Justice, which investigates applications, typically requiring a five-year waiting period after sentence completion, and provides advisory recommendations to the President.[70] The President may accept, reject, or bypass these recommendations, granting clemency unilaterally; for instance, George Washington first exercised the power in 1795 by pardoning Whiskey Rebellion participants to restore order, while Abraham Lincoln issued thousands during the Civil War to encourage Confederate desertions.[4] From 1900 to 2023, presidents granted approximately 20,000 acts of clemency, though rates vary: Franklin D. Roosevelt issued over 3,600, compared to fewer than 100 by recent presidents amid heightened scrutiny.[55] Controversial uses include Gerald Ford's 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon for Watergate-related offenses, which preempted potential prosecution but contributed to Ford's electoral defeat.[4] State pardons, authorized by individual state constitutions, are typically vested in governors but exhibit significant procedural variations across the 50 states.[77] In about 30 states, governors hold exclusive authority, subject to minimal constraints, while in roughly 20 others, pardon boards or councils provide mandatory advice or approval, particularly for capital cases or serious felonies; for example, Texas requires unanimous board consent for most pardons.[75] These powers mirror federal forms—pardons, commutations, and reprieves—but apply to state convictions and often restore rights like voting or firearm possession, with some states prohibiting pardons for certain crimes such as treason.[77] Usage rates differ markedly; governors in states like Georgia and Kentucky grant hundreds annually, whereas others, such as in North Carolina, defer heavily to advisory bodies, resulting in fewer issuances.[75] Unlike federal pardons, state clemency lacks a uniform national oversight, leading to inconsistencies in application and occasional political controversies over perceived favoritism.[77]Federal Pardons
The President's authority to grant federal pardons stems from Article II, Section 2, Clause 1 of the U.S. Constitution, which vests the executive with the power "to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offences against the United States, except in Cases of Impeachment."[3] This plenary power allows unilateral action without congressional approval or judicial review, encompassing pardons that forgive convictions and restore civil rights, as well as commutations that reduce sentences, reprieves that temporarily suspend punishment, and remissions that refund fines or restitution.[19] The authority applies exclusively to federal offenses, excluding state crimes, civil liabilities, or impeachment proceedings.[16] Administration of federal clemency occurs primarily through the Office of the Pardon Attorney (OPA) within the Department of Justice, established in the late 19th century to process applications and advise the President.[70] Individuals seeking a pardon after completing their sentence submit a formal application to the OPA, which typically requires a five-year waiting period from release or termination of probation; waivers may be requested with justification.[61] The OPA conducts investigations, including FBI background checks, victim notifications, and consultations with prosecutors, before forwarding recommendations to the White House—though presidents may bypass this process entirely, as occurred frequently during the Trump administration when over 90% of clemency grants ignored OPA advice.[70] Grants are formalized via executive warrant and published in the Federal Register, but acceptance is not mandatory; conditional pardons, such as those requiring good behavior, have been upheld by courts as valid if not unduly coercive.[23] Limitations on the pardon power include its inapplicability to prospective crimes, a principle derived from English common law precedents incorporated into U.S. jurisprudence, preventing pardons for offenses not yet committed.[20] Self-pardons remain constitutionally untested, with no historical examples and divided scholarly opinion: some argue the text implies a grantor-recipient distinction akin to bribes, while others view it as permissible absent explicit prohibition, though ethical norms and potential impeachment risks deter its use.[78] Pardons do not immunize against ongoing civil suits or state prosecutions, as affirmed in cases like Burdick v. United States (1915), where refusal of a pardon preserved Fifth Amendment rights.[79] Over history, presidents have issued thousands of clemencies—Franklin D. Roosevelt granted 3,687 acts—often for Whiskey Rebellion insurgents (1795), Confederate sympathizers post-Civil War, or Vietnam draft evaders (Carter, 1977)—reflecting varied rationales from mercy to political reconciliation, though controversial uses, such as Gerald Ford's 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon for Watergate-related offenses, have fueled debates over abuse potential without altering the power's scope.[4][80]State-Level Variations
In the United States, pardon authority for state offenses resides primarily with governors, as delegated by state constitutions, but implementation varies significantly across jurisdictions.[1] In approximately 19 states, governors exercise discretion to consult or not with advisory boards, such as parole boards, without mandatory input.[75] Conversely, 22 states involve boards more integrally, either through shared decision-making or as gatekeepers requiring affirmative recommendations before gubernatorial action.[75] Six states vest primary authority in independent pardon boards, including Alabama, Connecticut, Georgia, Idaho, South Carolina, and Utah, where boards grant pardons without direct gubernatorial override in standard cases.[75] Key procedural differences include board composition and voting thresholds. For instance, in Louisiana, the governor requires recommendation from four of five board members; Pennsylvania mandates unanimity.[81] In Florida, the governor participates directly on the clemency board.[81] Nine states grant governors sole authority, such as California (with Supreme Court recommendation required for multiple felonies), Mississippi, North Carolina, and Wyoming.[81] Four states, including Georgia, Nebraska, Nevada, and Utah, allow boards to make final determinations.[81] Application processes also diverge: some states mandate public hearings (e.g., Oklahoma, averaging 150 grants annually), while others rely on executive review without formal hearings (e.g., Kansas, with rare grants).[75] Legislative involvement remains limited, typically confined to post-grant reporting requirements in many states or exceptions for specific offenses like treason.[75] Rhode Island uniquely requires senate advice and consent, resulting in no grants since 2000.[75] Grant frequency reflects these structures and gubernatorial priorities: "frequent and regular" in 17 states like Delaware (over 400 annually), sparing in others like Texas, and rare or irregular in 13 states including Alaska (none since 2006).[75] Effects vary too; Connecticut pardons may expunge records, while Arizona's do not.[75]United Kingdom and Commonwealth
