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Pronunciation of English ⟨th⟩
Pronunciation of English ⟨th⟩
from Wikipedia

In English, the digraph ⟨th⟩ usually represents either the voiced dental fricative phoneme /ð/ (as in this) or the voiceless dental fricative phoneme /θ/ (as in thing). Occasionally, it stands for /t/ (as in Thailand, or Thomas). In the word eighth, it is often pronounced /tθ/. In compound words, ⟨th⟩ may be a consonant sequence rather than a digraph (as in the /t.h/ of lighthouse).

General description

[edit]

In standard English, the phonetic realization of the two dental fricative phonemes shows less variation than many other English consonants. Both are pronounced either interdentally, with the blade of the tongue resting against the lower part of the back of the upper teeth and the tip protruding slightly, or with the tip of the tongue against the back of the upper teeth. For some speakers these two positions are in free variation, while for other speakers they are in complementary distribution, the position behind the teeth being used when the dental fricative stands in proximity to an alveolar fricative /s/ or /z/, as in myths (/θs/) or clothes (/ðz/). Lip configuration may vary depending on phonetic context. The vocal folds are abducted. The velopharyngeal port is closed. Air forced between tongue surface and cutting edge of the upper teeth (interdental) or inside surface of the teeth (dental) creates audible frictional turbulence.

The difference between /θ/ and /ð/ is normally described as a voiceless–voiced contrast, the distinction that native speakers are most aware of. They are also distinguished by other phonetic markers: the fortis /θ/ is pronounced with more muscular tension than the lenis /ð/; and /θ/ is more strongly aspirated than /ð/, as can be demonstrated by holding a hand in front of the mouth as they are spoken.

Phonology and distribution

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In modern English, /θ/ and /ð/ are distinct phonemes, not merely allophones, as demonstrated by minimal pairs such as thigh:thy, ether:either, teeth:teethe. They are distinguished from the neighbouring labiodental fricatives, sibilants and alveolar stops by such minimal pairs as thought:fought/sought/taught and then:Venn/Zen/den.

The vast majority of words in English spelled with ⟨th⟩ have /θ/, and almost all newly created words do. However, the high frequency of the function words, particularly the, means that /ð/ is more frequent in actual use.

As a general rule, in initial position, /θ/ is used except in certain function words; in medial position, /ð/ is used except for certain foreign loan words; and in final position, /θ/ is used except in certain verbs. A more detailed explanation follows.

Initial position

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  • Almost all words beginning with a dental fricative have /θ/.
  • A small number of common function words (the Middle English anomalies mentioned below) begin with /ð/. The words in this group are:
    • 1 definite article: the
    • 4 demonstratives: this, that, these, those
    • 2 personal pronouns each with multiple forms: thou, thee, thy, thine, thyself; they, them, their, theirs, themselves, themself
    • 7 adverbs and conjunctions: there, then, than, thus, though, thence, thither (though in the United States thence and thither may be pronounced with initial /θ/[1])
    • Various compound adverbs based on the above words: therefore, thereupon, thereby, thereafter, thenceforth, etc.
  • A few words use an initial ⟨th⟩ for /t/ (e.g. Thomas): see below.

Medial position

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  • Most native words with a medial ⟨th⟩ have /ð/.
    • Between vowels (including r-colored vowels), followed by a weak vowel: heathen, farthing, fathom, Worthington; and the frequent combination -ther-: bother, brother, dither, either, farther, father, further, heather, lather, mother, northern, other, rather, smithereens, slither, southern, together, weather, whether, wither; Caruthers, Netherlands, Witherspoon.
    • Followed by /r/: brethren.
  • A few native words have a medial /θ/:
    • The suffixes -y, -ly, -ing and -ed normally leave terminal /θ/ unchanged: earthy, healthy, pithy, stealthy, wealthy, bothy (from booth); fourthly, monthly; earthing; frothed; but worthy and swarthy have /ð/.
    • Some plurals have /θs/, as discussed in more detail below: cloths, baths etc.
    • Compound words in which the first element ends or the second element begins with ⟨th⟩ frequently have /θ/, as these elements would in isolation: bathroom, Southampton; anything, everything, nothing, something.
    • The only other native words with medial /θ/ would seem to be brothel (usually) and Ethel.
  • Most loan words with a medial ⟨th⟩ have /θ/.
    • From Greek: Agatha, anthem, atheist, Athens, athlete, cathedral, Catherine, Cathy, enthusiasm, ether, ethics, ethnic, lethal, lithium, mathematics, method, methyl, mythical, panther, pathetic, sympathy
    • From Latin: author, authority (though in Latin these had /t/; see below). Also names borrowed from or via Latin: Bertha, Gothic, Hathaway, Othello, Parthian
    • From Celtic languages: Arthur (Welsh has /θ/ medially: /ærθɨr/); Abernathy, Abernethy, as an anglicization, though Gaelic has no /θ/.
    • From Hebrew: Ethan, Jonathan, Bethlehem, Bethany, Leviathan, Bethel
    • From German: Luther, as an anglicized spelling pronunciation (see below).
  • Loanwords with medial /ð/:
    • Greek words with the combination -thm-: algorithm, logarithm, rhythm. Exception : arithmetic /əˈrɪθmətɪk/. The word asthma may be pronounced /ˈæzðmə/ or /ˈæsθmə/, though here the ⟨th⟩ is usually silent.
  • A few words have a medial ⟨th⟩ for /t/ or /th/ (e.g. lighthouse): see below.

Final position

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  • Nouns and adjectives
    • Nouns and adjectives ending in a dental fricative usually have /θ/: bath, breath, cloth, froth, health, hearth, loath, mouth, sheath, sooth, tooth/teeth, width, wreath.
    • Exceptions are usually marked in the spelling with a silent ⟨e⟩: tithe, lathe, lithe with /ð/.
    • blithe can have either /ð/ or /θ/. booth has /ð/ in England but /θ/ in America.
  • Verbs
    • Verbs ending in a dental fricative usually have /ð/, and are frequently spelled with a silent ⟨e⟩: bathe, breathe, clothe, loathe, scathe, scythe, seethe, sheathe, soothe, teethe, tithe, wreathe, writhe. Spelled without ⟨e⟩: mouth (verb) nevertheless has /ð/.
    • froth has /θ/ whether as a noun or as a verb.
    • The verb endings -s, -ing, -ed do not change the pronunciation of a ⟨th⟩ in the final position in the stem: bathe has /ð/, therefore so do bathed, bathing, bathes; frothing has /θ/. Likewise clothing used as a noun, scathing as an adjective etc.
    • The archaic verb inflection "-eth" has /θ/.
  • Others
    • with has either /θ/ or /ð/ (see below), as do its compounds: within, without, outwith, withdraw, withhold, withstand, wherewithal, etc.

Plurals

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  • Plural ⟨s⟩ after ⟨th⟩ may be realized as either /ðz/ or /θs/:
    • Some plural nouns ending in ⟨ths⟩, with a preceding vowel, have /ðz/, although the singulars always have /θ/; however, a variant in /θs/ will be found for many of these: baths, mouths, oaths, paths, sheaths, truths, wreaths, youths exist in both varieties; clothes always has /ðz/ (if not pronounced /kloʊz/[2]).
    • Others have only /θs/: azimuths, breaths, cloths, deaths, faiths, Goths, growths, mammoths, moths, myths, smiths, sloths, zeniths, etc. This includes all words in 'th' preceded by a consonant (earths, hearths, lengths, months, widths, etc.) and all numeric words, whether preceded by vowel or consonant (fourths, fifths, sixths, sevenths, eighths /eɪtθs/, twelfths, fifteenths, twentieths, hundredths /hʌndrədθs/, thousandths).
    • Booth has /ð/ in the singular and hence /ðz/ in the plural for most speakers in England.[citation needed] In American English, it has /θ/ in the singular and /θs/ or /ðz/ in the plural. This pronunciation also prevails in Scotland.

