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Plebeians
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In ancient Rome, the plebeians or plebs[1] were the general body of free Roman citizens who were not patricians, as determined by the census, or in other words "commoners". Both classes were hereditary.
Etymology
[edit]The precise origins of the group and the term are unclear, but may be related to the Greek, plēthos, meaning masses.[2]
In Latin, the word plebs is a singular collective noun, and its genitive is plebis. Plebeians were not a monolithic social class.
In ancient Rome
[edit]In the annalistic tradition of Livy and Dionysius, the distinction between patricians and plebeians was as old as Rome itself, instituted by Romulus' appointment of the first hundred senators, whose descendants became the patriciate.[3] Modern hypotheses date the distinction "anywhere from the regal period to the late fifth century" BC.[3] The 19th-century historian Barthold Georg Niebuhr believed plebeians were possibly foreigners immigrating from other parts of Italy.[4] This hypothesis, that plebeians were racially distinct from patricians, however, is not supported by the ancient evidence.[2][5] Alternatively, the patriciate may have been defined by their monopolisation of hereditary priesthoods that granted ex officio membership in the senate.[6] Patricians also may have emerged from a nucleus of the rich religious leaders who formed themselves into a closed elite after accomplishing the expulsion of the kings.[7]
In the early Roman Republic, there are attested 43 clan names, of which 10 are plebeian with 17 of uncertain status.[3]
There existed an aristocracy of wealthy families in the regal period, but "a clear-cut distinction of birth does not seem to have become important before the foundation of the Republic".[2] The literary sources hold that in the early Republic, plebeians were excluded from magistracies, religious colleges, and the Senate.[2] However, some scholars doubt that patricians monopolised the magistracies of the early republic, as plebeian names appear in the lists of Roman magistrates back to the fifth century BC.[8] It is likely that patricians, over the course of the first half of the fifth century, were able to close off high political office from plebeians and exclude plebeians from permanent social integration through marriage.[9]
Plebeians were enrolled into the curiae and the tribes; they also served in the army and also in army officer roles as tribuni militum.[2]
Conflict of the Orders
[edit]The Conflict of the Orders (Latin: ordo meaning "social rank") refers to a struggle by plebeians for full political rights from the patricians.[10] According to Roman tradition, shortly after the establishment of the Republic, plebeians objected to their exclusion from power and exploitation by the patricians. The plebeians were able to achieve their political goals by a series of secessions from the city: "a combination of mutiny and a strike".[11]
Ancient Roman tradition claimed that the Conflict led to laws being published, written down, and given open access starting in 494 BC with the law of the Twelve Tables, which also introduced the concept of equality before the law, often referred to in Latin as libertas, which became foundational to republican politics.[12] This succession also forced the creation of plebeian tribunes with authority to defend plebeian interests.[10] Following this, there was a period of consular tribunes who shared power between plebeians and patricians in various years, but the consular tribunes apparently were not endowed with religious authority.[13] In 445 BC, the lex Canuleia permitted intermarriage among plebeians and patricians.[14]
There was a radical reform in 367–6 BC, which abolished consular tribunes and "laid the foundation for a system of government led by two consuls, shared between patricians and plebeians"[15] over the religious objections of patricians, requiring at least one of the consuls to be a plebeian.[16] And after 342 BC, plebeians regularly attained the consulship.[17] Debt bondage was abolished in 326, freeing plebeians from the possibility of slavery by patrician creditors.[18] By 287, with the passage of the lex Hortensia, plebiscites – or laws passed by the concilium plebis – were made binding on the whole Roman people.[19] Moreover, it banned senatorial vetoes of plebeian council laws.[20][verification needed] And also around the year 300 BC, the priesthoods also were shared between patricians and plebeians, ending the "last significant barrier to plebeian emancipation".[19]
The veracity of the traditional story is profoundly unclear: "many aspects of the story as it has come down to us must be wrong, heavily modernised... or still much more myth than history".[21] Substantial portions of the rhetoric put into the mouths of the plebeian reformers of the early Republic are likely imaginative reconstructions reflecting the late republican politics of their writers.[8] Contradicting claims that plebs were excluded from politics from the fall of the monarchy, plebeians appear in the consular lists during the early fifth century BC.[8] The form of the state may also have been substantially different, with a temporary ad hoc "senate", not taking on fully classical elements for more than a century from the republic's establishment.[22]
Noble plebeians
[edit]The completion of plebeian political emancipation was founded on a republican ideal dominated by nobiles, who were defined not by caste or heredity, but by their accession to the high offices of state, elected from both patrician and plebeian families.[23] There was substantial convergence in this class of people, with a complex culture of preserving the memory of and celebrating one's political accomplishments and those of one's ancestors.[24] This culture also focused considerably on achievements in terms of war and personal merit.[17]
Throughout the Second Samnite War (326–304 BC), plebeians who had risen to power through these social reforms began to acquire the aura of nobilitas ("nobility", also "fame, renown"), marking the creation of a ruling elite of nobiles.[25] From the mid-4th century to the early 3rd century BC, several plebeian–patrician "tickets" for the consulship repeated joint terms, suggesting a deliberate political strategy of cooperation.[26]
No contemporary definition of nobilis or novus homo (a person entering the nobility) exists; Mommsen, positively referenced by Brunt (1982), said the nobiles were patricians, patrician whose families had become plebeian (in a conjectural transitio ad plebem), and plebeians who had held curule offices (e.g., dictator, consul, praetor, and curule aedile).[27] Becoming a senator after election to a quaestorship did not make a man a nobilis, only those who were entitled to a curule seat were nobiles.[28] However, by the time of Cicero in the post-Sullan Republic, the definition of nobilis had shifted.[29] Now, nobilis came to refer only to former consuls and the direct relatives and male descendants thereof.[29] The new focus on the consulship "can be directly related to the many other displays of pedigree and family heritage that became increasingly common after Sulla" and with the expanded senate and number of praetors diluting the honour of the lower offices.[30]
A person becoming nobilis by election to the consulate was a novus homo (a new man). Marius and Cicero are notable examples of novi homines (new men) in the late Republic,[31] when many of Rome's richest and most powerful men – such as Lucullus, Marcus Crassus, and Pompey – were plebeian nobles.