Historical English Practice
The royal prerogative of mercy in England traces its origins to common law, where it functioned as a discretionary power vested personally in the monarch to extend clemency, including exoneration from offenses.[39] During the fourteenth century, the royal chancery issued approximately 38,000 letters patent of pardon, with issuance rates increasing over time.[82] This prerogative was frequently employed to incentivize military service, as pardons served to recruit and reward participants in campaigns.[83] In the early modern period, particularly the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, conditional pardons became prevalent, often commuting death sentences to transportation or other penalties as an alternative to execution.[84] By the eighteenth century, the practice emphasized governance over strict law enforcement, reflecting evolving views on mercy as a tool for social order rather than divine right alone.[85]Modern Applications in Australia, Canada, and Others
In the contemporary United Kingdom, the royal prerogative of mercy remains a reserve power of the monarch, exercised on the advice of the Secretary of State for Justice, allowing for free pardons, conditional pardons, or sentence remissions without overturning convictions.[86] This mechanism is invoked sparingly, typically in cases of exceptional compassion or post-conviction evidence, and is subject to common law principles of fairness amenable to judicial review.[87] Commonwealth realms retain analogous systems, with viceroys acting on ministerial advice. In Australia, the Governor-General for federal offenses or state Governors exercise the prerogative, granting absolute pardons, conditional releases, or referrals for retrial, guided by executive council recommendations and detailed petitions outlining case merits.[88][89] Applications require comprehensive evidence, and outcomes do not automatically expunge records. In Canada, the Governor General or Governor in Council applies the prerogative per ministerial guidelines, encompassing pardons, sentence respites, or remissions for federal convictions, distinct from statutory record suspensions under the Criminal Records Act.[90][91] This power, rooted in monarchical discretion, prioritizes individual mercy over systemic review and is not limited by statute.[92] Other Commonwealth nations, such as those with governors-general, mirror this framework, adapting it to local executive processes while preserving the non-justiciable core of prerogative mercy.[93]Historical English Practice
The royal prerogative of mercy, the foundational mechanism for pardons in English practice, originated as early as the 7th century under King Ine of Wessex, enabling the monarch to commute severe punishments such as death sentences into lesser penalties.[4] This power was viewed as an inherent attribute of the Crown, reflecting divine mercy and allowing intervention as the ultimate arbiter in legal matters, distinct from strict judicial processes.[94] By the medieval period, it was exercised through letters patent issued by the royal Chancery, often authorized directly by the monarch or the chancellor, and could halt proceedings at any stage to grant clemency.[94] In fourteenth-century England, under monarchs such as Edward I (r. 1272–1307), Edward III (r. 1327–1377), and Richard II (r. 1377–1399), the prerogative played a central role in governance and justice, with approximately 40,000 individual pardons recorded on the patent rolls during this era.[94] Pardons served not only as acts of compassion but also as tools for political reconciliation, such as general pardons issued after the Good Parliament of 1376 or the Peasants' Revolt of 1381, which were often statutory, purchasable, and negotiated through Parliament to restore order.[94] Types included free pardons, which fully relieved legal consequences, and conditional pardons, which reduced sentences under specified terms, functioning as a safety valve for cases where rigid law overlooked equity or error.[37] The practice evolved through the early modern period, with the abolition of the broader royal prerogative of justice in the seventeenth century narrowing its scope to mercy alone, formalized by the Act of Settlement 1700, which permitted post-conviction pardons but barred interference in impeachments.[37] Notable applications included Henry V's 1413 Good Friday pardon to John Alway out of reverence for the holiday and Henry VIII's general pardons issued to mark significant events, often excluding certain offenders to maintain deterrence.[95] [96] By this time, while abuses prompted critiques—such as William Blackstone's concerns over concentrating judicial and pardoning authority—the prerogative remained a discretionary royal power, unbound by strict legal principles.[4]Modern Applications in Australia, Canada, and Others
