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Stola
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The stola (Classical Latin: [ˈst̪ɔ.ɫ̪a]) (pl. stolae) was the traditional garment of Roman women, corresponding to the toga that was worn by men.[1] It was also called vestis longa in Latin literary sources,[2] pointing to its length.[3]
History
[edit]The stola was a staple of fashion in ancient Rome spanning from the early Roman Republic until the beginning of the 2nd century CE. The garment was first identified on statues by Margarete Bieber.[4] The first evidence of the stola/vestis longa dates to the 3rd century BCE, but the form of the garment is common in the Mediterranean world and so it must be much older.[5][6] In Republican times, it was simply part of Roman female dress practice. In Augustan times, when it was used much less, the stola was taken up by Imperial cultural policy and was turned – like the vitta (plaited headband) – into a dress insigne of married Roman women. It may even have been a legal privilege.[7] By this time, it was worn only by women of the social elite. At the beginning of the 2nd century CE, the stola fell completely out of use. However, the term matrona stolata, referring to married women of equestrian rank, remained a technical term in inscriptions.[8]
A well-known image of the stola is the one worn by the Statue of Liberty in New York City.[citation needed]
Social conventions
[edit]It has long been believed that Roman women originally did not wear stolae and that they instead wore togas like the men. However, this goes back to a scholarly lore invented in Late Antiquity.[9][10] For the most part, the toga was worn exclusively by men, and Roman wives (matronae) traditionally wore the stola. In Latin literature, wearing the male toga was associated with prostitution and adultery.[11][12] In Roman life, the only Roman women who wore a toga were unfree prostitutes (referred to as meretrices or ancillae) who worked in the streets and in brothels. A Roman matron convicted of adultery (moecha damnata) did not actually have to wear a toga in public from then on. She was only symbolically called a togata (a woman in toga) since she was unfit to be a matron (as epitomized by the stola).[13] Female and male citizen children could wear a toga praetexta (a toga with purple border), but this usage should be kept apart from wearing the toga as an adult.[citation needed]
Description
[edit]The stola was a long, pleated, sleeveless robe that could be worn by Roman wives (matronae). It was worn as a symbol and represented a woman's marital status, and it was also worn by the Roman Vestal priestesses.[14][15] There are no physical remains of any stola. The matron’s stola usually served as an intermediate garment and was worn over the undertunic (subucula) and under the cloak (pallium). It looked like a ‘peplos’ and had longitudinal folds (rugae). There are no explicit literary sources as to its upper opening, but there is archaeological evidence. This shows that, in Augustan times, the sleeveless garment was fastened by significant shoulder straps (analeptrides).[16] It also had a visible lower border, called instita (or in non-technical language a limbus). The fabrics used for stolae were presumably linen or wool, but a wealthy woman might have also used silk.[citation needed]
Varieties
[edit]The matronal stola had no fixed colour.[17] The stola of the Vestal virgins was presumably white. The border (instita) was probably usually in purple colour (similar to the purple border on an expensive toga).[18][19]
See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Sebesta, Judith; Bonfante, Larissa (1994). The World of Roman Costume. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. p. 48.
- ^ Radicke, Jan (2022). Roman Women's Dress: Literary Sources, Terminology, and Historical Development. Berlin: De Gruyter. pp. 299–354, 680–688. doi:10.1515/9783110711554. ISBN 978-3-11-071155-4. S2CID 253152649.
- ^ Radicke, Jan (2022). "4 stola/vestis longa – a dress of Roman matrons". Roman Women's Dress. Berlin: De Gruyter. pp. 299–354. doi:10.1515/9783110711554-020. ISBN 978-3-11-071155-4.
- ^ RE 4.1 A (1931) s.v. stola, col. 56–62
- ^ Scholz, Birgit I. (1992). Untersuchungen zur Tracht der römischen matrona (in German). Cologne: Böhlau. ISBN 3-412-01491-5. OCLC 27443395.
- ^ Radicke. 4 stola/vestis longa. pp. 328–354.
- ^ Radicke. 4 stola/vestis longa. pp. 333–342.
- ^ Holtheide, B. "Matrona stolata – femina stolata," ZPE 38 (1980), 127–134.
- ^ Radicke, Jan (2022). "2 Varro (VPR 306) – the toga: a Primeval Unisex Garment?". Roman Women's Dress. Berlin: De Gruyter. pp. 578–581. doi:10.1515/9783110711554-049. ISBN 9783110711554.