Later history
[edit]In the later Republic, the term lost its indication of a social order or formal hereditary class, becoming used instead to refer to citizens of lower socio-economic status.[2] By the early empire, the word was used to refer to people who were not senators (of the empire or of the local municipalities) or equestrians.[2]
Life
[edit]Much less is known about the plebeians than the patricians in Ancient Rome, as most could not write, and thus could not record what happened in their daily life.[32]
Childhood and education
[edit]The average plebeian did not come into a wealthy family; the politically active nobiles as a whole comprised a very small portion of the whole population. The average plebeian child was expected to enter the workforce at a young age.
Education was limited to what their parent would teach them, which consisted of only learning the very basics of writing, reading and mathematics. Wealthier plebeians were able to send their children to schools or hire a private tutor.[33]
Family life
[edit]Throughout Roman society at all levels including plebeians, the paterfamilias (oldest male in the family) held ultimate authority over household manners. Sons could have no authority over fathers at any point in their life. Women had a subservient position in the family to fathers and husbands.[33]
Living quarters
[edit]Plebeians who lived in the cities were referred to as plebs urbana.[34]
Plebeians in ancient Rome lived in three or four-storey buildings called insula, apartment buildings that housed many families. These apartments usually lacked running water and heat. These buildings had no bathrooms and was common for a pot to be used.[33] The quality of these buildings varied. Accessing upper floors was done via a staircase from the street they were built on. Sometimes these were built around a courtyard and of these, some were built around a courtyard containing a cistern. Lower floors were of higher quality while the higher ones were less so. By the beginning of the Roman Empire, the insulae were deemed to be so dangerous because of a risk to collapse that Emperor Augustus passed a law limiting the height of the buildings to 18 metres (59 ft) but it appeared this law was not closely followed as buildings appeared that were six or seven floors high.[35] Plebeian apartments had frescoes and mosaics on them to serve as decorations.[36] Rents for housing in cities was often high because of the amount of demand and simultaneously low supply.[37] Rents were higher in Rome than other cities in Italy along with other provincial cities.[33] The owner of the insulae did not attend to duties regarding it and instead used an insularius who was most often an educated slave or a freedman instead. Their job was to collect rent from tenants, manage disputes between individual tenants and be responsible for maintenance.[38]
Not all plebeians lived in these conditions, as some wealthier plebs were able to live in single-family homes, called a domus.[33] Another type of housing that existed was diversorias (lodging houses)[35] Tabernae which were made of timber frames and wicker walls open to streets with the exception of shutters being one to two floors high with tightly packed spaces.[37]
Attire
[edit]Plebeian men wore a tunic, generally made of wool felt or inexpensive material, with a belt at the waist, as well as sandals.[39] Meanwhile, women wore a long dress called a stola. Roman fashion trends changed very little over the course of many centuries. However, hairstyles and facial hair patterns changed as initially early plebeian men had beards before a clean shaven look became more popular during the Republican era before having facial hair was popularized again by Emperor Hadrian in the 2nd century AD. Some plebeian women would wear cosmetics made from charcoal and chalk. Romans generally wore clothes with bright colors and did wear a variety of jewelry.[33]
Meals
[edit]Since meat was very expensive, animal products such as pork, beef and veal would have been considered a delicacy to plebeians. Instead, a plebeian diet mainly consisted of bread and vegetables. Common flavouring for their food included honey, vinegar and different herbs and spices. A well-known condiment to this day known as garum, which is a fish sauce, was also largely consumed.[33] Apartments often did not have kitchens in them so families would get food from restaurants and/or bars.[40]
Recreation and entertainment
[edit]One popular outlet of entertainment for Roman plebeians was to attend large entertainment events such as gladiator matches, military parades, religious festivals and chariot races. As time went on, politicians increased the number of games in an attempt to win over votes and make the plebeians happy.[33] A popular dice game among plebeians was called alea.[41]
Financial status
[edit]Plebeians who resided in urban areas had to often deal with job insecurity, low pay, unemployment and high prices[34] along with underemployment.[37] A standard workday lasted for 6 hours although the length of the hours varied as Romans divided the day into 12 daytime hours and 12 nighttime hours; with the hours being determined based on the seasons. Cicero wrote in the late republican period that he estimated the average laborer working in the city of Rome earned 6 1/2 denarii a day which was 5 times what a provincial worker would make. By middle of the 1st century AD this number was higher because of inflation but however the high cost of living in the city of Rome kept the value of real wages down.[33]
Some plebeians would sell themselves into slavery or their children in order to have access to wealthy households and to them hopefully advance socially along with getting a chance to have an education. Another way plebeians would try to advance themselves was by joining the military which became easier after the Marian reforms as soldiers were expected to pay for their own weapons. By joining the military they could get a fixed salary, share of war loot along with a pension and an allotted land parcel.[42][better source needed] There was also the reward of getting citizenship for non-citizens. Potential recruits needed to meet a variety of requirements as well which included: being male, at least 172 centimetres (5 ft 8 in) tall, enlist before one was 35, having a letter of recommendation and completing training.[43]
Derivatives
[edit]United States military academies
[edit]
In the U.S. military, plebes are freshmen at the U.S. Military Academy, U.S. Naval Academy, Valley Forge Military Academy and College, the Marine Military Academy, the U.S. Merchant Marine Academy, Georgia Military College (only for the first quarter), and California Maritime Academy.