Grammatical alternation

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In pairs of related words, an alternation between /θ/ and /ð/ is possible, which may be thought of as a kind of consonant mutation. Typically /θ/ appears in the singular of a noun, /ð/ in the plural and in the related verb: cloth /θ/, clothes /ð/, to clothe /ð/. This is directly comparable to the /s/-/z/ or /f/-/v/ alternation in house, houses or wolf, wolves. It goes back to the allophonic variation in Old English (see below), where it was possible for ⟨þ⟩ to be in final position and thus voiceless in the basic form of a word, but in medial position and voiced in a related form. The loss of inflections then brought the voiced medial consonant to the end of the word. Often a remnant of the old inflection can be seen in the spelling in the form of a silent ⟨e⟩, which may be thought of synchronically as a marker of the voicing.

Regional differences in distribution

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The above discussion follows Daniel Jones' English Pronouncing Dictionary, an authority on standard British English, and Webster's New World College Dictionary, an authority on American English. Usage appears much the same between the two. Regional variation within standard English includes the following:

  • The final consonant in with is pronounced /θ/ (its original pronunciation) in northern Britain, but /ð/ in the south, though some speakers of Southern British English use /θ/ before a voiceless consonant and /ð/ before a voiced one. A 1993 postal poll of American English speakers showed that 84% use /θ/, while 16% have /ð/ (Shitara 1993). (The variant with /ð/ is presumably a sandhi development.)
  • In Scottish English, /θ/ is found in many words which have /ð/ further south. The phenomenon of nouns terminating in /θ/ taking plurals in /ðz/ does not occur in the north. Thus the following have /θs/: baths, mouths (noun), truths. Scottish English does have the termination /ðz/ in verb forms, however, such as bathes, mouths (verb), loathes, and also in the noun clothes, which can be realized without /ð/. Scottish English also has /θ/ in with, booth, thence etc., and the Scottish pronunciation of thither, almost uniquely, has both /θ/ and /ð/ in the same word. Where there is an American-British difference, the North of Britain generally agrees with the United States on this phoneme pair.
  • Some dialects of American English use /ð/ at the beginning of the word "thank".

History of the English phonemes

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Germanic origins

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Proto-Indo-European (PIE) had no dental fricatives, but these evolved in the earliest stages of the Germanic languages. In Proto-Germanic, /ð/ and /θ/ were separate phonemes, usually represented in Germanic studies by the symbols *đ and *þ.

  • *đ (/ð/) was derived by Grimm's law from PIE *dʰ or by Verner's law (i.e. when immediately following an unstressed syllable) from PIE *t.
  • *þ (/θ/) was derived by Grimm's law from PIE *t.

In West Germanic, the Proto-Germanic *đ shifted further to *d, leaving only one dental fricative phoneme. However, a new [ð] appeared as an allophone of /θ/ in medial positions by assimilation of the voicing of the surrounding vowels. [θ] remained in initial and presumably in final positions (though later terminal devoicing would in any case have eliminated the evidence of final [ð]). This West Germanic phoneme, complete with its distribution of allophones, survived into Old English. In German and Dutch, it shifted to a /d/, the allophonic distinction simply being lost. In German, West Germanic *d shifted to /t/ in what may be thought of as a chain shift, but in Dutch, *þ, *đ and *d merged into a single /d/.

The whole complex of Germanic dentals, and the place of the fricatives within it, can be summed up in this table:

PIE Proto-Germanic West Germanic Old English German Dutch Notes
*t *[þ] [θ] /d/ /d/ Original *t in initial position, or in final position after a stressed vowel
*[đ] [ð] Original *t in medial position after a stressed vowel
*d /d/ /t/ Original *t after an unstressed vowel
*dʰ Original *dʰ in all positions
*d *t *t /t/ /s/ or /ts/ /t/ Original *d in all positions

Note that this table shows only the basic rules. The actual developments in all of the mentioned languages are more complicated (due to dialectal variation, peculiar developments in consonant clusters, etc.). For more on these phonemes from a comparative perspective, see Grammatischer Wechsel. For the developments in German and Dutch see High German consonant shift.

Old English

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Thus English inherited a phoneme /θ/ in positions where other West Germanic languages have /d/ and most other Indo-European languages have /t/: English three, German drei, Latin tres.

In Old English, the phoneme /θ/, like all fricative phonemes in the language, had two allophones, one voiced and one voiceless, which were distributed regularly according to phonetic environment.

  • [ð] (like [v] and [z]) was used between two voiced sounds (either vowels or voiced consonants).
  • [θ] (like [f] and [s]) was spoken in initial and final position, and also medially if adjacent to another unvoiced consonant.

Although Old English had two graphemes to represent these sounds, ⟨þ⟩ (thorn) and ⟨ð⟩ (eth), it used them interchangeably, unlike Old Icelandic, which used ⟨þ⟩ for /θ/ and ⟨ð⟩ for /ð/.

Development up to Modern English

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The most important development on the way to modern English was the investing of the existing distinction between [ð] and [θ] with phonemic value. Minimal pairs, and hence the phonological independence of the two phones, developed as a result of three main processes.

  1. In early Middle English times, a group of very common function words beginning with /θ/ (the, they, there, etc.) came to be pronounced with /ð/ instead of /θ/. Possibly this was a sandhi development; as these words are frequently found in unstressed positions, they can sometimes appear to run on from the preceding word, which may have resulted in the dental fricative being treated as though it were word-internal. This allowed a word-initial minimal pair like thigh:thy.
  2. English has borrowed many words from Greek, including a vast number of scientific terms. Where the original Greek had the letter ⟨θ⟩ (theta), English usually retained the Late Greek pronunciation regardless of phonetic environment, resulting in the presence of /θ/ in medial position (anthem, methyl, etc.). This allowed a medial minimal pair like ether:either.
  3. English has lost its original verb inflections. When the stem of a verb ends with a dental fricative, this was usually followed by a vowel in Old English, and was therefore voiced. It is still voiced in modern English, even though the verb inflection has disappeared leaving the /ð/ at the end of the word. Examples are to bathe, to mouth, to breathe. Sometimes a remnant of the original vowel remained in the spelling (see: Silent e), but this was inconsistent. This allowed a minimal pair in final position like loath:loathe.

Other changes that affected these phonemes included a shift /d//ð/ when followed by unstressed suffix -er. Thus Old English fæder became modern English father; likewise mother, gather, hither, together, weather (from mōdor, gaderian, hider, tōgædere, weder). In a reverse process, Old English byrþen and morþor or myrþra become burden and murder (compare the obsolete variants burthen and murther).

Dialectally, the alternation between /d/ and /ð/ sometimes extends to other words, as bladder, ladder, solder with /ð/ (possibly being restricted elsewhere by the former two clashing with blather and lather). On the other hand, some dialects retain original d, and extend it to other words, as brother, further, rather. The Welsh name Llewelyn appears in older English texts as Thlewelyn (Rolls of Parliament (Rotuli parliamentorum) I. 463/1, King Edward I or II), and Fluellen (Shakespeare, Henry V). Th also occurs dialectally for wh, as in thirl, thortleberry, thorl, for whirl, whortleberry, whorl. Conversely, Scots has whaing, whang, white, whittle, for thwaing, thwang, thwite, thwittle.

The old verb inflection -eth (Old English -eþ) was replaced by -s (he singeth → he sings), not a sound shift but a completely new inflection.

Dialectal realizations

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In some dialects the "th"-sound phonemes /θ/ and /ð/ are pronounced differently from the dental fricatives [θ] and [ð]. Most common are: substitution with labiodental fricatives [f] and [v] (fronting), substitution with alveolar stops [t] and [d] (stopping), and substitution with alveolar fricatives [s] and [z] (alveolarization). Fronting and stopping are more common among speakers of English dialects, whereas alveolarization is more common among language learners whose first languages are French, German, or Mandarin. To speakers of varieties in which /θ/ and /ð/ are pronounced [θ] and [ð], fronting and stopping are generally considered to have less of a marked contrast with the standard pronunciation than alveolarization, which is often more stigmatized.