- ^ Radicke, Jan (2022). "6 toga – an attire of unfree prostitutes". Roman Women's Dress. Berlin: De Gruyter. pp. 365–367. doi:10.1515/9783110711554-022. ISBN 978-3-11-071155-4.
- ^ McGinn, Thomas A. (1998). Prostitution, sexuality, and the law in ancient Rome. Oxford [Oxfordshire]: Oxford University Press. p. 340. ISBN 0-19-508785-2.
…through conviction under the law was cast as a prostitute, most visibly through imposition of the label of the toga, the prostitute's badge of shame.
- ^ "LacusCurtius • The Roman Toga (Smith's Dictionary, 1875)". penelope.uchicago.edu.
- ^ Radicke. 6 toga – an attire of unfree prostitutes.
- ^ Radicke. 4 stola/vestis longa. pp. 327–328, 686.
- ^ Mekacher, Nina (2006). Die vestalischen Jungfrauen in der römischen Kaiserzeit (in German). Wiesbaden: Reichert. pp. 29, 51–52. ISBN 978-3-89500-499-5. OCLC 78203585.
- ^ Radicke, Jan (2022). 4 stola/vestis longa – a dress of Roman matrons. Berlin: De Gruyter. pp. 311–312.
- ^ Radicke. 4 stola/vestis longa. pp. 312–318.
- ^ Blanck, H. (1997). "Die Instita der Matronenstola," in: Komos. FS Thuri Lorenz, Vienna, pp. 23–24
- ^ Radicke. 4 stola/vestis longa. pp. 306–311.
Sources
[edit]- Mekacher, Nina (2006). Die vestalischen Jungfrauen in der römischen Kaiserzeit (in German). Wiesbaden: Reichert. ISBN 978-3-89500-499-5. OCLC 78203585.
- Radicke, Jan (2022). Roman women's dress : literary sources, terminology, and historical development. Berlin. ISBN 978-3-11-071155-4. OCLC 1346261306.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Scholz, Birgit Ingrid (1992). Untersuchungen zur Tracht der römischen matrona (in German). Köln: Böhlau. ISBN 3-412-01491-5. OCLC 27443395.
- Sebesta, Judith Lynn; Bonfante, Larissa (1994). The world of Roman costume. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 0-299-13850-X. OCLC 27810161.
External links
[edit]- Stola (article in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities)
- How to make a stola Archived 2008-06-04 at the Wayback Machine
Stola
View on GrokipediaEtymology and Terminology
Linguistic Origins
The term stola in Latin originates as a borrowing from Ancient Greek stolḗ (στολή), denoting a "garment," "robe," or "array of equipment."[6][7] The Greek stolḗ itself derives from the Proto-Indo-European root stel-, which conveys the sense of "to put, stand, or put in order," reflecting concepts of arrangement or outfitting that extended to clothing in early Indo-European languages.[8][9] This etymological path indicates that stola was not a native Italic formation but an adoption into Latin, likely through cultural exchanges in the Mediterranean, aligning it with other Greek-derived terms for apparel in Roman usage.[10] The earliest known attestations of stola in Latin literature occur in the works of the poet Quintus Ennius (c. 239–169 BCE), who employed it as a direct translation of Greek stolḗ in his adaptations of Greek tragedies.[10][11] In Ennius's fragments, such as those from his Telephus, the word appears in contexts describing attire without strict gender specificity, applicable to both male and female garments, as in the phrase "induta fuit saeva stola" (clad in a fierce stola).[11][12] Notably absent from earlier Republican authors like Plautus, Terence, or Cato the Elder, this suggests stola entered literary Latin during the mid-2nd century BCE amid Rome's growing engagement with Hellenistic influences.[13] Subsequent uses in late Republican and Augustan literature, such as the satires of Varro (116–27 BCE) and Horace (65–8 BCE), begin to associate stola more consistently with women's outerwear, though it retained occasional broader connotations of formal dress.[10] No direct linguistic evidence links stola to Etruscan terminology for garments, underscoring its primary Greek provenance over indigenous Italic roots.[13]Roman Nomenclature
In Roman nomenclature, the stola was distinguished as a specific garment reserved for married women, or matronae, serving as an overdress worn over the tunica and typically beneath the palla. The tunica functioned as the foundational undergarment for both men and women across social strata, consisting of a sleeved or sleeveless tunic reaching the knees or ankles depending on the wearer, whereas the stola was characterized by its floor-length design, sleeveless construction, and shoulder straps, emphasizing modesty and marital status. The palla, in contrast, was a large rectangular shawl or mantle draped over the stola for outdoor use, applicable to both genders but often signifying propriety when covering the head in women. This layered system underscored the stola's role as an intermediate garment unique to respectable females, with literary sources like Varro and Cicero highlighting its separation from male attire such as the toga.