Philippine Military Academy
[edit]Since the construction of Philippine Military Academy, the system and traditions were programmed the same as the United States Military Academy. First Year Cadets in PMA are called Plebes or Plebos (short term for Fourth Class Cadets) because they are still civilian antiques and they are expected to master first the spirit of Followership. As plebes, they are also expected to become the "working force (force men or "porsmen") in the Corps of Cadets.
British and Commonwealth usage
[edit]In British, Irish, Australian, New Zealand and South African English, the back-formation pleb, along with the more recently derived adjectival form plebby,[44] is used as a derogatory term for someone considered unsophisticated, uncultured,[45] or lower class.[46]
In popular culture
[edit]The British comedy show Plebs followed plebeians during ancient Rome.[47]
In Margaret Atwood's novel Oryx and Crake, there is a major class divide. The rich and educated live in safeguarded facilities while others live in dilapidated cities referred to as the "pleeblands".[48]
See also
[edit]- Bread and circuses – Figure of speech referring to a superficial means of appeasement
- Capite censi – Lowest class of citizens of ancient Rome
- Plebeian Council – Principal assembly of the Roman Republic
- Proletariat – Class of wage-earners
- Plebgate (aka Plodgate or Gategate), a 2012 British political scandal involving the use of the word as a slur
References
[edit]Citations
[edit]- ^ Wright, Edmund, ed. (2006). The Desk Encyclopedia of World History. New York: Oxford University Press. p. 507. ISBN 978-0-7394-7809-7.
- ^ a b c d e f g Momigliano & Lintott 2012.
- ^ a b c Forsythe 2005, p. 157.
- ^ Cornell 1995, p. 242.
- ^ Cf Cornell 1995, p. 244. "That anyone could ever have thought that the Conflict of the Orders arose from a primordial division of the community into two ethnic groups is almost beyond belief".
- ^ Forsythe 2005, pp. 167–68.
- ^ Cornell 1995, pp. 251–52.
- ^ a b c Beard 2015, p. 151.
- ^ Cornell 1995, pp. 255–56.
- ^ a b Beard 2015, p. 146.
- ^ Beard 2015, p. 147.
- ^ Flower 2010, p. 48.
- ^ Flower 2010, p. 49.
- ^ Flower 2010, p. 45.
- ^ Flower 2010, p. 50.
- ^ Beard 2015, pp. 148, 151.
- ^ a b Flower 2010, p. 51.
- ^ Beard 2015, pp. 147–48.
- ^ a b Flower 2010, p. 52.
- ^ Harris, Karen. "Secession of the Plebs: When the Peasants Went on Strike". History Daily. Archived from the original on 2020-05-24. Retrieved 2020-04-15.
- ^ Beard 2015, pp. 150–51.
- ^ Beard 2015, p. 152.
- ^ Flower 2010, p. 25.
- ^ Flower 2010, p. 39.
- ^ Salmon, E. T. (1967). Samnium and the Samnites. Cambridge University Press. p. 217. ISBN 978-0-521-06185-8. Archived from the original on 2022-02-28. Retrieved 2022-02-28.
- ^ Forsythe 2005, p. 269.
- ^ Brunt, P. A. (1982). "Nobilitas and Novitas". The Journal of Roman Studies. 72: 1–17. doi:10.2307/299112. ISSN 0075-4358. JSTOR 299112. S2CID 162220741. Archived from the original on 2021-04-29. Retrieved 2021-04-29.
- ^ Flower 2010, pp. 155–6.
- ^ a b Flower 2010, p. 156.
- ^ Flower 2010, pp. 156–57.
- ^ Lintott, A. W. (1974). "Review: Novi Homines". The Classical Review. 24 (2): 261–263. doi:10.1017/S0009840X00243242. ISSN 0009-840X. JSTOR 708820. S2CID 162366274. Archived from the original on 2021-04-29. Retrieved 2021-04-29.
- ^ "Plebians". The Roman Empire: In The First Century. Devillier Donegan Enterprises. 2006. Retrieved December 1, 2023.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Karen, Harris. "Life as a Plebeian" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 26 June 2021. Retrieved 14 April 2020.
- ^ a b Davies, Mark Everson; Swain, Hilary (2010). Aspects of Roman History 82 BC–AD 14: A Source-based Approach. Taylor & Francis. p. 15. ISBN 9781135151607 – via Google Books.