In Australia, the royal prerogative of mercy is exercised federally by the Governor-General on the advice of the Attorney-General under section 61 of the Constitution, and at the state level by governors on advice from respective attorneys-general. This power enables outcomes such as a full pardon, which relieves legal consequences of a conviction without quashing it; a conditional pardon; or remission of a sentence, typically in response to petitions demonstrating miscarriage of justice, new evidence, or exceptional circumstances where no other remedy exists. Petitions must be submitted in writing with supporting evidence, and decisions are discretionary and rare, with fewer than a dozen full pardons granted federally in the past decade. A notable recent application occurred on 14 June 2023, when Kathleen Folbigg received a pardon for convictions related to the deaths of her four children, following a 2022 inquiry by former Chief Justice Tom Bathurst that found reasonable doubt based on genetic evidence of natural causes.[93][88] In Canada, the pardon system was reformed in 2012 to emphasize rehabilitation over clemency, renaming "pardons" as record suspensions administered by the Parole Board of Canada (PBC) under the Criminal Records Act. Eligible applicants—those who have completed their sentence, including probation, and remained offense-free for five years (summary convictions) or ten years (indictable offenses)—can apply directly to the PBC for a fee of approximately $657.75 CAD as of 2023, resulting in separation of the record from the Canadian Police Information Centre database to aid reintegration, though the conviction persists in court archives and is revocable for new crimes. Between 2012 and 2022, the PBC processed over 20,000 applications, granting about 60% upon review of character and compliance. The royal prerogative of mercy remains vested in the Governor General on Cabinet advice for extraordinary cases of innocence or compassion, but grants are infrequent, with only isolated instances like the 2010 pardon of a wrongfully convicted individual after DNA evidence exoneration.[97][98] Other Commonwealth realms retain the royal prerogative of mercy as a residual executive power, often invoked post-judicial exhaustion for suspected wrongful convictions. In New Zealand, the Governor-General exercises it on ministerial advice, serving as a safeguard against miscarriages, though usage has declined since the 2019 Criminal Cases Review Commission Act established an independent body to investigate appeals, referring viable cases to courts rather than relying on prerogative pardons; no prerogative pardons were granted between 2000 and 2020. Similarly, in realms like Papua New Guinea and the Bahamas, governors-general apply the prerogative sparingly for sentence remission or full pardons in humanitarian cases, with decisions informed by advisory councils to mitigate political influence, reflecting a broader trend toward institutionalized review processes over discretionary mercy.[99]Continental Europe and Other Systems
In civil law traditions prevalent in continental Europe, pardons—often termed grâce in French, Begnadigung in German, or grazia in Italian—constitute a discretionary executive mercy granted by the head of state, typically to individuals after conviction, without altering the underlying judicial finding of guilt. Unlike common law systems, these powers emphasize personal clemency over collective amnesty and are rarely exercised en masse, with decisions insulated from routine judicial oversight to preserve executive prerogative. Applications proceed through formal petitions reviewed by advisory bodies, prioritizing rehabilitation evidence or humanitarian factors, though usage remains infrequent due to deference to legislative sentencing frameworks.[100][101][102]France, Germany, and Italy
In France, Article 17 of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic vests the President with exclusive authority to grant individual pardons, which may remit or commute sentences but do not expunge convictions or civil liabilities.[100] Requests are processed via the Élysée Palace's clemency office, staffed by civil servants who conduct discretionary reviews based on offender rehabilitation, family circumstances, or public interest, with no right of appeal; outcomes are formalized by presidential decree requiring ministerial countersignature for shared powers.[103][104] Pardons have been granted sparingly in recent decades—for instance, over 1,000 partial remissions annually in the early 2000s, often for minor offenses or elderly prisoners—reflecting a cautious approach amid concerns over undermining judicial authority.[104] Germany's Federal President exercises federal pardon powers under Article 60(2) of the Basic Law, enabling the revocation or commutation of sentences for federal offenses, with states handling their own via justice ministers under federal guidelines.[101] Petitions require ministerial recommendation and expert assessments of remorse, behavioral reform, and proportionality to the crime; decisions evade judicial review to avoid politicizing courts.[105] Usage is limited—fewer than 100 full pardons federally since 1949, concentrated on life sentences where parole eligibility (after 15 years) proves insufficient for release—prioritizing cases like wrongful convictions or disproportionate penalties, as in the 2019 pardon of a former intelligence official.[106] State-level data from 2010–2020 show around 500–700 annual commutations, mostly partial, underscoring empirical restraint tied to rule-of-law norms.[106] Italy's President, per Article 87(11) of the 1948 Constitution, may issue pardons or commute punishments via decree, often after consultation with the Ministry of Justice and parliamentary input for politically sensitive cases.[102][107] This prerogative targets individual equity, excluding terrorism or mafia convictions post-1992 reforms; applications involve prosecutorial reports on offender conduct.[108] Notable exercises include over 20,000 pardons under a 2006 temporary law for overcrowding, but standard individual grants remain rare—e.g., 5–10 annually in the 2010s—focusing on humanitarian grounds like terminal illness, with the 2021 pardon of a U.S. citizen in a rendition case drawing criticism for potential diplomatic favoritism over domestic accountability.[109][110]Russia, China, and Authoritarian Contexts