A fourth, less common substitution is [h] for /θ/ word-initially or intervocalically. This is called debuccalization, and somewhat prevalent in Scottish English.

th-fronting

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In some areas, such as London, and certain dialects, including African American Vernacular English and less commonly New Zealand, many people realize the phonemes /θ/ and /ð/ as [f] and [v], respectively. Although traditionally stigmatized as typical of a Cockney accent, this pronunciation is fairly widespread, especially when immediately surrounded by other fricatives for ease of pronunciation, and has, in the early 20th century, become an increasingly noticeable feature of the Estuary English accent of South East England. It has in at least one case been transferred into standard English as a neologism: a bovver boy is a thug, a "boy" who likes "bother" (fights). Joe Brown and his Bruvvers was a Pop group of the 1960s. The song "Fings ain't wot they used t'be" was the title song of a 1959 Cockney comedy. Similarly, a New Zealander from the northernmost parts of the country might state that he or she is from "Norfland".

Note that, at least in Cockney, a word beginning with /ð/ (as opposed to its voiceless counterpart /θ/) can never be labiodental. Instead, it is realized as any of [ð, ð̞, d, l, ʔ], or is dropped altogether.[3][4]

th-stopping

[edit]

Many speakers of African American Vernacular English, Caribbean English, Liberian English, Nigerian English, Philadelphia English, and Philippine English (along with other Asian English varieties) pronounce the fricatives /θ, ð/ as alveolar stops [t, d]. Similarly, but still distinctly, many speakers of New York City English, Chicago English, Boston English, Indian English, Newfoundland English, and Hiberno-English use the dental stops [t̪, d̪] (typically distinct from alveolar [t, d]) instead of, or in free variation with, [θ, ð]. Native speakers of most Indo-Aryan languages often substitute the dental fricatives [θ, ð] with the voiceless aspirated and voiced dental stops [t̪ʰ, d̪], respectively.

In Cockney, the th-stopping may occur when a word begins with /ð/ (but not its voiceless counterpart /θ/).[3][4] This is also associated with the accent of the English city of Sheffield (such as the nickname dee-dahs for residents) but such pronunciations are now confined to the very oldest residents of Sheffield.[5]

th-alveolarization

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Th-alveolarization is a process that occurs in some African varieties of English where the dental fricatives /θ, ð/ merge with the alveolar fricatives /s/ and /z/. It is an example of assibilation.

In rarer or older varieties of African American Vernacular English, /θ/ may be pronounced [s] after a vowel and before another consonant, as in bathroom [ˈbæsɹum].[6]

Th-alveolarization is often parodied as typical of French-, Japanese-, and German-speaking learners of English, but it is widespread among many other foreign learners because the dental fricative "th" sounds are not very common among the world's languages. Due to the said ridicule, learners who are unable to realize these sounds sometimes opt for the less marked th-fronting or th-stopping instead of alveolarization.[citation needed]

Homophonous pairs
/s, z/ /θ, ð/ IPA Notes
ace eighth ˈeɪs eighth more often merges with eights (see below)
bass bath ˈbæs bass, the fish; but distinct in dialects with broad A
Bess Beth ˈbɛs
breeze breathe ˈbɹiːz
close clothe ˈkloʊz
close clothes ˈkloʊz
eights eighth ˈeɪts
Erse earth ˈɜː(r)s
face faith ˈfeɪs
force forth ˈfoə(r)s
force fourth ˈfoə(r)s
frost frothed ˈfrɒst, ˈfrɔːst
gross growth ˈɡroʊs
kiss kith ˈkɪs
lays lathe ˈleɪz
laze lathe ˈleɪz
lies lithe ˈlaɪz
louse Louth ˈlaʊs
lyse lithe ˈlaɪz
mass math ˈmæs
mess meth ˈmɛs
miss myth ˈmɪs
months month ˈmʌns
moss moth ˈmɒs, ˈmɔːs
mouse mouth ˈmaʊs
pass path ˈpæs, ˈpɑːs
piss pith ˈpɪs
purse Perth ˈpɜː(r)s
race wraith ˈreɪs
rise writhe ˈraɪz
Ross Roth ˈrɒs, ˈrɔːs
ryes writhe ˈraɪz
sai thigh ˈsaɪ
sane thane ˈseɪn
sane thegn ˈseɪn
sank thank ˈsæŋk
saw thaw ˈsɔː
saw Thor ˈsɔː In most Non-rhotic accents; specifically those without the Cot-caught merger.
seam theme ˈsiːm
seas seethe ˈsiːz
seem theme ˈsiːm
sees seethe ˈsiːz
seize seethe ˈsiːz
sick thick ˈsɪk
sigh thigh ˈsaɪ
sin thin ˈsɪn
sing thing ˈsɪŋ
sink think ˈsɪŋk
six sixth ˈsɪks
size scythe ˈsaɪz
soar thaw ˈsɔː Non-rhotic acents with horse-hoarse merger.
soar Thor ˈsɔː(r) With horse-hoarse merger.
soared thawed ˈsɔːd Non-rhotic accents with horse-hoarse merger.
some thumb ˈsʌm
song thong ˈsɒŋ, ˈsɔːŋ
sore thaw ˈsɔː Non-rhotic accents with horse-hoarse merger.
sore Thor ˈsɔː(r) With horse-hoarse merger.
sored thawed ˈsɔːd Non-rhotic accents with horse-hoarse merger.
sort thought ˈsɔːt Non-rhotic accents.
sought thought ˈsɔːt
suds thuds ˈsʌdz
sum thumb ˈsʌm
sump thump ˈsʌmp
sunder thunder ˈsʌndə(r)
sunk thunk ˈsʌŋk
swart thwart ˈswɔː(r)t
sword thawed ˈsɔːd Non-rhotic accents with horse-hoarse merger.
tense tenth ˈtɛns
tents tenth ˈtɛn(t)s
truce truth ˈtruːs
use (n) youth ˈjuːs
whiz with ˈwɪz With wine-whine merger.
wizard withered ˈwɪzə(r)d
worse worth ˈwə(r)s
wrasse wrath ˈræs
wreath Reece ˈriːs
wreath Rhys ˈriːs
Z; zee the ˈziː The before vowels and silent H; but distinct in dialects where Z is [zɛd]
Z; zee thee ˈziː but distinct in dialects where Z is [zɛd]
Zs; zees these ˈziːz
zen then ˈzɛn

th-debuccalization

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In many varieties of Scottish English, /θ/ becomes [h] word initially and intervocalically.[7]

Th-debuccalization occurs mainly in Glasgow and across the Central Belt. A common example is [hɪŋk] for think. This feature is becoming more common in these places over time, but is still variable.[citation needed] In word final position, [θ] is used, as in standard English.

The existence of local [h] for /θ/ in Glasgow complicates the process of th-fronting there, a process which gives [f] for historical /θ/. Unlike in the other dialects with th-fronting, where [f] solely varies with [θ], in Glasgow, the introduction of th-fronting there creates a three-way variant system of [h], [f] and [θ].

Use of [θ] marks the local educated norms (the regional standard), while use of [h] and [f] instead mark the local non-standard norms. [h] is well known in Glasgow as a vernacular variant of /θ/ when it occurs at the start of a word and intervocalically, while [f] has only recently risen above the level of social consciousness.

Given that th-fronting is a relatively recent innovation in Glasgow, it was expected that linguists might find evidence for lexical diffusion for [f] and the results found from Glaswegian speakers confirm this.[citation needed] The existing and particular lexical distribution of th-debuccalization imposes special constraints on the progress of th-fronting in Glasgow.

In accents with th-debuccalization, the cluster /θr/ becomes [hr],[citation needed] giving these dialects a consonant cluster that does not occur in other dialects. The replacement of /θr/ with [hr] leads to pronunciations like:

  • three – [hri]
  • throw – [hro]
  • through, threw – [hrʉ]
  • thrash – [hraʃ]
  • thresh – [hrɛʃ]
  • thrown, throne – [hron]
  • thread – [hrɛd]
  • threat – [hrɛt]

Assimilation

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As with many English consonants, a process of assimilation can result in the substitution of other speech sounds in certain phonetic environments. Native speakers do this subconsciously.