- ^ a b Renshaw, James (2012). In Search of the Romans. Bloomsbury Academic. p. 162. ISBN 9781853997488 – via Google Books.
- ^ Faas, Patrick (2005). Around the Roman Table: Food and Feasting in Ancient Rome. University of Chicago Press. p. 42. ISBN 9780226233475. Retrieved December 9, 2023 – via Google Books.
- ^ a b c Schultz, Celia E.; Ward, Allen M.; Heichelheim, F. M.; Yeo, C. A. (2019). A History of the Roman People. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 9781351754705.
Unemployment and underemployment caused hardship for many. Housing was in high demand and short supply. Rents were steep for even the worst accommodations. This situation encourage overcrowding. That, in turn, produced serious health, sanitation, and safety problems. People lived in tightly packed rows of flimsy tabernae, one- or two-story buildings with timber frames and wicker walls open to the street except shutters.
- ^ Yavetz, Z. (1958). "The Living Conditions of the Urban Plebs in Republican Rome". Latomus. 17 (3): 515. JSTOR 41521048.
The owner of the insula did not attend to it himself. A so called insularius was installed for that purpose, who was often a freedman, or sometimes an educated slave. The insularius was responsible for the maintenance of good order in the house; he would settle disputes between tenants, and collect the rent at fixed times in the year.
- ^ "Ancient Roman Clothing". www.vita-romae.com. Archived from the original on 2023-01-13. Retrieved 2023-01-13.
- ^ "Plebeians in Ancient Rome". historylink101.com. Retrieved December 1, 2023.
- ^ Purcell, Nicholas (May 1995). "Literate Games: Roman Urban Society and the Game of Alea". Past & Present (147): 3–37. doi:10.1093/past/147.1.3. JSTOR 651038. Retrieved December 17, 2023.
- ^ Milani, Maria (2017). "Plebeians". Maria Milani: Ancient Roman History. Retrieved December 17, 2023.
- ^ de Lima, Carolina Rangel. "Introduction to Legion: life in the Roman army".
- ^ "plebby". Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 11 January 2008. Retrieved 24 September 2012.
- ^ "pleb". Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford University Press. Archived from the original on 11 January 2008. Retrieved 24 September 2012.
- ^ Walker, Peter (2014-11-27). "Andrew Mitchell and the Plebgate affair explained for non-Brits". The Guardian. Archived from the original on 2022-02-10. Retrieved 2022-02-14.
- ^ Plebs (TV Series 2013– ), archived from the original on 2022-08-19, retrieved 2020-04-15 – via IMDb
- ^ "Oryx and Crake: Chapter 2 Summary & Analysis". SparkNotes. Archived from the original on 2022-06-29. Retrieved 2022-02-28.
Sources
[edit]- Beard, Mary (2015). SPQR: a history of ancient Rome (1st ed.). New York. ISBN 978-0-87140-423-7. OCLC 902661394.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Cornell, Tim (1995). The beginnings of Rome. London: Routledge. ISBN 0-415-01596-0. OCLC 31515793.
- Flower, Harriet I. (2010). Roman republics. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-14043-8. OCLC 301798480.
- Forsythe, Gary (2005). A critical history of early Rome. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-94029-1. OCLC 70728478.
- Momigliano, Arnaldo; Lintott, Andrew (2012). "plebs". In Hornblower, Simon; Spawforth, Antony; Eidinow, Esther (eds.). The Oxford classical dictionary (4th ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 1161. ISBN 978-0-19-954556-8. OCLC 959667246.
- Spielvogel, Jackson J. (2008). World History: Journey Across Time. New York: Glencoe/McGraw-Hill.
Further reading
[edit]- Ferenczy, Endre (1976). From the Patrician State to the Patricio-Plebeian State. Amsterdam: A.M. Hakkert.
- Horsfall, Nicholas (2003). The Culture of the Roman Plebs. London: Duckworth.
- Millar, Fergus (2002). The Crowd In Rome In the Late Republic. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
- Mitchell, Richard E. (1990). Patricians and plebeians: The origin of the Roman state. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
- Morstein-Marx, Robert (2004). Mass Oratory and Political Power in the Late Roman Republic. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511482878. ISBN 9780511482878.
- Mouritsen, Henrik (2001). Plebsand Politics in the Late Roman Republic. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511482885. ISBN 9780511482885.
- Raaflaub, Kurt A., ed. (2005). Social Struggles in Archaic Rome. doi:10.1002/9780470752753. ISBN 9780470752753.
- Vanderbroeck, Paul J. J. (1987). Popular leadership and collective behavior in the late Roman Republic (ca. 80–50 B.C.). Amsterdam: Gieben.
- Vishnia, Rachel Feig (1996). State, Society, and Popular Leaders In Mid-Republican Rome 241–167 BC. London: Routledge.
- Williamson, Caroline (2005). The Laws of the Roman People. doi:10.3998/mpub.15992. ISBN 9780472110537.
External links
[edit]- Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, article Plebs
- Livius.org: Plebs
Texts on Wikisource:
- "Plebeians". Collier's New Encyclopedia. 1921.
- "Plebeians". Encyclopedia Americana. 1920.
- "Plebs". Encyclopædia Britannica (11th ed.). 1911.