Russia's Constitution Article 89 grants the President sole pardon authority, exercised through regional commissions established by a 2013 decree to vet petitions based on remorse, victim consent, and societal risk; federal approval follows for final decrees.[111][112] While ostensibly rehabilitative, empirical patterns reveal instrumental use: annual pardons averaged 1,000–2,000 pre-2022, but spiked post-2023 with laws enabling releases for Ukraine combatants, pardoning over 10,000 convicts by mid-2024 to bolster military recruitment amid manpower shortages, prioritizing regime security over neutral mercy.[113] Such practices, including 2002 maternal amnesties, align with authoritarian consolidation, where pardons reward loyalty or manage optics without systemic reform.[114] China lacks a routine individual pardon mechanism, with Article 67 of the Constitution assigning the National People's Congress Standing Committee oversight for special amnesties—last majorly invoked in 1959 for "reformed" prisoners and 2015 for the 70th anniversary, reducing sentences for ~30,000 but excluding political dissidents or serious offenders.[115][116] Presidential or executive clemency is absent, replaced by occasional holiday releases (e.g., 2019 Mid-Autumn for 4,000+ minor criminals) framed as benevolence, though data indicate selective application favoring low-threat inmates to alleviate overcrowding without challenging Party control.[117] In broader authoritarian contexts across Europe and Asia, pardons function as tools for regime legitimation rather than impartial justice, often timed for holidays or milestones—e.g., Belarus's 2024 release of 29 amid repression claims, or Myanmar's 2021 amnesty of 23,000 post-coup, including non-political prisoners for PR while detaining opponents.[118] Empirical outcomes show mass releases reduce fiscal burdens (e.g., Turkmenistan's 1,400 in 2020) but exclude core threats, reinforcing causal links between clemency and power maintenance over offender rights.[119] Official narratives emphasize mercy, yet independent monitoring highlights opacity and bias, with post-pardon recidivism data scarce due to restricted access.[120]France, Germany, and Italy
In France, the President of the Republic holds the constitutional authority to grant individual pardons under Article 17 of the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, adopted on October 4, 1958, which vests this power exclusively in the executive without legislative or judicial oversight.[100] These pardons apply to final and enforceable sentences, functioning as acts of grace that remit or commute penalties but do not erase convictions or restore civil rights automatically; they are processed through a clemency office within the President's chancellery, where decisions are discretionary and non-appealable.[104] A notable instance occurred on January 31, 2016, when President François Hollande granted a full pardon to Jacqueline Sauvage, who had been sentenced to ten years for murdering her abusive husband after decades of domestic violence, highlighting the pardon as a rare intervention in cases evoking public sympathy.[121] In September 2025, following Nicolas Sarkozy's conviction for criminal conspiracy with a five-year sentence, aides urged President Emmanuel Macron to issue a pardon, though none had been granted by October, underscoring the political sensitivity of such actions for former leaders.[122] In Germany, the Federal President exercises clemency powers under Article 60(2) of the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany, proclaimed on May 23, 1949, limited to revoking or commuting penalties and disciplinary sanctions imposed for federal offenses, such as those under federal criminal law.[101] This authority does not extend to state-level crimes, where clemency is handled by the respective state ministers of justice through administrative procedures emphasizing rehabilitation and proportionality; federal pardons remain exceptional and are not subject to judicial review, reflecting a decentralized federal structure that prioritizes judicial finality.[106] Unlike routine parole or sentence adjustments governed by the Criminal Code, presidential clemency addresses unique equities, such as post-conviction evidence of injustice, though comprehensive national statistics on grants are sparse, with federal applications processed via the Federal Ministry of Justice and rarely publicized due to their infrequency.[123] In Italy, Article 87 of the Constitution of 1948 empowers the President of the Republic to grant pardons or commute punishments individually, distinct from legislative amnesties or indulti requiring a two-thirds parliamentary majority under Article 79.[124] These executive acts, countersigned by relevant ministers, serve as merciful remissions without implying innocence or vacating judgments, often invoked in cases involving foreign policy or humanitarian considerations.[107] Prominent examples include the June 13, 2000, pardon by President Carlo Azeglio Ciampi of Mehmet Ali Ağca, the Turkish assailant who attempted to assassinate Pope John Paul II on May 13, 1981, facilitating his extradition to Turkey after 19 years of Italian imprisonment.[125] In the Abu Omar rendition affair, involving the 2003 CIA-orchestrated abduction of Egyptian cleric Hassan Mustafa Osama Nasr from Milan, President Giorgio Napolitano pardoned U.S. Air Force Colonel Joseph L. Romano on April 5, 2013, and offered partial clemency to former CIA station chief Robert Seldon Lady in December 2015, while President Sergio Mattarella granted partial relief to CIA officer Sabrina De Sousa in March 2017, reflecting diplomatic accommodations despite domestic convictions for kidnapping.[126][127][128]Russia, China, and Authoritarian Contexts
In Russia, the president holds exclusive authority to grant pardons under Article 89 of the Constitution, with decisions informed by a consultative Pardon Commission that reviews applications from convicts asserting rehabilitation or extenuating circumstances.[111][129] This power has been exercised selectively, including approximately 12,500 pardons or reprieves in 2000 amid a strained judicial system prone to excessive sentencing.[130] Since the 2022 invasion of Ukraine, President Vladimir Putin has issued thousands of pardons to convicts in exchange for military contracts, initially through private groups like Wagner and later via official decrees, enabling recruitment of over 50,000 prisoners to address manpower shortages.[131][132] Many such pardons were secret, with release occurring upon enlistment rather than completion of service, leading to documented reoffending by returnees—such as murders committed by pardoned violent offenders—and public backlash from families of non-convict soldiers perceiving unequal treatment.[133][134][135] By early 2024, Russia scaled back these automatic pardons due to recidivism concerns and internal discontent, shifting toward case-by-case evaluations.[135] In China, pardons take the form of special amnesties (teshe ling) decreed by the National People's Congress Standing Committee on recommendation from the State Council and Supreme People's Court, often aligned with major national commemorations rather than individual mercy petitions.