At word boundaries, alveolar stops next to dental fricatives assimilate very regularly, especially in rapid colloquial speech, involving both the place of articulation and the manner of articulation: the alveolar stops become dental, while the dental fricatives become stops.[8][9][10][11] The resulting consonant is usually long (geminated) which may be the only audible cue for the speaker to distinguish particular words (for example, the definite and indefinite articles, compare "run the mile" [ˈɹʌn̪ n̪ə ˈmaɪl] and "run a mile" [ˈɹʌn ə ˈmaɪl]).[11]

in the: /ɪn ðə/[ɪn̪ n̪ə]
join the army: /ˈdʒɔɪn ði ˈɑːmi/[ˈdʒɔɪn̪ n̪i ˈɑːmi]
read these: /riːd ðiːz/[ɹiːd̪ d̪iːz]
right there: /raɪt ˈðɛə/[ɹaɪt̪ ˈt̪ɛə] (more commonly: [ɹaɪʔ ˈðɛə], with a glottal stop)
fail the test: /ˈfeɪl ðə ˈtɛst/[ˈfeɪl̪ l̪ə ˈtɛst]

The alveolar fricatives may become dental as well:[11]

this thing: /ðɪs θɪŋ/[ðɪs̪ θɪŋ] or [ðɪs̪ s̪ɪŋ]
takes them: /teɪks ðəm/[teɪks̪ ðm̩] or [teɪks̪ s̪m̩]
was this: /wɒz ðɪs/[wɒz̪ ðɪs] or [wɒz̪ z̪ɪs]

/θ/ and /ð/ can also be lost through elision:[12][13] months [mʌns], clothes [kloʊz]. In rapid speech, sixth(s) may be pronounced like six.[14] Them may be contracted to 'em, and in this case the contraction is often indicated in writing. Some linguists see 'em as originally a separate word, a remnant of Old English hem, but as the apostrophe shows, it is perceived in modern English as a contraction of them.[15]

Acquisition problems

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Children generally learn the less marked phonemes of the language before the more marked ones. In the case of English-speaking children, /θ/ and /ð/ are often among the last phonemes to be learnt, frequently not being mastered before the age of five. Prior to this age, many children substitute the sounds [f] and [v] respectively. For small children, fought and thought are therefore homophones. As British and American children begin school at age four and five respectively, this means that many are learning to read and write before they have sorted out these sounds, and the infantile pronunciation is frequently reflected in their spelling errors: ve fing for the thing.

Children with a lisp, however, have trouble distinguishing /θ/ and /ð/ from /s/ and /z/ respectively in speech, using a single /θ/ or /ð/ pronunciation for both, and may never master the correct sounds without speech therapy. The lisp is a common speech impediment in English.

Foreign learners may have parallel problems. Learners from very many cultural backgrounds have difficulties with English dental fricatives, usually caused by interference with either sibilants or stops. Words with a dental fricative adjacent to an alveolar fricative, such as clothes (/kloʊðz/ or /kloʊz/), truths /tɹuθs/, fifths (/fɪfθs/ or /fɪθs/), sixths (/sɪksθs/), anesthetic (/ˌænəsˈθɛtɪk/), etc., are commonly very difficult for foreign learners to pronounce. Some of these words containing consonant clusters can also be difficult for native speakers, including those using the standard /θ/ and /ð/ pronunciations generally, allowing such accepted informal pronunciations of clothes as /kloʊz/ (a homophone of the verb close) and fifth(s) as /fɪθ(s)/.

History of the digraph

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⟨th⟩ for /θ/ and /ð/

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Though English speakers take it for granted, the digraph ⟨th⟩ is in fact not an obvious combination for a dental fricative. The origins of this have to do with developments in Greek.

Proto-Indo-European had an aspirated /dʱ/ that came into Greek as /tʰ/, spelled with the letter theta. In the Greek of Homer and Plato, this was still pronounced /tʰ/, and therefore when Greek words were borrowed into Latin, theta was transcribed with ⟨th⟩. Since /tʰ/ sounds like /t/ with a following puff of air, ⟨th⟩ was the logical spelling in the Latin alphabet.

By the time of New Testament Greek (koiné), however, the aspirated stop had shifted to a fricative: /tʰ/→/θ/. Thus theta came to have the sound that it still has in Modern Greek, and which it represents in the IPA. From a Latin perspective, the established digraph ⟨th⟩ now represented the voiceless fricative /θ/, and was used thus for English by French-speaking scribes after the Norman Conquest, since they were unfamiliar with the Germanic graphemes ð (eth) and þ (thorn). Likewise, the spelling ⟨th⟩ was used for /θ/ in Old High German prior to the completion of the High German consonant shift, again by analogy with the way Latin represented the Greek sound. It also appeared in early modern Swedish before a final shift to /d/.

The history of the digraphs ⟨ph⟩ for /f/ and ⟨ch⟩ for Scots, Welsh or German /x/ is parallel.

⟨th⟩ for /t/

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Since neither /tʰ/ nor /θ/ was a native sound in Latin, the tendency emerged at the latest in medieval Latin, to substitute /t/. Thus, in many modern languages, including French and German, the ⟨th⟩ digraph is used in Greek loan-words to represent an original /θ/, but is now pronounced /t/: examples are French théâtre, German Theater. In some cases, this etymological ⟨th⟩, which has no remaining significance for pronunciation, has been transferred to words in which there is no etymological justification for it. For example, German Tal ('valley', cognate with English dale) appears in many place-names with an archaic spelling Thal (contrast Neandertal and Neanderthal). The German spelling reform of 1901 largely reversed these, but they remain in some proper nouns. The name Rothschild is an example of this, being a compound of rot[h] ("red") and Schild ("shield").

Examples of this are also to be found in English, perhaps influenced immediately by French. In some Middle English manuscripts, ⟨th⟩ appears for ⟨t⟩ or ⟨d⟩: tho 'to' or 'do', thyll till, whythe white, thede deed. In Modern English we see it in Esther, Thomas, Thames, thyme and the old spelling of Satan as Sathan. More recently, the name of the capital of Nepal was often written Katmandu down to the late 20th century, but is now usually spelt Kathmandu.

In a small number of cases, this spelling later influenced the pronunciation: amaranth, amianthus and author have spelling pronunciations with /θ/, and some English speakers use /θ/ in Neanderthal.

⟨th⟩ for /th/

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A few English compound words, such as lightheaded or hothouse, have the letter combination ⟨th⟩ split between the parts, though this is not a digraph. Here, the ⟨t⟩ and ⟨h⟩ are pronounced separately (light-headed) as a cluster of two consonants. Other examples are anthill, goatherd, lighthouse, outhouse, pothead; also in words formed with the suffix -hood: knighthood, and the similarly formed Afrikaans loanword apartheid. In a few place names ending in t+ham, the t-h boundary has been lost and become a spelling pronunciation, for example Grantham. However, Witham (the town in Essex, not the river in Lincolnshire which is pronounced with /ð/), retains the boundary.

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
In English orthography, the digraph ⟨th⟩ primarily represents two phonemes: the voiceless interdental fricative /θ/, as in think and bath, and the voiced interdental fricative /ð/, as in this and breathe. These sounds are articulated by placing the tip of the tongue between the upper and lower teeth, creating a narrow channel through which air passes to produce audible friction; the /θ/ lacks vocal cord vibration, while /ð/ involves it. The distinction between the two is phonemic, meaning it can change word meanings, as in thin (/θɪn/) vs. then (/ðɛn/). The ⟨th⟩ digraph appears in initial, medial, and final positions across words, with examples including initial thing (/θɪŋ/), medial nothing (/ˈnʌθɪŋ/), and final with (/wɪð/). English spelling does not consistently indicate voicing—function words like the and that use /ð/, while content words like method and myth use /θ/—relying instead on morphological and phonological context. These fricatives are among the 24 consonant phonemes in standard American and British English, contributing to the language's phonological inventory. Pronunciation of ⟨th⟩ varies significantly across English dialects and in . In varieties such as and , replaces /θ/ and /ð/ with labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/ (e.g., think as /fɪŋk/), while th-stopping in and some urban dialects substitutes stops /t/ and /d/ (e.g., this as /dɪs/). These interdental fricatives are rare globally, absent in many languages like Spanish, French, and , leading non-native speakers to often substitute them with dentals /t d/ or /s z/, affecting intelligibility in L2 Englishes.