Plebeians
View on GrokipediaTerminology
Etymology and Original Meaning
The term plebeian originates from the Latin adjective plebeius (or plebius), meaning "of the common people" or "belonging to the plebs," which was the noun form denoting the mass of ordinary citizens in ancient Rome.[7] This etymon traces back to the verb plēre, "to fill," implying a sense of abundance or multitude, as the plebs represented the populous body of non-elite free inhabitants.[8] In its earliest Roman usage, dating to the formative period of the Republic around the 6th–5th centuries BCE, plebs conveyed not merely social inferiority but a collective entity of individuals unbound by the exclusive clan structures of the aristocracy, emphasizing numerical preponderance over hereditary prestige. Originally, the plebs signified all free Roman citizens excluded from the patriciate—those elite gentes tracing descent from the kingdom's founding senators (patres)—and thus lacking ritual, political, and religious privileges like access to the pontifices or augures. This distinction crystallized post-monarchy, circa 509 BCE, when the plebs emerged as a socio-political category amid tensions over debt and representation, embodying the unorganized commons in contrast to the codified nobility.[8] Unlike later connotations of vulgarity, the term's primal sense stressed demographic reality: the plebs as the filling, vital bulk of the citizenry, essential to Rome's military and agrarian base yet initially disenfranchised from senatorial deliberation.[9] Scholarly reconstructions, drawing from Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, underscore this as a functional divide rooted in clan enrollment (gentilitas), not mere wealth, though economic disparities soon amplified it.Distinction from Patricians
In ancient Rome, the patricians (patricii) constituted a hereditary aristocracy of noble families, derived from the term patres ("fathers"), referring to the heads of clans who advised the kings and later formed the core of the Senate. These families claimed descent from the original settlers or advisors appointed by Romulus, forming a closed class defined by birth into specific gentes maiores.[10] Plebeians (plebeii), by contrast, included all free-born citizens outside this elite group, encompassing a broad spectrum from small farmers to artisans and merchants, without the patricians' ancestral prestige or legal privileges.[11] This binary division, rooted in Rome's foundational myths, persisted as a legal and status marker rather than a purely economic one, though patricians generally controlled prime agricultural lands and client networks that reinforced their dominance.[12] Politically, patricians exercised a monopoly on high magistracies in the early Republic, restricting offices like the consulship—elected annually to lead the state in war and administration—to their own class until the Licinio-Sextian Rogations of 367 BC opened eligibility to plebeians.[13] They also dominated the Senate, an advisory body of about 300 members (later expanded) whose influence over legislation, finances, and foreign affairs far exceeded formal voting assemblies, effectively excluding plebeians from strategic decision-making.[14] This control stemmed from patrician oversight of the cursus honorum (career ladder) and client-patron relationships that bound lower classes to elite patrons. Religiously, patricians held exclusive rights to major priesthoods, including the pontiffs (overseeing rituals and law) and augurs (interpreting omens), positions deemed essential for state legitimacy and passed hereditarily within their families.[15] Plebeians were barred from these roles until the Ogulnian Law of 300 BC allocated half the pontifical and augural seats to them, reflecting gradual erosion of patrician exclusivity amid the Conflict of the Orders.[15] Such monopolies reinforced patrician authority, as religious validation underpinned political actions. Socially and legally, the classes were separated by bans on intermarriage (conubium), which preserved patrician bloodlines and property until the Lex Canuleia of 445 BC legalized unions between patricians and plebeians, prompted by plebeian secessions demanding equality.[16] Economically, patricians amassed wealth through large estates (latifundia) and provincial exploitation, while plebeians typically operated smaller farms, workshops, or trades, though some amassed fortunes via commerce, blurring lines but not erasing hereditary status.[17] These distinctions fostered tensions, as plebeian debt to patrician creditors and exclusion from power highlighted causal imbalances in access to resources and influence.[12]Historical Role in Ancient Rome
Origins in the Roman Kingdom and Early Republic
In the Roman Kingdom, traditionally dated from 753 BC under Romulus to 509 BC, the foundational social division between patricians and plebeians emerged as a distinction between an elite class of noble families and the broader body of free citizens. Romulus is said to have selected 100 leading men from prominent clans to form the initial senate, designating them patres (fathers) and granting them advisory roles, priesthoods, and oversight of religious and judicial matters, thereby establishing patricians as a hereditary aristocracy tied to specific gentes such as the Julii and Fabii.[18] Plebeians, by contrast, comprised the majority of the population, including local inhabitants, Latin settlers on the Aventine Hill, war captives, and migrants seeking asylum in Romulus' open sanctuary for fugitives, forming a diverse group of farmers, artisans, and laborers without access to senatorial or priestly privileges.[18] This structure relied on a patronage system (clientela), where plebeians attached themselves to patrician patrons for protection, legal aid, and economic support in exchange for labor and political loyalty, fostering interdependence amid Rome's expansion through conquests like the absorption of Alba Longa in the 7th century BC under Tullus Hostilius, which augmented patrician ranks with additional noble families.[18] Subsequent kings refined this hierarchy. Numa Pompilius (r. 715–672 BC), a Sabine outsider, maintained patrician dominance while emphasizing religious roles reserved for them, whereas Servius Tullius (r. 578–535 BC), traditionally of servile origin, introduced a census-based system around 575 BC that classified citizens by wealth into five property classes for military service, indirectly reinforcing plebeian subordination as they filled the lower classes and infra classem (propertyless) while patricians held the cavalry and top infantry roles.