[116] These are infrequent and categorical, targeting groups such as World War II veterans, elderly or terminally ill prisoners, and those convicted of minor nonviolent offenses; for instance, a 2015 amnesty for the 70th anniversary of Japan's surrender released thousands by year's end, emphasizing humanitarianism and rule-of-law optics.[136][137] A 2019 amnesty ahead of the People's Republic's 70th founding similarly covered nine categories, excluding serious crimes like corruption or terrorism, with releases framed as promoting social harmony but criticized by human rights observers for excluding political dissidents amid ongoing repression.[138] Such measures draw from historical traditions dating to the Spring and Autumn Period but serve modern state legitimacy, with no routine individual pardons by the president despite constitutional provisions.[139][140] In authoritarian regimes, pardon mechanisms typically centralize unchecked executive discretion, prioritizing regime stability over impartial justice, as evidenced by Russia's war-linked grants enabling loyalty extraction at the cost of public safety and China's timed amnesties bolstering propaganda without addressing systemic abuses.[131][141] Comparable patterns appear elsewhere, such as Belarusian leader Alexander Lukashenko's selective pardons of 29 political prisoners in December 2024 amid broader crackdowns, freeing 178 total since 2020 per human rights tallies but leaving hundreds detained to signal controlled benevolence.[142] These uses contrast democratic systems by subordinating clemency to political utility—rewarding allies, demobilizing threats, or projecting mercy—often without independent oversight, fostering perceptions of arbitrariness and eroding rule-of-law credibility.[143] Empirical outcomes, like elevated recidivism in Russia's convict-soldier program, underscore risks when pardons incentivize high-risk behavior over rehabilitation.[134][144]Selected Non-Western Examples
Iran, Israel, and Middle Eastern Practices
In Iran, the Supreme Leader holds the constitutional authority to pardon or reduce sentences of convicts, as stipulated in Article 110(11) of the Constitution, typically upon recommendation from the head of the judiciary.[145] This power has been exercised through periodic mass amnesties, such as the February 2023 pardon affecting tens of thousands of prisoners, including some linked to anti-government protests, though exclusions applied to crimes like armed robbery or repeat offenses.[146][147] These actions, often announced during religious occasions, serve humanitarian and reconciliatory purposes but have been critiqued as public relations efforts that selectively omit political dissidents or those convicted under hudud (fixed Islamic penalties), where clemency requires victim family forgiveness in cases like murder.[148][149] Israel's pardon system vests authority in the President under section 11(b) of the Basic Law: The President of the State, enabling pardons, sentence reductions, or commutations for convicted offenders, applicable to both civilians and military personnel.[150][151] This discretionary power, exercised after conviction and often following advisory reviews, has been invoked sparingly for pre-trial relief, with debates in 2025 centering on potential pardons for political figures amid corruption trials, though legal precedent favors post-conviction application to uphold judicial processes.[152] In broader Middle Eastern contexts, monarchs or presidents wield similar executive clemency, as seen in Bahrain's 2024 royal pardon releasing over 1,500 prisoners, including political detainees, marking the largest such action since 2011 unrest; Egypt's selective amnesties, which in 2022 and 2025 excluded most of an estimated 60,000 political prisoners; and occasional mass releases in Gulf states like Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Qatar tied to national days or diplomatic gestures.[153][154]India, South Africa, and Post-Colonial Adaptations
India's Constitution, under Article 72, grants the President authority to issue pardons, reprieves, respites, remissions, or commute sentences for any convicted person, extending to court-martial cases but excluding impeachment, with decisions advised by the Council of Ministers and subject to limited judicial review focused on procedural irregularities rather than merits.[155][156] This framework, adapted from British colonial precedents like the Government of India Act 1935, emphasizes executive mercy in a federal system where governors hold parallel powers under Article 161 for state offenses, often applied in politically sensitive cases to balance justice with rehabilitation.[157] In South Africa, section 84(2)(j) of the 1996 Constitution empowers the President to pardon or reprieve offenders, a power exercised through ministerial processes requiring evidence of rehabilitation and typically post-sentence completion, as in the 2019 pardon of over 14,000 prisoners and the 2023 remission benefiting former President Jacob Zuma among non-violent inmates.[158][159] Post-apartheid adaptations integrated this executive tool into a restorative justice paradigm, distinct from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's conditional amnesties, allowing pardons for politically motivated offenses under special dispensations while prioritizing administrative fairness and public safety assessments.[160][161] In both nations, colonial-era pardon mechanisms were retained but recalibrated for democratic oversight, with India maintaining cabinet-driven discretion and South Africa embedding it within constitutional limits to prevent abuse amid transitional justice demands.[162]Iran, Israel, and Middle Eastern Practices