[14][15] Etymologically, the term stola derived from a Greek loanword initially denoting any garment in early Republican texts like those of Ennius (239–169 BCE), but by the late Republic and early Empire, it narrowed to exclusively refer to the matron's long overdress, as evidenced in works by Varro and Cicero. An earlier and more general Latin term, vestis longa ("long garment"), was used interchangeably in pre-Imperial sources such as Afranius, Ovid, and Quintilian, particularly in contexts like wedding rituals where it symbolized the bride's transition to matronhood. This shift reflected evolving Roman cultural emphasis on marital propriety during the Augustan era, when the stola became a standardized symbol in literature and art.[14][16] Roman legal texts explicitly codified the stola's nomenclature and gendered distinctions, as seen in the Digest of Justinian (34.2.23), which differentiates female attire—including stolae, pallia, and mitrae (head coverings)—from male garments like togas, tunicas, and palliola (cloaks), prohibiting cross-dressing to maintain social order. Under Augustan legislation, such as the leges Iuliae (18 BCE and 9 CE), the ius stolae ("right to the stola") emerged as a legal privilege tied to matrimonium iustae nuptiae (formal Roman marriage), granting freeborn and certain freed women the status to wear it, as noted by Festus and Tertullian. While the Twelve Tables (c. 450 BCE) lack specific references to clothing nomenclature, later sumptuary reforms like the Lex Oppia (215 BCE) indirectly reinforced garment distinctions by regulating women's luxurious attire, though without naming the stola explicitly.[14][15][1] Terminological variations were primarily social rather than regional, with the stola restricted to matrons of citizen status, excluding slaves, prostitutes, and unmarried women; prostitutes (meretrices) and adulteresses were legally and socially barred from it, instead required to wear the stigmatized toga to signify their deviance, per Martial (Epigrams 2.39) and Horace (Satires 1.2). Freedwomen with conubium (right to legal marriage) could adopt the stola to emulate elite matrons, as depicted on Republican-era tombs, but provincial Latin adaptations show no significant lexical shifts, maintaining the core terms stola and vestis longa across the Empire. Elite usage often emphasized decorative elements like the instita (hem band), distinguishing it further from simpler versions among lower classes.[14][15][1]Design and Construction
Core Features
The stola was a long, full-length garment resembling an overdress tunic, constructed as a simple rectangular tube of fabric woven on a loom with selvedge edges along the top and bottom, typically featuring a single seam running up one side, such as the left, to form the body. This basic structure allowed for a loose, flowing silhouette that draped over the underlying tunica interior, providing modesty and ease of movement without fitted shaping. It was typically gathered and belted at the waist or under the bust to create decorative folds across the chest. The hem reached the instep or floor, often incorporating an instita—a woven or sewn band—for decorative emphasis and durability.[15][17] Key design elements included a sleeveless form with wide armholes to accommodate the wearer's arms and the layers beneath, a rounded or V-shaped neckline achieved through folding or cutting the fabric, and securing mechanisms at the shoulders such as narrow cloth straps, fibulae (brooches), or knotted fabric rosettes. The garment sometimes featured loose folds from the shoulder straps, with these details evident in artistic representations from the Republican and early Imperial periods.[15][17] Dimensions were proportioned to the wearer's body, with the length extending from shoulder to instep—roughly equivalent to the individual's height minus a small allowance for footwear—and a width broad enough to allow doubling over at the shoulders for fullness, often requiring wide looms or additional seaming at the hips for practicality. Archaeological and iconographic evidence, including statues and reliefs, supports this tailoring, ensuring the stola maintained a graceful, columnar form without excess restriction.[15][17]Materials and Variations
The stola was primarily constructed from wool, the most common fabric in ancient Roman clothing production due to its availability from local sheep farming and its durability for everyday wear. Linen variants emerged for lighter summer use, offering breathability in warmer climates. Textile analyses of surviving Roman fabrics from Egyptian sites, such as those in the Fayum region, confirm the prevalence of wool and linen weaves in women's garments, with wool often featuring a fine, lightweight spin suitable for the stola's overdress form.[15] Color conventions for the stola emphasized modesty and status, with matrons typically favoring undyed white or natural wool tones to signify purity and marital virtue. The instita, a woven or sewn band at the hem, often featured purple borders indicating high social rank, restricted under sumptuary laws that limited Tyrian purple dye to elites to prevent extravagance. These laws, enforced variably from the Republic through the Empire, prohibited widespread use of purple to maintain class distinctions, as evidenced in legislative texts and archaeological dye residues on elite textiles.[15][18] Structural variations in the stola allowed for practical adaptations, including floor-length versions predominating for formal occasions. In colder climates, layered constructions—such as additional wool overgarments or thicker weaves—provided insulation, as inferred from statue depictions and textile fragments showing multi-ply fabrics from northern provinces. Evidence from hem analyses in Roman-era wool remnants supports these adjustments, highlighting regional influences on garment functionality without altering the core tube shape.[15]Historical Development