[18] Plebeians bore the brunt of taxation, public works (e.g., under Tarquinius Priscus), and military levies without commensurate political voice, though kings occasionally elevated individuals from humble backgrounds, suggesting limited meritocratic exceptions amid entrenched familial privilege.[18] Ancient accounts, primarily from Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus, portray this as a functional division enabling Rome's early growth, but modern historiography questions the anachronistic sharpness of the divide, noting potential influences from later republican conflicts retrojected onto monarchical traditions.[18] The transition to the Republic in 509 BC, following the expulsion of Tarquinius Superbus, intensified patrician control as they monopolized the consulship, senate, and major priesthoods, relegating plebeians to clientage and assembly voting without eligibility for office.[18] Lucius Junius Brutus, a patrician, expanded the senate to 300 by incorporating equestrian orders, further entrenching elite dominance, while plebeians, burdened by debts and unequal legal recourse, began organizing separately, culminating in the first plebeian secession to the Sacred Mount in 494 BC, which prompted the creation of plebeian tribunes to veto patrician actions and protect against arbitrary arrest.[18] This period marked the origins of institutionalized plebeian agency, driven by economic pressures like usury and land concentration among patricians, setting the stage for prolonged struggles over access to magistracies and intermarriage rights, though patricians retained de facto control through senatorial influence and military command until reforms like the Lex Canuleia in 445 BC permitted conubium (legal marriage) between orders.[18] Evidence from archaeological records of early republican settlements and census fragments supports the existence of a stratified free citizenry, but the precise ethnic or economic origins of plebeians remain conjectural, with traditions possibly idealized to legitimize republican egalitarianism.[18]The Conflict of the Orders
The Conflict of the Orders refers to a prolonged socio-political struggle in the early Roman Republic between the plebeians, the majority of free citizens lacking political privileges, and the patricians, the hereditary aristocracy who monopolized magistracies, priesthoods, and senatorial membership.[19] This antagonism arose from plebeian grievances over debt bondage, unequal legal protections, and exclusion from governance, exacerbated by military burdens during wars against neighboring Italic tribes. Ancient accounts, primarily from Livy and Dionysius of Halicarnassus writing centuries later, frame the conflict as a series of plebeian secessions—collective withdrawals from the city—compelling patrician concessions, though modern scholars caution that these narratives may incorporate legendary elements to emphasize constitutional evolution.[2] The inaugural secession occurred in 494 BC, when plebeians, burdened by debts and patrician usury amid ongoing conflicts, abandoned Rome for the Sacred Mount (Mons Sacer), approximately three miles away, halting urban functions and military operations.[19] Negotiations, mediated by a patrician envoy Menenius Agrippa via the fable of the body's members rebelling against the stomach, resulted in the creation of the tribunate: two (later ten) tribunes of the plebs elected annually by the plebeian assembly, endowed with sacrosanctity—personal inviolability—and the power of intercessio to veto patrician magistrates' actions or senate decrees affecting plebeian interests.[20] This office, unique in Roman history for its plebeian exclusivity and protective veto, marked the first formal check on patrician dominance.[21] Subsequent secessions reinforced plebeian gains. A second major withdrawal in 449 BC protested the patrician-dominated decemvirate's abuses, leading to the restoration of the tribunate and laws affirming plebeian eligibility for offices like quaestor.[19] The Licinian-Sextian laws of 367 BC, proposed by plebeian tribunes Gaius Licinius Stolo and Lucius Sextius Lateranus, alternated one consulship for plebeians, established the praetorship as a plebeian-accessible judiciary role, and capped landholdings to alleviate economic pressures—though enforcement proved uneven.[22] These reforms gradually eroded patrician monopolies, enabling plebeian nobles (nobiles) to emerge. The conflict culminated in the third and final secession around 287 BC, triggered by agrarian disputes, culminating in the Lex Hortensia promulgated by dictator Quintus Hortensius. This statute declared plebiscites—resolutions of the plebeian council (Concilium Plebis)—binding on all citizens, equivalent to laws of mixed assemblies, without requiring patrician senate ratification.[23] By integrating plebeian legislation into the Roman legal framework, the lex effectively ended the Orders' antagonism, fostering a more inclusive nobility while preserving patrician influence in religion and tradition.[19] Scholarly analyses, drawing on fragmentary Fasti and legal inscriptions alongside literary sources, affirm the broad historicity of these institutional shifts, attributing plebeian success to their numerical superiority in assemblies and legions, despite patrician control of initial narratives.[24]Rise of Noble Plebeians