Overview

Phonemic status

In , the digraph ⟨th⟩ corresponds to two distinct phonemes: the voiceless interdental /θ/ and the voiced interdental /ð/. Both phonemes are articulated with the between the upper and lower teeth (), where airflow is obstructed to produce turbulent frication (). The key distinction lies in voicing: /θ/ lacks , resulting in a breathy as in "think," whereas /ð/ involves , producing a buzzier quality as in "this." These phonemes maintain a contrastive relationship, evidenced by minimal pairs such as "thigh" /θaɪ/ and "thy" /ðaɪ/, or "ether" /ˈiːθər/ and "either" /ˈiːðər/, where the sole difference in voicing alters word meaning and demonstrates their independent phonemic status. Despite this low functional load—due to relatively few such pairs—/θ/ and /ð/ are treated as separate phonemes in inventories. Cross-linguistically, interdental fricatives like /θ/ and /ð/ are uncommon, appearing in only 7.6% of sampled languages worldwide, which underscores their marked status and English's retention of these sounds as a characteristic phonological trait. In English usage, /θ/ occurs more frequently in word-initial and word-final positions (e.g., "thin," "bath"), while /ð/ is more prevalent intervocalically and in high-frequency function words (e.g., "," "the"), yielding an overall higher token frequency for /ð/ in corpora (about 2.95% versus 0.41% for /θ/). The orthographic digraph ⟨th⟩ represents both phonemes indifferently.

Orthographic conventions

In , the digraph ⟨th⟩ serves as the standard representation for both the voiceless interdental /θ/ and the voiced interdental /ð/, a convention inherited from where the runic letters thorn (þ) and (ð) were employed interchangeably for these sounds before being unified as ⟨th⟩ in printed texts during the transition to . This digraph uniquely encodes the interdental , distinguishing it from other pairs like the labiodentals /f/ and /v/, which are spelled with single letters ⟨f⟩ and ⟨v⟩ respectively, reflecting English's inconsistent grapheme-phoneme correspondences. The usage of ⟨th⟩ follows phonological patterns rather than strict orthographic rules for voicing, with /θ/ predominantly appearing in word-initial and word-final positions (e.g., "think" /θɪŋk/, "bath" /bɑːθ/), while /ð/ occurs more frequently in intervocalic medial positions within or in function words (e.g., "brother" /ˈbrʌðər/, "the" /ðə/). These positional tendencies maintain the phonemic distinction between /θ/ and /ð/ despite the shared , as seen in minimal pairs like "" /θaɪ/ and "thy" /ðaɪ/. Exceptions to this convention arise primarily in loanwords and proper names, where ⟨th⟩ may not correspond to an interdental ; for instance, in borrowings from Greek or Thai, it can be realized as /t/, as in "Thailand" /taɪˈlænd/ or "Thomas" /ˈtɒməs/, reflecting adaptations to English or etymological influences from source languages without native interdental fricatives. Dialectal spellings occasionally deviate, such as non-standard representations in regional varieties, but standard remains consistent with ⟨th⟩ for native fricatives.

Phonological Distribution

Positional variations

In , the /θ/ predominates in word-initial position for , as in think [θɪŋk] and thumb [θʌm], where articulatory strengthening contributes to its fortis realization with clear frication. The voiced counterpart /ð/ occurs rarely in initial position, primarily in function words such as the [ðə] and this [ðɪs], often with partial voicing due to its lenis nature in unstressed contexts. In medial position, /ð/ is common intervocalically, exhibiting lenition tendencies that enhance voicing, as in brother [ˈbrʌðə] and father [ˈfɑːðə]. Conversely, /θ/ appears after consonants, maintaining its voiceless quality, for example in nothing [ˈnʌθɪŋ], where the preceding nasal supports stronger frication without voicing assimilation. Word-finally, /θ/ is the typical realization in content words like bath [bɑːθ] and breath [brɛθ], often subject to devoicing rules that reinforce its voiceless fortis articulation. /ð/ appears occasionally in final position, such as in inflected forms like baths [bɑːðz], where voicing persists before following voiced segments, though morphological factors can influence this pattern. Phonotactic constraints limit clustering for these fricatives; /θ/ permits initial onset clusters like /θr/ in three [θriː], but /ðr/ is prohibited in Standard English, reflecting asymmetries in permitted sequences for voiced versus voiceless dentals.

Morphological environments

In English morphology, derivational processes can trigger voicing alternations in the fricative spelled ⟨th⟩, where voiceless /θ/ in the base form shifts to voiced /ð/ in the derived form. Classic examples include the noun bath /bɑːθ/ (British English) or /bæθ/ (American English) contrasting with the verb bathe /beɪð/, breath /brɛθ/ with breathe /briːð/, and cloth /klɔːθ/ or /klɑːθ/ with clothe /kləʊð/. These pairs reflect lexicalized patterns from historical intervocalic voicing, now treated as morphologically conditioned irregularities rather than productive rules, affecting a small set of verb-noun derivations. Inflectional endings, particularly the plural -s and possessive -'s, often induce voicing of stem-final /θ/ to /ð/ before the sibilant suffix, easing articulation and aligning with general assimilation patterns. For instance, path /pæθ/ or /pɑːθ/ forms paths /pæðz/ or /pɑːðz/, and bath yields baths /bæðz/ or /bɑːðz/, though voiceless /θs/ variants exist and may predominate in rapid speech or certain dialects. In contrast, month /mʌnθ/ consistently retains /θs/ in months /mʌnθs/, highlighting lexical exceptions where voicing does not apply. This variability is conditioned by factors like suffix realization and stem , with voicing more likely in stems that have voiced verbal counterparts. Function words beginning with ⟨th⟩ are systematically pronounced with initial /ð/, distinguishing them from content words that use /θ/. Examples include the definite article the /ðə/ or /ðiː/, demonstratives like this /ðɪs/ and that (as determiner) /ðæt/, and conjunctions and adverbs such as though /ðəʊ/. Conversely, lexical items like thick /θɪk/, thief /θiːf/, and thrash /θræʃ/ employ /θ/. This morphological opposition, rooted in historical developments, persists in modern standard varieties and aids in categorizing high-frequency grammatical items versus less predictable vocabulary. In compound words, ⟨th⟩ typically preserves its canonical voicing across the morphological boundary, with minimal assimilation unless phonetically adjacent to similar articulations. For example, toothbrush is pronounced /ˈtuːθbrʌʃ/, retaining the voiceless /θ/ from tooth, while bathhouse features /ˈbɑːθ.haʊs/ with /θ/. Such retention underscores the role of word boundaries in blocking full phonetic integration, though partial may occur in casual speech.

Regional distributional differences

In conservative dialects such as and General American, the dental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ are fully retained across all orthographic positions, occurring with standard frequencies in both content and function words. /θ/ predominates in voiceless environments like initial or final positions (e.g., "think," "path"), while /ð/ is more common in voiced contexts, particularly function words (e.g., "the," "brother"). Corpus analyses of speech indicate that /θ/ comprises approximately 0.6% and /ð/ about 1.5% of tokens in conversational English (corresponding to roughly 1-2% and 3-4% of tokens, respectively), reflecting their limited but consistent distributional role. Contact varieties and show marked reductions in the occurrence and frequency of /θ/ and /ð/, often due to substrate influences leading to substitutions that limit the fricatives' distribution. In , these sounds are frequently omitted or replaced by alveolar fricatives /s/ or /z/ (for /θ/ and /ð/, respectively) or stops, resulting in lower token frequencies; for instance, /θ/ in words like "three" may be realized as or , reducing the fricatives' presence in corpora of Singaporean speech. Similarly, in , /θ/ and /ð/ are systematically absent from the phonemic inventory, substituted by dental stops /t̪/ and /d̪/ in all positions (e.g., "thin" as [t̪ɪn], "this" as [d̪ɪs]), yielding zero occurrences of the fricatives in phonetic corpora compared to their standard rates in . Comparative studies highlight this disparity: while corpora like the record /θ/ and /ð/ tokens at expected proportions (around 2-3% combined for fricatives), data show complete replacement, with dental stops filling the distributional slots. In African American Vernacular English, distributional patterns emphasize a higher relative frequency of /ð/ in function words (e.g., "the," "that"), where the fricative is often retained despite variable stop-like modifications to , contrasting with lower retention in non-grammatical contexts. This sociolinguistic focus on high-frequency grammatical items maintains /ð/'s prominence in connected speech, though overall fricative tokens are reduced compared to conservative dialects. Pidgins and creoles exhibit the most extreme distributional shifts, with /θ/ and /ð/ largely lost or merged into stop categories, altering their occurrence across varieties. In , substitutions with /t/ and /d/ are categorical (e.g., "think" as [tɪŋk], "this" as [dɪs]), eliminating the from the and redistributing their orthographic roles to alveolar stops in all positions—initial, medial, and final—resulting in zero tokens in creole corpora. This pattern extends to other creoles, where substrate languages lacking dental drive the merger, significantly lowering the overall frequency of fricative realizations compared to inner-circle Englishes.