In Israel, the president holds the constitutional authority to grant pardons to convicted offenders or to commute, reduce, or suspend their sentences, as stipulated in Section 11(b) of the Basic Law: The President of the State.[151] This power applies primarily post-conviction but has been exercised pre-trial in exceptional cases, such as the 1984 Bus 300 Affair, where President Chaim Herzog pardoned security personnel involved in a controversial operation before full legal proceedings concluded.[163] The process involves advisory input from the Ministry of Justice and parole boards, with decisions guided by factors like rehabilitation potential and public interest, though the president's discretion remains broad.[150] In Iran, the Supreme Leader possesses the exclusive power to issue pardons or commute sentences under Article 110 of the Constitution, typically acting on recommendations from the head of the judiciary.[146] This authority has been invoked for mass amnesties, such as the February 2023 pardon of tens of thousands of prisoners—including some linked to anti-government protests—but excluding those with death sentences or dual nationalities, with conditions often attached like pledges of non-recidivism.[164] Further examples include the September 2024 commutation of sentences for 2,887 inmates and the pardon of musician Shervin Hajipour, convicted for protest-related lyrics, highlighting selective application amid criticisms that such releases serve regime stability rather than genuine clemency.[165][166][148] Across broader Middle Eastern practices, pardon mechanisms blend monarchical, theocratic, or executive discretion with Islamic legal principles, where rulers often grant amnesties during religious holidays like Eid al-Fitr or Ramadan to promote reconciliation.[167] In Saudi Arabia, the king exercises ultimate pardon authority as the final appellate instance, particularly in qisas cases (retaliatory punishments), where victims' families may forgive via diya (blood money compensation) rooted in Sharia's emphasis on mercy, though hudud offenses (divinely mandated crimes like theft or adultery) resist state pardons due to their fixed Quranic penalties.[168][169] Traditional Islamic jurisprudence prioritizes victim or familial forgiveness over executive override for ta'zir (discretionary) crimes, but modern authoritarian contexts frequently centralize clemency in the ruler to consolidate power, as seen in periodic royal decrees in Gulf states.[170][171]India, South Africa, and Post-Colonial Adaptations
In India, the power of pardon is vested in the President under Article 72 of the Constitution, which authorizes the granting of pardons, reprieves, respites, or remissions of punishment, as well as the suspension, remission, or commutation of sentences for offenses against Union laws, court-martial convictions, or death sentences.[155] This authority extends to all persons convicted, including foreigners, but excludes impeachment cases, and is exercised on the advice of the Council of Ministers, though the President may seek reconsideration or return files for review.[157] Governors hold analogous powers under Article 161 for state offenses.[156] Notable exercises include President Pratibha Patil's commutation of 30 death sentences to life imprisonment between 2009 and 2012, often in cases involving rape and murder, drawing criticism for leniency toward serious crimes.[172] In 2024, President Droupadi Murmu rejected the mercy plea of Mohammed Arif, convicted in the 2001 Red Fort attack, upholding the death sentence amid concerns over arbitrary application.[173] The Supreme Court has permitted limited judicial review for malafide intent or irrelevant considerations but generally upholds the executive discretion.[174] In South Africa, the President's pardon authority derives from section 84(2)(j) of the 1996 Constitution, empowering the head of state to pardon or reprieve offenders, applicable to individuals or classes of prisoners during or after sentences.[175] This non-justiciable prerogative, inherited from common law, allows remission of sentences but excludes altering convictions, and has been invoked for group remissions, such as Nelson Mandela's 1994 partial remission for non-political prisoners serving over five years.[160] Cyril Ramaphosa granted special remission to over 14,000 non-violent offenders in 2019 and released Jacob Zuma in 2023 via a broader remission program, reducing his contempt sentence from 15 months.[159] Courts have scrutinized applications for delays or unreasonableness, as in the 2010 Chonco case where 384 applicants challenged processing backlogs, affirming accountability under administrative justice principles without overriding the core power.[176] The 1997 Hugo decision upheld class-based pardons for mothers of young children as compatible with equality rights, provided they advance transformative constitutional goals.[177] Post-colonial adaptations in both nations retained the British royal prerogative's executive essence but embedded it within republican frameworks emphasizing ministerial advice and constitutional limits, diverging from monarchical absolutism. In India, the 1950 Constitution formalized pardons as a check against judicial errors or humanitarian needs, adapting pre-independence viceregal powers from the 1935 Government of India Act, with Supreme Court oversight evolving to curb abuse, as seen in rejections of politically motivated pleas.[162] South Africa's 1996 Constitution constrained the power through Bill of Rights compatibility, integrating it with reconciliation efforts post-apartheid—distinct from the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's amnesties—while mandating procedural fairness amid criticisms of opacity in Zuma-era applications.[161] These modifications reflect causal shifts toward democratic accountability, reducing unchecked discretion but preserving mercy for equity, though empirical inconsistencies persist, with India's presidents varying widely in commutations (e.g., Pratibha Patil's 30 versus others' fewer).[178]Controversies and Reforms
Historical Abuses and Notable Cases
In medieval and early modern England, the royal prerogative of pardon was frequently abused through practices such as the outright sale of pardons to generate revenue or secure political loyalty, a custom that persisted from the Norman Conquest onward and contributed to growing parliamentary oversight by the 17th century.[40] Monarchs like Henry VII systematically monetized clemency, with records indicating thousands of pardons issued annually in exchange for fees, often undermining judicial processes and fostering perceptions of corruption.[32] These abuses, including using pardons as inducements for military service or to evade prosecution for serious offenses like felony, prompted legislative curbs, such as the Act of 1692 limiting pardons in treason cases without parliamentary consent, reflecting causal concerns over executive overreach eroding rule of law.[179] The American colonies inherited this pardon tradition but experienced escalating abuses, including governors issuing pardons to suppress dissent or favor allies, which fueled revolutionary sentiments against unchecked executive mercy.