Early Adoption
The origins of the stola likely drew from Etruscan influences in the 6th century BCE, where tomb paintings from sites like Tarquinia depict women wearing long, draped tunics and cloaks resembling early forms of Roman women's attire in their flowing, ankle-length form and use of wool or linen fabrics. These artistic representations, such as those in the Tomb of the Lionesses (c. 530-520 BCE), show elite Etruscan women in tebennae (cloaks) over tunics, suggesting a cultural exchange as Rome expanded into Etruscan territories.[19] During the early Roman Republic (c. 500-300 BCE), the stola emerged as a distinctive garment for patrician married women, adopted at the time of marriage to signify their legal and social transition to matronhood within traditional Roman customs. Worn over an under-tunic, it consisted of a long, sleeveless woolen dress reaching the ankles, secured by shoulder straps and often featuring an instita—a decorative flounce or border at the hem—that emphasized modesty and domestic propriety. This adoption aligned with Republican marital rites, where the stola replaced simpler pre-marital tunics, reinforcing the bride's commitment to her household role.[20] The stola differed from the contemporaneous Greek chiton primarily in its construction and symbolism: while the chiton was a lighter, often sleeved garment fastened with pins or belts for both men and women, the stola was a heavier, strap-supported overgarment reserved exclusively for Roman matrons, underscoring its role in denoting marital fidelity rather than general everyday wear. By the mid-Republic, around 300 BCE, it had become a marker of patrician status.[20] Post-200 BCE, Hellenistic fashions introduced through Roman military campaigns in the eastern Mediterranean further solidified the stola's place in women's wardrobes, blending Greek draping techniques with Roman modesty to make it a widespread standard by the late Republic. The extension of stola-wearing rights to plebeian matrons by the Second Punic War (218-201 BCE) marked this integration, as increased contact with Hellenistic cultures prompted refinements in garment styling without altering its core marital associations.[17]Evolution Over Time
During the late Republican era (2nd–1st century BCE), the stola evolved from its earlier forms to emphasize greater modesty among Roman matrons, featuring increased pleating for added fullness to cover the body more comprehensively. This refinement aligned with societal pushes for traditional virtues, as seen in moral legislation like the Lex Oppia, which indirectly promoted conservative dress to curb perceived luxury and immodesty in women's attire. In the Imperial period (1st century BCE–3rd century CE), the stola incorporated Eastern influences due to Rome's expanding territories, resulting in variations such as wider or sewn-in sleeves and hybrid designs blending Roman draping with provincial styles.[21] Under emperors like Trajan (r. 98–117 CE), whose campaigns deepened connections with the East, these adaptations allowed for more practical and ornate forms, though the core sleeveless, ankle-length silhouette persisted as a marker of marital status. Usage remained widespread among elite women, but the garment's prevalence began to wane as fashion trends favored layered tunics over the traditional stola.[22] By late antiquity (4th–5th century CE), the stola largely declined, supplanted by tunica-like garments such as the dalmatica, amid Christian doctrinal shifts that redefined modesty through simpler, more covering attire and economic pressures from imperial instability that encouraged practical woolen tunics over elaborate wool or linen stolas. This transition reflected broader cultural changes, with the stola's symbolic role diminishing as Christian communities prioritized uniformity in dress over pagan-era distinctions.[23]Social and Cultural Significance
Marital and Status Symbolism