Historical Development

Proto-Germanic origins

The dental fricatives of English, represented orthographically as ⟨th⟩ and pronounced as /θ/ (voiceless) and /ð/ (voiced), trace their origins to Proto-Germanic (PGmc) *þ and *ð, which arose from (PIE) stop consonants through a series of systematic sound shifts collectively known as the First Germanic Consonant Shift, or , supplemented by . In Proto-Germanic, *þ was a , while *ð was its voiced counterpart, initially allophonic but later phonemic in many contexts. These sounds developed primarily from PIE voiceless stops *p, *t, *k and, to a lesser extent, from voiced aspirates *bʰ, *dʰ, *gʰ, with the dental series focusing on *t and *dʰ. Grimm's Law, formulated in the 19th century based on comparative evidence from Germanic and other , describes the primary shift: PIE voiceless stops *p, *t, *k became voiceless fricatives *f, *þ, *x (or *h) in Proto-Germanic, while voiced aspirates *bʰ, *dʰ, *gʰ shifted to voiced stops *b, *d, *g. For the dental fricatives relevant to English ⟨th⟩, this means PIE *t regularly yielded PGmc *þ, as in the reconstruction of "tooth" from PIE *dent- (or more precisely *h₁dónt-) to PGmc *tanþaz, where the intervocalic *t fricativized to *þ without aspiration. PIE *dʰ, as in certain roots, produced *d, which could later fricativize to *ð in intervocalic positions under Proto-Germanic rules, though the core origin of the fricative series stems from the voiceless stops. This shift distinguished the from other Indo-European branches, such as Latin, where *dent- remained a stop in dēns. Verner's Law, discovered in 1875, refined Grimm's formulation by explaining exceptions where the expected voiceless fricatives appeared voiced in Germanic reflexes. It states that PGmc fricatives *f, *þ, *s, *x from Grimm's Law underwent voicing to *β (or *v), *ð, *z, *ɣ if the original PIE accent did not fall on the immediately preceding syllable, reflecting a pre-Germanic mobile pitch accent that influenced consonant outcomes. For instance, in roots where *t > *þ followed an unstressed syllable, voicing produced *ð, creating alternants that later merged with stops in some environments. This law accounts for the dual realizations of the dental fricative series, setting the stage for the phonemic /θ/-/ð/ contrast in descendant languages like Old English. Cognates across highlight the Proto-Germanic *þ/*ð system's inheritance and divergence: in modern German, native reflexes of *tanþaz appear as Zahn (pronounced /tsaːn/, with the stoppified via the ), while loanwords from Greek or Latin retain ⟨th⟩ but merge it to /t/ (e.g., Theater /teːaːtɐ/). In Dutch, *þ similarly merged with /t/, yielding tand (/tɑnt/) for "," reflecting a West Germanic stop merger absent in North Germanic. These developments from the shared Proto-Germanic stage underscore the 's prehistoric unity before later innovations.

Old and Middle English evolution

In Old English, the voiceless dental fricative phoneme /θ/ and its voiced allophone [ð]—the latter occurring primarily in intervocalic position or between voiced sounds—were represented interchangeably by the letters thorn ⟨þ⟩ and eth ⟨ð⟩. These runes-turned-letters, derived from the runic futhorc, allowed scribes flexibility in notation without strict distinction between the voiceless and voiced variants, as voicing was allophonically determined by the surrounding phonetic context. For instance, in the epic Beowulf, the demonstrative "þæt" (meaning "that") exemplifies the use of thorn for the initial voiceless /θ/, while eth appears variably in similar environments across manuscripts. During the Old to transition (roughly 1100–1500), vowel shifts such as i-mutation and palatal diphthongization reshaped syllable structures, occasionally placing dental fricatives in new environments that reinforced their allophonic patterns or prompted minor assimilatory adjustments. These changes, predating the , included the fronting of back vowels before /θ/ or /ð/, as seen in forms like fæder evolving toward fader, where the fricative's articulation remained stable but its perceptual salience varied with altered qualities. In , the introduced significant orthographic and phonological shifts, with French-speaking scribes favoring the digraph ⟨th⟩ over thorn and due to unfamiliarity with the insular letters and the influence of Anglo-Norman scribal practices. largely disappeared by the early , while thorn persisted until around before yielding to ⟨th⟩; this adoption aligned with a reduction in fricative contrasts influenced by French, which lacked /θ/ and /ð/, leading to their phonologization as distinct phonemes /θ/ and /ð/ through dialectal borrowing and integration. A representative example appears in Geoffrey Chaucer's , where "thanne" (meaning "then") employs ⟨th⟩ for the voiceless /θ/, reflecting the standardized pronunciation in late Middle English dialect.

Early Modern to present changes

During the period (roughly 1500–1700), the dental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ remained stable phonemes, largely unaffected by major consonantal shifts, though indirect influences from the ongoing (c. 1400–1700) impacted their perceptual context through associated vowel adjustments. Specifically, pre-fricative vowel lengthening, which had begun in but continued to evolve, affected words ending in /θ/, such as those in the "bath" (e.g., /baθ/ > /bɑːθ/ in southern varieties), where short /a/ lengthened before voiceless fricatives during the , enhancing the durational contrast and potentially sharpening the fricative's auditory prominence against shifted long vowels. This process, part of broader quantity adjustments, did not alter the articulation of /θ/ or /ð/ themselves but contributed to their integration within the emerging standard phonologies. In the 18th and 19th centuries, as English pronunciation standardized amid rising literacy and educational reforms, /θ/ and /ð/ were preserved as interdental dental fricatives in both (RP), the prestige accent of , and the emerging General American (GA), reflecting their retention from earlier periods without significant devoicing or merger. Dictionaries and guides, such as those by (1766) and later 19th-century works, reinforced this dental articulation as normative, distinguishing standard varieties from regional deviations and solidifying the fricatives' phonemic status despite incomplete phonologization in complementary environments. This preservation aligned with broader efforts to codify English, where /θ/ and /ð/ served as markers of educated speech, immune to the consonantal reductions seen in other fricatives like /x/ (lost entirely). From the 20th to 21st centuries, subtle shifts toward debuccalization—weakening of the precise dental articulation—emerged in urban British accents, particularly and related southeastern varieties blending RP and working-class features. (to labiodental /f/ and /v/, e.g., "think" as [fɪŋk]) has spread as a perceptual , particularly in informal speech among younger speakers in and surrounding areas, driven by ease of articulation and social leveling. This trend, first noted in working-class dialects but encroaching on middle-class urban speech, represents a gradual erosion rather than wholesale replacement, with voiced /ð/ fronting more frequently than voiceless /θ/. The global spread of English in the 20th and 21st centuries has led to varied realizations of /θ/ and /ð/ in and ESL contexts, where retention in native-like standards contrasts with widespread simplification due to L1 transfer and . In varieties like Indian or , interdental fricatives are often substituted with alveolar stops /t/ and /d/ (e.g., "this" as [dis]) or /s/ and /z/, reflecting avoidance of rare sounds absent in substrate languages, with accuracy rates as low as 16% in some South Asian ESL groups. Inner-circle standards (e.g., RP, GA) maintain them fully, but outer- and expanding-circle Englishes prioritize intelligibility over precision, accelerating simplification in pidgins, creoles, and informal global communication.