[4] Post-independence, U.S. presidents occasionally invoked the power in ways that sparked accusations of favoritism, such as Andrew Johnson's 1868 blanket pardons to over 14,000 former Confederates, which critics argued facilitated the evasion of accountability for treason and rebellion without adequate restitution, prioritizing national reconciliation over punitive justice.[180] Similarly, in 1858, President James Buchanan pardoned participants in the Utah War conflicts involving Mormon militias, a move decried as politically expedient appeasement amid territorial disputes, potentially incentivizing further defiance of federal authority.[181] Modern controversies intensified with President Gerald Ford's September 8, 1974, full pardon of Richard Nixon for any federal crimes related to Watergate, preempting indictment and trial; while defended as promoting healing, it was empirically linked to Ford's subsequent electoral defeat and public distrust in institutions, as polls showed 59% disapproval at the time.[182] President Bill Clinton's January 20, 2001, pardon of financier Marc Rich—who had fled the U.S. in 1983 amid 51 counts of tax evasion, wire fraud, and racketeering charges carrying potential 300+ years imprisonment—drew scrutiny due to Rich's ex-wife's $450,000 donations to Clinton's campaigns and library fund, though a 2001 House investigation found no explicit quid pro quo but highlighted procedural irregularities like bypassing Justice Department review.[183] Clinton also pardoned 140 others on his final day, including half-brother Roger Clinton for a 1985 cocaine distribution conviction, amplifying perceptions of nepotism despite serving only a one-year sentence.[184] In authoritarian contexts, pardon abuses have manifested as tools for consolidating power, such as Russia's Vladimir Putin granting clemency to oligarchs like Mikhail Khodorkovsky in 2013 after political imprisonment, interpreted by analysts as strategic releases to signal magnanimity rather than rectify injustice, amid broader patterns of selective mercy for regime loyalists.[185] Likewise, China's Xi Jinping-era amnesties, including the 2015 pardon of over 30,000 military personnel tied to anti-corruption drives, have been critiqued for shielding allies from genuine accountability while purging rivals, with empirical data showing recidivism risks unaddressed in favor of political theater.[7] These cases underscore a recurring causal dynamic: pardons, when decoupled from evidentiary mercy, can incentivize elite impunity and erode deterrence, as evidenced by historical recidivism spikes following blanket amnesties in post-conflict settings.[186]Modern Debates on Limits and Self-Pardons
The presidential pardon power under Article II, Section 2 of the U.S. Constitution grants authority to issue reprieves and pardons for federal offenses, explicitly excluding cases of impeachment, which has fueled ongoing debates about its boundaries.[3] Critics argue the absence of additional formal checks enables potential abuse, as evidenced by proposals for constitutional amendments to require Senate consent for pardons or to restrict their use for political gain.[187][188] For instance, in January 2025, Representative Steve Cohen reintroduced an amendment to prohibit self-pardons, pardons of family members, administration officials, and campaign associates, citing recent exercises of clemency as evidence of overreach.[188] Proponents of limits emphasize that while the power applies only to federal crimes—not state offenses or civil liabilities—its breadth has historically relied on norms and precedent rather than statutory constraints, leading to calls for judicial or congressional oversight to prevent shielding allies from accountability.[189][190] Debates intensified following high-profile uses, such as President Gerald Ford's 1974 pardon of Richard Nixon for Watergate-related offenses, which spared federal prosecution but sparked public backlash over perceived impunity for executive misconduct.[191] More recently, President Donald Trump's 2020-2021 pardons of associates like Michael Flynn and Steve Bannon, and President Joe Biden's December 2024 preemptive pardon of his son Hunter Biden for federal gun and tax convictions spanning 2014-2024, have renewed scrutiny.[7] Biden's action, which covered uncharged offenses, contradicted his prior pledges against familial clemency and prompted arguments that it erodes norms against using pardons to evade investigations, potentially inviting reciprocal abuses in future administrations.[192] Legal scholars note that while courts have upheld broad pardon authority—such as in Ex parte Garland (1866), affirming pardons remit punishment and remove guilt—modern critiques focus on causal risks of politicization, where pardons could undermine deterrence of federal crimes without empirical evidence of net justice benefits.[3] Self-pardons represent a particularly contentious frontier, with no historical precedent and unresolved constitutionality, as the text of Article II neither explicitly authorizes nor prohibits a president forgiving their own federal offenses.[193] Opponents invoke the common-law maxim nemo iudex in causa sua—no one should judge their own case—arguing it conflicts with the Framers' intent for impartial executive mercy, a view echoed in analyses asserting self-pardons would nullify accountability mechanisms like impeachment.[194][195] Conversely, some constitutional originalists, including Professor Jonathan Turley, contend the unqualified language permits self-pardons, though they deem it politically disastrous and potentially impeachable as an abuse of power.[196][197] Trump's 2017-2018 public musings on self-pardoning amid the Mueller investigation amplified these discussions, while Biden's Hunter pardon in 2024 has been cited by commentators as lowering barriers to self-clemency by normalizing preemptive family protections, potentially setting a precedent for presidents to insulate themselves from post-tenure liability.[192] Absent Supreme Court clarification, debates persist on whether self-pardons would survive judicial review, with empirical concerns centering on erosion of rule-of-law incentives if executives could preemptively nullify their own criminal exposure.[193]Recent Developments and Empirical Outcomes