The admission of plebeians to curule magistracies, particularly the consulship, marked the emergence of noble plebeian families, known as nobiles plebeii, within the Roman nobility. Prior to the Licinio-Sextian Rogations of 367 BC, which opened the consulship to plebeians, nobility (nobilitas) was exclusively patrician, defined by descent from families that had held high office. These reforms, driven by prolonged plebeian agitation during the Conflict of the Orders, enabled ambitious plebeians to achieve consular status, thereby ennobling their gentes for subsequent generations.[25] The first plebeian consuls, Lucius Sextius Lateranus and Gaius Licinius Stolo, took office in 366 BC, establishing a precedent for plebeian ascent into the senatorial elite.[26] This process accelerated as plebeian families leveraged military success, wealth accumulation through land and commerce, and strategic intermarriages to secure repeated access to the cursus honorum. By the mid-3rd century BC, families such as the Licinii and the Fulvii had produced multiple consuls, solidifying their noble standing alongside patricians.[27] The criterion for nobility shifted from birthright alone to proven magisterial achievement, allowing roughly half of consular families by the late Republic to trace plebeian origins, as evidenced by prosopographical studies of Fasti Capitolini records.[25] However, entry remained meritocratic in form but oligarchic in practice, favoring those plebeians with sufficient resources to campaign effectively, often excluding the broader plebeian masses. The fusion of patrician and plebeian nobiles into a unified aristocracy intensified social cohesion among the elite while perpetuating exclusionary practices, such as clientela networks and mos maiorum adherence, which preserved status advantages.[27] Prominent late Republican examples include the Gracchi brothers, Tiberius and Gaius, from the plebeian noble gens Sempronia, whose consular ancestors dated to the 3rd century BC and who wielded tribunician power to advocate reforms.[28] This rise contributed to the Republic's political dynamism but also sowed tensions, as novi homines—new men without noble ancestry—faced barriers, with only sporadic successes like Cicero's consulship in 63 BC highlighting the entrenched dominance of established nobiles.[25]Evolution in the Late Republic and Early Empire
In the Late Republic, the socioeconomic and political integration of plebeians advanced significantly, with elite plebeian families forming the bulk of the nobiles class that monopolized high magistracies; for instance, by the 2nd century BC, consular positions were overwhelmingly held by descendants of plebeian gentes such as the Cornelii or Licinii, reflecting the dilution of patrician exclusivity following the Lex Licinia Sextia of 367 BC.[29] The urban plebs (plebs urbana), numbering perhaps 200,000–300,000 adult males amid a total city population approaching 1 million, retained influence via the tribal assemblies (comitia tributa and concilium plebis), where voting was organized by wealth classes but skewed toward rural and suburban plebeians over the concentrated urban poor. However, scholarly analysis indicates limited direct participation, with turnout in elections and contiones (public meetings) likely low due to logistical barriers and elite clientela networks, positioning the plebs more as a symbolic reservoir for populares politicians than an autonomous force.[30] Populares leaders exploited plebeian grievances—exacerbated by debt, land concentration in latifundia worked by slaves, and urban migration—for legislative gains; Tiberius Gracchus' 133 BC proposal to reclaim ager publicus for 4,000 iugera allotments to citizen smallholders targeted dispossessed plebeian veterans, while his brother Gaius extended this with subsidized grain sales (lex frumentaria) at one-third market price for up to 150,000 recipients.[31] Such measures, often vetoed or nullified by senatorial optimates via violence or legal maneuvers, underscored causal tensions: expanding Italian enfranchisement and provincial imports flooded Rome with proletarianized plebeians dependent on patronage, fueling factional volatility as seen in the murders of the Gracchi and later figures like P. Clodius Pulcher, who in 58 BC enacted free grain distributions for 320,000 urban dwellers.[32] Yet, empirical evidence from inscriptions and Cicero's correspondence suggests plebeian agency was mediated by collegia (trade guilds) and neighborhood ties, enabling localized mobilization but not systemic reform, as economic realities—high rents, intermittent labor—prioritized survival over consistent political engagement.[33] The advent of the Principate under Augustus marked a pivotal shift, depoliticizing the plebs through institutionalized welfare and curtailed assembly powers; in 23 BC, Augustus assumed tribunicia potestas for life, rendering plebeian tribunes' vetoes symbolic while he regulated the annona, restricting grain eligibility to a registered plebs frumentaria of about 200,000 adult males entitled to five modii monthly—equivalent to roughly 30–40 kg, sufficient for one person but straining family budgets without supplements.[34] This built on republican precedents but centralized control, with Augustus' Res Gestae recording distributions of grain, oil, and cash (congiaria) to the plebs, such as 400 sesterces per head in 29 BC, fostering loyalty via material incentives rather than electoral leverage; by AD 14, annual grain outlays reached 60–80 million modii, subsidized by Egyptian imports and taxes.[35] Assemblies persisted but convened irregularly, their plebiscites needing senatorial ratification under the Lex de imperio Vespasiani (AD 70, retroactive), effectively subordinating plebeian input to imperial discretion.[36] Socially, early imperial plebeians evolved into a stabilized underclass reliant on state largesse and private patronage, with urban growth to 1 million inhabitants amplifying demands but channeling discontent into apolitical outlets like festivals (over 100 days annually by Claudius' time) and acclamations at games; causal realism points to this as a deliberate stabilization mechanism, averting republican-era tumults by decoupling economic security from political volatility, though freedmen influx and equestrian expansion blurred lower strata without elevating plebeian elites.[37] Modern historiography critiques romanticized views of plebeian autonomy, emphasizing instead elite orchestration, as evidenced by low assembly attendance and the princeps' monopoly on grain logistics via the cura annonae.[38]Social and Economic Dimensions
Family Structure and Daily Routines