Dialectal and Non-Standard Realizations

th-fronting

is a phonological process in which the interdental fricatives /θ/ (voiceless, as in "thin") and /ð/ (voiced, as in "this") are replaced by the labiodental fricatives /f/ and /v/, respectively. This results in pronunciations such as /fɪŋk/ for "think" and /ˈbrʌvə/ for "brother". The term "fronting" reflects the anterior shift in articulation from the dental position to the . This feature is prevalent in several English dialects, particularly in urban varieties. In the , th-fronting is a hallmark of and , with high rates observed among adolescents in , where over 90% of tokens may exhibit the shift in certain contexts. It is also documented in , though less widespread and typically variable among speakers. In North America, th-fronting is common in (AAVE), especially in word-final coda positions (e.g., 29% of tokens in some speakers), and is increasingly adopted in urban white communities, such as , where it spreads from AAVE influences despite social tensions. Sociolinguistically, th-fronting is stigmatized as a non-standard variant, often associated with working-class speech and urban . Studies replicating William Labov's sociolinguistic interview methodology reveal correlations with younger age and lower ; for instance, in , it shows less social awareness than variables like , yet persists strongly among adolescents from lower classes. In the , Labov's maps its diffusion in urban areas, linking it to age-graded patterns and cross-racial adoption, where white speakers in use it to index local despite racial hostilities. Acoustic analyses distinguish th-fronting through spectrographic differences in frication noise. The /θ/ sound produces broadband noise with spectral peaks around 6-7 kHz due to its dental articulation, while /f/ shows higher-frequency (often 8-10 kHz) and greater low-frequency from labiodental , resulting in observable shifts in transitions and noise distribution in adjacent vowels on spectrograms.

th-stopping and other affrication

Th-stopping refers to the realization of the /θ/ as a voiceless dental or alveolar stop [t̪] or , and the /ð/ as a voiced dental or alveolar stop [d̪] or . For example, in these varieties, "three" may be pronounced as [triː] and "this" as [dɪs]. This feature is prevalent in Irish English, where it affects most speakers, with 94% of word-initial and 73% of word-medial instances of ⟨th⟩ realized as dental stops. It also occurs in certain varieties, such as , where it is a striking phonological trait substituting /θ/ with and /ð/ with in words like "thing" [tɪŋ] and "thief" [tiːf]. Affrication of ⟨th⟩ involves realizations approaching affricates, such as /θ/ as [tʰ] (an aspirated stop that may perceptually resemble [t͡ʰ]) and /ð/ as [dʰ], particularly in initial positions. In Scottish English, this manifests in some speakers, especially in urban areas like Glasgow or rural regions influenced by historical contact. These variations often arise from substrate influences and language contact. In Irish English, th-stopping stems from Celtic language substrates, particularly Irish Gaelic, which lacks dental fricatives and favors dental stops in similar positions. Similarly, in Caribbean Englishes like Jamaican English, it reflects creole substrates where stops replace fricatives due to West African linguistic influences. In Scottish English, affricated forms may trace to contact with Scots Gaelic or regional plosive preferences. Perceptual studies highlight how th-stopping affects listener processing. Irish English speakers reliably distinguish dental stops [t̪, d̪] from alveolar [t, d] with high accuracy (over 90% in identification tasks), aided by longer vowel durations before ⟨th⟩ compared to ⟨t⟩. In contrast, American English listeners show lower accuracy (around 80-85%) in perceiving these contrasts, particularly in word-final positions, leading to occasional confusion between minimal pairs like "bathe" and "bait." Such distinctions are maintained phonemically through contextual cues, though rates of confusion increase in noisy environments or for non-native listeners.

th-alveolarization and debuccalization

Th-alveolarization involves the realization of the dental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ as alveolar stops and , representing a shift in from the teeth to the alveolar ridge along with a manner change from to . This process is prominent in varieties influenced by substrate languages lacking dental fricatives, where the tongue contacts the alveolar ridge more posteriorly than in standard dental articulation. Articulatory studies show that this substitution maintains oral but replaces the narrow fricative groove with complete closure, often resulting in aspiration for voiceless variants due to substrate influences. In , /θ/ is typically realized as or [tʰ] and /ð/ as , as in "both" pronounced [bɔtʰ] or "that" as [dæt]. This pattern varies regionally, with South Indian varieties favoring unaspirated alveolar for /θ/, reflecting the phonologies of like Telugu that distinguish dental from alveolar stops but lack fricatives. Northern varieties, influenced by such as , may retain more dental quality in the stops but still exhibit the manner shift. South African Indian English similarly features alveolarization, with /θ/ and /ð/ merging into alveolar and across urban centers like and . Acoustic analyses reveal consistent stop realizations in word lists, with minimal frication, attributed to historical substrate from Tamil and other Indian languages transported during 19th-century . This variety shows low variability, distinguishing it from White where dental fricatives persist. Debuccalization of /θ/ and /ð/ entails a reduction in oral articulation, relocating the to the and producing like or glottal [ʔ], often as a stage. Phonetically, this involves minimal tongue movement, with airflow primarily modulated at the , leading to breathy or voiceless realizations without supraglottal . Typologically, it exemplifies manner weakening in fricatives, common in intervocalic or initial positions, and contrasts with alveolarization by eliminating buccal involvement entirely. In , particularly Glaswegian and varieties, non-final /θ/ frequently debuccalizes to , as in "three" [hriː] or "think" [hɪŋk]. Articulatory from electropalatography indicate reduced tongue-alveolar contact, with glottal vibration dominating, a feature increasing among younger speakers and linked to urban . These processes highlight cross-dialectal tendencies: alveolarization as a place assimilation to prevalent alveolar stops, preserving obstruency, versus debuccalization as extreme , prioritizing ease of articulation in casual speech. Quantitative acoustic measures, such as moments, confirm higher centroid frequencies for alveolar stops compared to glottal , underscoring their distinct perceptual identities.

Phonetic Interactions

Assimilation processes

In connected speech, the English dental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ undergo assimilation, whereby their articulatory features—such as place, manner, or voicing—adjust to neighboring s to streamline production. This process is regressive when a following influences the fricative or progressive when a preceding does so, commonly observed across word boundaries in rapid or informal speech. Regressive assimilation of voicing occurs when the voiced /ð/ devoices to /θ/ before a voiceless , aligning the laryngeal features for easier transition. For instance, in the "this shop" pronounced as /θɪs ʃɒp/, the initial /ð/ in "this" shifts to voiceless /θ/ under the influence of the following voiceless /ʃ/. This change reduces articulatory effort by matching voicing specifications, a pattern noted in British during fluent speech. Place assimilation frequently affects the dental articulation of /θ/ and /ð/, shifting it to alveolar before alveolar fricatives like /s/ or /z/. In words such as "tenth" /tɛnθ/, the /θ/ may realize as /s/ in casual speech, yielding /tɛns/, where the fricative anticipates the alveolar place of the preceding /n/ or aligns with surrounding coronals. Similarly, across words in "both sides" /bəʊθ saɪdz/, /θ/ becomes alveolar /s/, resulting in /bəʊs saɪdz/, a common informal variant in . This adjustment simplifies tongue positioning from dental to alveolar. Progressive assimilation can alter manner and voicing when /ð/ follows an alveolar stop or nasal, adopting stop-like qualities. In the phrase "at the end" /ət ði ɛnd/, the /ð/ often assimilates to /t/, producing /ət ti ɛnd/, where the fricative gains the manner (stop closure) and voicelessness of the prior /t/. This manner assimilation, involving loss of continuancy, is prevalent in rapid English speech and aids rhythmic flow. In phonological theory, these assimilations are captured by feature geometry, where features like [place] (coronal node) or [continuant] spread between segments via association lines, explaining why entire feature bundles delink and relink efficiently. For fricatives like /θ/ and /ð/, regressive place spreading from a following alveolar creates a unified coronal articulation, as modeled in tiered representations. This framework, developed in nonlinear , accounts for the naturalness of such changes without invoking multiple independent rules.