In the United States, President Joseph Biden issued over 4,000 commutations and pardons during his term ending in 2025, including a December 12, 2024, action commuting sentences for 1,500 individuals primarily convicted of nonviolent offenses.[198][199] Following his inauguration on January 20, 2025, President Donald Trump granted executive clemency to more than 1,600 individuals by October 2025, surpassing Biden's record pace in some metrics, with notable actions including a May 29, 2025, pardon for conspiracy to commit bribery and commutations for tax-related offenses, alongside October 17, 2025, clemency for a former U.S. Representative.[200][201] These developments have included pardons addressing January 6, 2021, Capitol riot convictions, extending to individuals with additional charges like possession of grenades and classified information.[202] Empirical data on pardon outcomes remains limited due to the infrequency of federal grants and challenges in longitudinal tracking, but state-level analyses indicate positive reintegration effects. A 2020 Pennsylvania Board of Pardons study found that pardons facilitated employment gains, with recipients experiencing reduced recidivism risks through alleviation of collateral consequences like licensing barriers, estimating an economic return of $2.50 in taxpayer savings per dollar invested in the pardon process via lower welfare and incarceration costs.[203] Federally, no comprehensive recidivism studies exist for recent mass clemency actions, such as Biden's marijuana pardons, though broader clemency research suggests pardons correlate with improved public safety outcomes by enabling vocational reintegration, contrasting with persistent high recidivism rates (around 67% within three years) for non-clemency releases from federal prison.[204][205] Reforms in pardon processes have emphasized transparency and equity, with Biden's administration expanding advisory reviews to address historical disparities, while Trump's actions have reignited debates on self-pardons and limits amid legal challenges. Voter surveys post-2024 show majority support (over 60%) for pardons targeting drug war victims and nonviolent offenders, reflecting shifting perceptions of clemency's role in correcting overreach in sentencing. Empirical justice system impacts include reduced caseloads for collateral consequence litigation, though critics argue unchecked executive pardons undermine prosecutorial finality without corresponding accountability metrics.[199][206]Impact and Empirical Analysis
Effects on Justice Systems
Pardons introduce executive discretion into judicial processes, serving as a constitutional mechanism to mitigate the rigidity of statutory sentencing and correct potential miscarriages of justice, thereby enhancing system flexibility.[207] Underuse of clemency has contributed to overincarceration in the United States, with federal grant rates dropping to as low as 0.06% under some administrations, straining alternatives like habeas corpus and early release programs.[207] Globally, pardons function similarly across nearly all jurisdictions, providing heads of state or advisory bodies with authority to modify penalties, often supplementing judicial review in civil law systems.[208] Frequent or politically motivated pardons, however, can erode public trust in the impartiality of justice systems by signaling favoritism over uniform application of law.[209] For instance, recent U.S. presidential pardons perceived as shielding political allies have heightened concerns over accountability, blurring lines between public duty and personal gain.[210] Statistical analyses of U.S. pardon decisions from 2001 to 2012 reveal patterns favoring petitioners with longer post-conviction periods (over 20 years) and non-violent offenses, with no grants for violent crimes, potentially reinforcing perceptions of selective mercy.[211] Regarding deterrence, pardons may undermine the certainty of punishment central to criminal sanctions, as executive overrides introduce unpredictability that could weaken general deterrent effects, though direct empirical studies on this link remain limited.[212] Clemency processes also highlight equity challenges, with underrepresented groups like non-Hispanic Blacks facing lower recommendation rates (2.9% under Bush administration) despite comprising significant federal defendant populations, attributed partly to access barriers rather than overt bias in evaluations.[211] Overall, while pardons enable targeted relief—such as lower recidivism risks for late-life recipients—they risk compromising systemic consistency when exercised without transparent criteria.[213]Data on Outcomes and Recidivism
Empirical studies on recidivism among pardoned individuals are limited, primarily due to the selective nature of the pardon process, which typically involves extensive vetting and favors low-risk applicants with demonstrated rehabilitation. In Pennsylvania, an analysis of 1,082 individuals granted pardons between 2008 and 2018 found that only 0.37% (4 individuals) were subsequently reincarcerated, compared to 2.51% (49 individuals) among 1,955 denied applicants.[214] Among all 3,037 applicants reaching merit review, just 1.75% faced reincarceration, with only 1 violent reoffense among the pardoned group (0.092%).[214] These rates contrast sharply with general state prisoner recidivism, where 82% of those released in 2008 across 24 states were rearrested within 10 years, and approximately 50% reincarcerated within 3 years.[215][216] For federal contexts, comprehensive recidivism data specific to presidential pardons remains scarce, as grants are infrequent and not systematically tracked for post-pardon outcomes. Federal offender recidivism overall stands at 49.3% rearrest within 8 years, with lower rates (around 24.6% reincarceration) for those released to supervised conditions, but no large-scale studies isolate pardon recipients.[217] Anecdotal cases exist, such as a small number of reoffenses among recipients of clemency from former President Trump, but these do not indicate elevated risks relative to vetted populations.[218] Broader clemency research suggests pardons correlate with reduced recidivism, potentially due to restored civil rights facilitating employment and stability, though causation is confounded by pre-grant selection.[214]| Study Context | Sample Size (Pardoned) | Recidivism Measure | Rate | Comparison |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Pennsylvania Pardons (2008-2018) | 1,082 | Reincarceration | 0.37% | General state: ~50% in 3 years[214][216] |
| Federal Offenders (General, not pardon-specific) | N/A | Rearrest in 8 years | 49.3% | Supervised release subset: lower[217] |