The stola served as a primary emblem of a Roman woman's marital status, adopted by matronae—married women of citizen families—following the wedding rite of nubere, which marked her transition from unmarried virgo to respectable wife. This garment publicly signified her fidelity, modesty (pudicitia), and adherence to traditional virtues, distinguishing her from unmarried women, who wore the simpler tunic, or from those of lower status like prostitutes, who were legally barred from it. By the late Republic, all women married under Roman law were entitled to wear the stola, reinforcing its role as a visual declaration of respectability and legal protection; for instance, assaulting a woman in a stola carried harsher penalties than against those in other attire, underscoring its function as a safeguard of matronly honor.[20][17] Variations in the stola's materials and embellishments further denoted social hierarchy among matrons, with elite senatorial families favoring finer lightweight wool or subtle trims to display wealth without ostentation. These distinctions were regulated by sumptuary laws, notably the Lex Oppia enacted in 215 BCE during the Second Punic War, which limited women's adornments—including gold, purple-trimmed garments, and elaborate displays—to curb luxury amid crisis; the law indirectly affected the stola by restricting colorful or ornate versions that higher-status women might otherwise wear. Repealed in 195 BCE after protests by elite women, as recorded by Livy, the law's end allowed greater expression of status through fabric quality, though the stola itself remained a marker of restrained elite propriety rather than flamboyance.[20][24] In cultural rituals, the stola embodied virtus (moral virtue) and pietas (familial duty), prominently featured in wedding processions where it overlaid the bride's tunica recta to symbolize her new role, and in funerary contexts where deceased matrons were depicted in it on sarcophagi to affirm their lifelong respectability. Such representations, as seen in Roman art like the sarcophagus reliefs of elite couples, reinforced the garment's ties to societal ideals of chastity and devotion, ensuring the matron's legacy aligned with Roman values of stability and piety.[20][17]Usage Conventions
The stola was exclusively reserved for freeborn married women, known as matronae, who had entered into a iustum matrimonium, a legally recognized marriage between Roman citizens, as it signified their status as respectable wives and mothers committed to household guardianship and chastity.[25] Unmarried girls, or virgins, were prohibited from wearing the stola and instead donned simpler garments such as the tunica or, in childhood, the toga praetexta, to reflect their unmarried and protected state.[2] Similarly, slaves, freedwomen of low status, and prostitutes (meretrices) were denied the stola, often restricted to the toga or shorter tunics that marked their lack of full civic respectability and chastity, thereby preventing any confusion with matronal virtue.[26] In practical use, the stola served as an undergarment in layered ensembles, typically worn over an undertunic in domestic settings for modesty within the home, where women managed household duties.[27] For public appearances or religious ceremonies, such as processions or sacrifices where matronae participated to embody Roman piety, it was layered beneath the palla, a draped mantle that provided additional coverage and formality outdoors, ensuring the wearer's feet remained concealed to uphold ideals of decorum.[2][28] Enforcement of these conventions relied on a combination of social norms and legal measures, with improper attire viewed as a breach of moral and civic order; for instance, sumptuary laws like the Lex Oppia of 215 BCE imposed fines on women for excessive luxury in dress, including elements that might mimic or exceed matronal standards during wartime austerity.[20] Cicero invoked the stola in forensic rhetoric, such as in the Philippics, to shame individuals for flouting gender and status norms through inappropriate clothing, reinforcing social censure.[25] Augustus promoted traditional dress like the stola among matronae as part of broader moral reforms encouraging matronal virtue through legislation and public examples, such as Livia's attire; a later 20 CE attempt under Tiberius to legally mandate the stola with adultery-level penalties for non-compliance ultimately failed, highlighting reliance on social norms over strict enforcement.[27][17]Evidence and Depictions
Archaeological Finds
Archaeological excavations at Pompeii and Herculaneum have yielded rare preserved textile fragments, offering direct evidence of Roman garment construction in the 1st century CE. These sites, buried by the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 79 CE, preserved organic materials through carbonization and mineralization, though complete garments like the stola are not intact. A notable example is a mineralized wool fragment from Pompeii, featuring a fine tabby weave with z-twisted threads approximately 0.15 mm in diameter and a twist angle of 35–50 degrees, supplemented by thin gold strips (1–2 μm thick) for ornamentation.[29] Analysis of this fragment revealed residues of Tyrian purple dye derived from the Hexaplex trunculus mollusk, composed primarily of indigotin (80%), with monobrominated (19%) and dibrominated (1%) compounds, indicating high-status textile production techniques applicable to women's outer garments such as the stola.