Other phonetic influences

In English, the /ð/ is subject to , a process of articulatory weakening, particularly in intervocalic positions during rapid or casual speech. This results in variable stricture, with /ð/ often realized as a or approximant-like variant in less prominent contexts. For instance, in words such as "brother" (/ˈbrʌðə/), the intervocalic /ð/ may exhibit weakened frication, contributing to smoother transitions in . This aligns with broader patterns of hypo-articulation in less prominent prosodic contexts, where articulatory effort is minimized. Elision represents another non-assimilatory influence on /θ/ and /ð/, involving the complete omission of these in dense consonant clusters, especially at word boundaries or in codas during fast speech. This simplification aids fluency by reducing articulatory complexity. Common examples include "months" (/mʌnθs/ → /mʌns/), where /θ/ is dropped before /s/, and "clothes" (/kləʊðz/ → /kləʊz/), with of /ð/ before /z/. Such deletions are more prevalent in informal varieties and polysyllabic words with fricative sequences, like "fifths" (/fɪfθs/ → /fɪfs/), though they remain subphonemic and do not alter word identity. Fortition, or strengthening, affects /θ/ and /ð/ in emphatic or hyper-articulated contexts, countering weakening tendencies through increased articulatory precision and duration. In stressed syllables or clear speech styles, /θ/ may prolong to a geminate-like [θː:], enhancing perceptual salience, while both fricatives exhibit longer durations overall—/θ/ by approximately 213 ms and /ð/ by 159 ms compared to conversational norms. Additionally, in prosodically prominent positions, such as utterance-initial sites, /ð/ can fortite to a stop-like [d̪], preserving dental placement but heightening stricture. This process underscores adaptive enhancements for emphasis, distinct from dialectal substitutions. Prosodic structure further modulates the realization of /θ/ and /ð/ through effects on duration and intensity, independent of segmental neighbors. Strong prosodic boundaries, like phrase-initial positions, promote longer durations and greater articulatory force, as seen in increased tongue-tip for /ð/. Intonation contours, particularly rising or emphatic patterns, can extend length to signal prominence. These influences ensure perceptual robustness in varied rhythmic contexts, such as across intonational phrases.

Acquisition and Pedagogical Challenges

Developmental acquisition in native speakers

The acquisition of the interdental fricatives /θ/ (voiceless, as in "think") and /ð/ (voiced, as in "this") in native English-speaking children occurs relatively late in phonological development, typically after the mastery of stops, nasals, and most other fricatives. These sounds are among the last consonants to be acquired, with /ð/ reaching mastery (90% accuracy criterion) at a mean age of 5;9 years (69 months) and /θ/ at 6;5 years (77 months), based on cross-sectional data from over 18,000 U.S. children across 15 studies using single-word elicitation tasks. Longitudinal evidence similarly indicates that these fricatives emerge in the late stage of consonant development (ages 5;0–6;11), following earlier stages where plosives and glides are produced by 2;0–3;11 and other fricatives by 4;0–4;11. This delayed timeline reflects the articulatory complexity of placing the tongue between the teeth while sustaining frication, a configuration not prioritized in early babbling or simpler syllable structures. Common error patterns during acquisition include stopping, where children substitute stops for the fricatives, producing /t/ for /θ/ (e.g., "tank" for "thank") or /d/ for /ð/ (e.g., "dat" for "that"), and fronting, where labiodental fricatives replace the interdentals, such as /f/ for /θ/ (e.g., "fink" for "think") or /v/ for /ð/ (e.g., "buvver" for "brother"). These substitutions are prevalent because they simplify the fricative manner to a more accessible stop or shift the place of articulation to the easier labiodental position, often persisting until ages 4–6 in typical development. Additionally, phonological processes like cluster reduction affect /θ/ in consonant blends, where the fricative is omitted or simplified, as in "three" pronounced as "" (/triː/) by reducing the /θr/ onset. Data from longitudinal corpora, such as the Manchester corpus of 12 British English-speaking children aged 2;0–3;0 recorded in naturalistic play settings, illustrate these patterns over time, showing gradual refinement of fricatives amid variable substitutions before stabilization by school age. Such corpora highlight that while individual variability exists, the majority of children achieve consistent production of /θ/ and /ð/ by 7;0–8;0, aligning with broader cross-linguistic trends for rare fricatives.

Difficulties for non-native learners

The dental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/, represented by ⟨th⟩ in , pose significant challenges for non-native learners due to their rarity across world languages. These sounds are absent from the phonological inventories of many language families, including such as Spanish and French, like Russian, and numerous Asian languages including Chinese, Japanese, , and Thai. This cross-linguistic absence leads to systematic substitutions, where learners map the unfamiliar fricatives onto similar native sounds based on place or . For instance, speakers of languages without dentals often replace /θ/ with or , and /ð/ with or , reflecting L1 transfer effects. Perceptual difficulties exacerbate these production issues, as non-native listeners struggle to distinguish the English fricatives from alveolar counterparts in their L1. Experimental identification tasks reveal that learners from languages like Chinese, Japanese, and Vietnamese frequently confuse /θ/ with /s/, with error rates reaching 20% in noisy conditions for Chinese speakers identifying /s/ before high vowels. Similarly, /ð/ is often misperceived as /z/ due to insufficient acoustic cues for the voicing contrast in fricatives, leading to reduced compared to native speakers. These perceptual challenges stem from L1 phonological , where learners prioritize features like continuancy over place, resulting in blurred boundaries between dentals and alveolars. In production, L2 learners exhibit errors such as overgeneralization of voicing, where voiceless /θ/ is rendered as voiced [ð] or , particularly among Spanish speakers who lack a robust voiceless-voiced distinction in their L1. learners, influenced by languages like , commonly substitute both /θ/ and /ð/ with dental stops and , respectively, due to the absence of interdentals and reliance on stop articulations. Empirical studies from learner corpora highlight varying error rates; for example, Dutch secondary school students show 45.6% errors for /θ/ (mostly substitutions) and 69.3% for /ð/ (mostly ), with higher rates in word-final positions. In contrast, Indian learners demonstrate consistently high substitution frequencies for these sounds across regional varieties, underscoring greater L1 interference from South Asian phonologies compared to European ones.

Teaching strategies

Teaching the interdental fricatives /θ/ and /ð/ to non-native speakers requires targeted pedagogical approaches that address common substitution errors, such as replacing /θ/ with /t/ or /s/ and /ð/ with /d/ or /z/, which arise from the absence of these sounds in many L1 phonologies. Effective strategies emphasize explicit instruction, repetition, and feedback to build articulatory accuracy and perceptual discrimination. Articulatory training forms the foundation of these methods, focusing on precise tongue placement to produce the interdental friction essential for both sounds. Instructors often begin with visual and tactile demonstrations, guiding learners to position the tongue tip between the upper and lower teeth while exhaling air for the voiceless /θ/ (as in "think") or adding vocal cord vibration for the voiced /ð/ (as in "this"). Drills such as "tongue between teeth" exercises, where students hold the position and practice blowing air or humming, help isolate the articulation; one technique involves using a forefinger to gently press the tongue forward, yielding significant immediate improvements in young learners' production accuracy. Supplementary tools like mirrors or videos allow of tongue position, enhancing kinesthetic awareness and reducing errors over repeated sessions. Minimal pair practice builds on this by training auditory discrimination and production through contrasts that highlight phonemic differences. Pairs such as "thin/tin" for /θ/ and "this/diss" for /ð/ are presented auditorily, with learners repeating and identifying them in listening tasks to foster contrastive awareness. Feedback apps provide instant scoring on accuracy, enabling iterative practice; studies on ESL contexts demonstrate that such targeted drills improve production by up to 30-40% in perceptual accuracy after 4-6 weeks. This approach is particularly effective for learners from languages like Spanish or , where interdental fricatives are absent, as it directly counters L1 interference. Contextual integration embeds these sounds in meaningful communication to promote naturalistic use, especially for high-frequency function words like "the," "that," and "this." Role-plays simulating scenarios such as shopping dialogues (e.g., ordering "three" items) or question-response games (e.g., "Is there...?" ) encourage repeated exposure in . Shadowing techniques, where learners mimic native speaker audio immediately after hearing it, further reinforce prosody and articulation; research on EFL learners shows shadowing enhances /θ/ and /ð/ fluency by improving and output synchronization after 10-15 sessions. These methods transition isolated drills to fluid usage, reducing in real-time interactions. Modern tools like the ELSA Speak app leverage AI-driven to deliver personalized feedback on /θ/ and /ð/ pronunciation within interactive exercises. The app analyzes utterances for articulatory precision and provides scores, with users practicing via word-level drills progressing to ; studies report statistically significant gains in overall accuracy for ESL students after regular use over one semester. Similar apps integrate minimal pairs and shadowing modules, supporting self-paced learning and demonstrating improved post-intervention accuracy in sounds for non-native speakers.

References

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