Plebeian families in ancient Rome were structured under the paterfamilias, the male household head who exercised patria potestas, granting him legal authority over his wife, children, and any dependents, including the power to sell family members into bondage in cases of debt during the early Republic.[39] This system applied uniformly to free citizen households, whether plebeian or patrician, though plebeian familiae typically comprised a nuclear unit of parents and minor children, with fewer slaves or clients compared to elite homes; archaeological evidence from urban sites like Pompeii reveals modest household sizes suited to multi-story insulae apartments, often housing 4-6 individuals per unit.[40] Extended kin might reside nearby in rural settings or denser urban clusters, but economic constraints favored compact units to minimize living costs.[41] Women in plebeian households managed domestic affairs, including food preparation, textile production, and childcare, while retaining limited legal independence in later sine manu marriages that allowed control over personal property; daughters typically married in their early teens, entering new households under their husband's patria potestas, whereas sons remained under paternal authority until emancipation in their mid-20s.[40] Children contributed to family labor from a young age, with boys apprenticed in trades and girls assisting in home tasks, reflecting the plebeian emphasis on practical skills over formal education.[42] Daily routines for urban plebeians began at dawn with light breakfasts of bread and olives, followed by men departing for workshops, markets, or manual labor until dusk, often 10-12 hours amid the clamor of forums and insulae shops.[42] Women oversaw midday lunches of porridge or cheese, handled shopping at neighborhood stalls for staples like grain and vegetables, and prepared the evening cena, a simple meal of stewed beans, bread, and diluted wine, with meat reserved for festivals due to cost.[43] Evenings involved family gatherings or communal baths for the able-bodied, fostering social ties, though rural plebeians adhered to agrarian cycles of plowing and harvesting from sunrise, integrating household chores with field work under seasonal demands.[42] These patterns, inferred from literary depictions and epigraphic records, underscore the labor-intensive, subsistence-oriented existence shaped by Rome's class-based economy.[44]Occupations and Financial Realities
Plebeians in ancient Rome predominantly worked as small-scale farmers, cultivating modest landholdings that supported their families and fulfilled military obligations as hoplite soldiers in the early Republic.[45] [2] Others pursued urban trades, including artisans crafting pottery, tools, and textiles; merchants operating shops for goods like bread and olive oil; and laborers in construction or port activities, particularly as Rome expanded.[46] These occupations reflected a reliance on manual skills and local markets, distinct from patrician estate management reliant on slaves and tenants.[46] Financially, plebeian households operated on thin margins, with small farms vulnerable to crop failures, wartime disruptions, and usurious loans from patrician creditors, often at interest rates exceeding 8.33% per month (equivalent to 100% annually) under the unciae system.[47] Debt bondage via nexum exacerbated this, allowing creditors to seize debtors' persons as collateral upon default, effectively enslaving free plebeians until repayment—a practice central to early republican economic tensions.[47] Military service without state pay forced many to borrow for equipment and lost harvests, perpetuating cycles of indebtedness that fueled the first plebeian secession in 494 BCE.[47] The Lex Poetelia Papiria of circa 326 BCE reformed nexum by prohibiting personal servitude for debt, shifting enforcement to property seizure and easing some burdens, though underlying vulnerabilities persisted amid growing land concentration.[48] By the late Republic, urban plebeian wages hovered around 3-4 sesterces (12-16 as) per day for unskilled labor, insufficient against rising grain prices during expansions, contributing to reliance on state grain distributions.[49] Wealthier plebeians amassed fortunes through commerce, but the majority endured precarious stability, with economic agency limited by patrician control over credit and land.[46]Living Conditions and Material Culture
Urban plebeians primarily inhabited multi-story apartment blocks called insulae, which typically spanned 300 to 400 square meters at the base and reached heights of 15 to 20 meters, accommodating numerous families across several floors.[50] These structures, often built with timber frameworks, were prone to collapse and devastating fires due to overcrowding and open cooking flames in shared spaces.[51] Most units lacked private plumbing or running water, forcing residents to use public latrines and fetch water from communal sources, while wealthier plebeians might occupy larger apartments above their workshops.[51] Rural plebeians, by contrast, dwelled in modest farmhouses tied to agricultural labor on small plots or patrician estates.[52]
The diet of plebeians centered on affordable staples such as wheat-based bread, porridge (puls), and vegetables like cabbage, with occasional additions of cheese, olives, pork, or fish for those with means.[52] Breakfast typically involved bread soaked in diluted wine, sometimes enhanced with cheese or raisins, while main meals were prepared simply or purchased from street vendors and taverns owing to the scarcity of private kitchens in insulae.[50] Meat consumption remained limited for most, reflecting economic constraints, though the institution of the grain dole (annona) from the late Republic onward provided subsidized wheat to eligible urban plebeians, mitigating famine risks.[50] Olive oil and wine, derived from Mediterranean staples, supplemented this regimen but were consumed sparingly by the lower strata.[52] Material culture among plebeians emphasized utility over luxury, featuring basic furnishings like stools, simple tables, and earthenware pottery for eating and storage.[50] Clothing consisted of coarse woolen tunics suited to manual labor, with poorer individuals donning undyed or dark fabrics lacking the fine weaves or dyes afforded to elites; footwear included leather sandals or going barefoot.[51] Household items were pragmatic, such as terracotta lamps for scant evening light—given the high cost of oil—and amphorae for provisions, reflecting a lifestyle shaped by necessity rather than ornamentation.[51] While prosperous plebeian tradesmen might acquire slaves or modest decor, the majority endured conditions marked by durability and frugality, as evidenced by archaeological remains from Roman urban sites.[52]