[29] Additional carbonized textile samples from both Pompeii and Herculaneum demonstrate a variety of weave structures, including plain cloth, twill, and reps, primarily from wool fibers like ovidae and Angora wool, alongside hemp and broom. These fragments, often blackish-brown and brittle due to pyroclastic flows, measure in small patches up to several centimeters and show evidence of pre-eruption use in everyday and ceremonial clothing. One well-preserved piece from the region exhibited brown coloring with green spots, suggesting possible dye application, though not as vividly preserved as the Pompeian purple example. Such finds confirm the prevalence of woolen tabby and twill weaves in 1st-century Roman textiles, consistent with the straight-cut construction of the stola as a long, draped over-tunic.[30] Sculptural reliefs and statuary from the late Republic and early Empire provide tangible impressions of the stola's form and drapery. The Ara Pacis Augustae, constructed between 13 and 9 BCE, features detailed marble reliefs on its processional friezes depicting Roman matrons in stolae, with intricate folds illustrating the garment's typical underarm gathering and overfold at the waist. Female figures, approximately 1.5 meters in height within the 1.15-meter-high frieze, show the stola as a full-length tube falling to the ankles, secured at the shoulders and cinched with a belt to create layered pleats that emphasize modesty and status; the drapery's shallow, columnar folds and subtle undulations mimic lightweight wool, allowing reconstruction of the stola's approximate width (around 1-1.2 meters when laid flat) and fall.[31] These impressions, carved in fine-grained Luna marble, reveal construction details like shoulder straps or pins, absent in flatter depictions but evident in the volumetric rendering of fabric tension.[31] Grave goods from Republican-period tombs, such as those in the Banditaccia necropolis at Cerveteri, include metal pins and fibulae associated with female burials, indicating their role in securing garments like the stola. Excavations of late Republican chamber tombs (ca. 2nd-1st century BCE) have uncovered bronze and iron fibulae, often paired and measuring 5-10 cm long, placed near the shoulders or chest in female inhumations alongside spindle whorls and jewelry. These artifacts, used to fasten the stola's shoulder seams or palla overlay, demonstrate the garment's practical assembly without sewing, as rectangular wool panels were draped and pinned for adjustability. While Cerveteri's tombs blend Etruscan and emerging Roman traditions, similar fibulae appear in central Italian Republican contexts, underscoring the stola's evolution from earlier tunics. No direct weights for stola hems have been identified, but loom weights (terracotta piriform types, 50-200 grams) in nearby female graves suggest domestic textile production tied to such garments.[32]Artistic and Literary Sources
Sculptural representations of the stola appear prominently in portraits of elite Roman women from the 1st century CE, such as those of Livia Drusilla, wife of Emperor Augustus. These marble statues typically show the stola as a sleeveless, ankle-length overdress fastened with narrow shoulder straps, creating a distinctive V-neckline through careful draping over an under-tunic. The garment's folds are rendered with intricate detailing to emphasize its lightweight wool fabric and modest silhouette, often paired with a palla shawl draped over the shoulders and head. A notable example is a statue of Livia discovered in Pompeii and housed in the Naples National Archaeological Museum, where the stola's straps and hemline are clearly visible, illustrating the technical precision of Roman sculptors in capturing textile textures and body contours.[17][33] Literary sources provide detailed descriptions of the stola, particularly in the works of Ovid, where it features as a key element of matronal attire during ceremonial contexts. In Ovid's Ars Amatoria, the poet references the stola's instita—a colored band trimming the lower edge—as a hallmark of the Roman matron's modest dress, covering the feet and signifying propriety in public and ritual settings. Ovid characterizes the ideal matrona through such garments, noting their role in everyday and festive wear, with the instita adding a decorative flourish to the otherwise plain woolen fabric. These accounts highlight the stola's ceremonial significance, such as in religious processions, where its length and drape conveyed elegance and restraint.[17] Frescoes from Roman villas offer visual insights into the stola's color and dynamic movement. In the Villa of the Mysteries near Pompeii, dated to around 60 BCE, female figures in ritual scenes wear long, flowing overdresses that exemplify the stola's form, rendered in solid hues like white, yellow, pink, or blue against the vivid red walls to accentuate the garment's fluid motion during processions. These paintings capture the stola's lightweight weave and pleated folds, suggesting how it moved with the body in ceremonial dances or rites, distinct from the under-tunic beneath. Such depictions in Vesuvian frescoes underscore the stola's adaptability for both static modesty and active display.[17][34]References
- https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/stola