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Scots language
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| Scots | |
|---|---|
| Lowland Scots Broad Scots | |
| (Braid) Scots Lallans Doric | |
| Pronunciation | [skɔts] |
| Native to | United Kingdom, Republic of Ireland |
| Region |
|
| Ethnicity | Scots |
Native speakers | 1,508,540 (2022)[1] |
Early forms | |
| Dialects | |
| Latin | |
| Official status | |
Official language in | Scotland[2] |
Recognised minority language in | |
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-2 | sco |
| ISO 639-3 | sco |
| Glottolog | scot1243 |
| ELP | Scots |
| Linguasphere | (varieties: 52-ABA-aaa to -aav) 52-ABA-aa (varieties: 52-ABA-aaa to -aav) |
The proportion of respondents in the 2011 census in Scotland aged 3 and above who stated that they can speak Lowland Scots | |
The proportion of respondents in the 2011 census in Northern Ireland aged 3 and above who stated that they can speak Ulster Scots Scots is classified as vulnerable by the UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in Danger (2010)[3] | |
| Scots language |
|---|
| History |
| Dialects |
Scots[note 1] is a West Germanic language variety descended from Early Middle English. As a result, Modern Scots is a sister language of Modern English.[4][5][6] Scots is classified as an official language of Scotland,[2] a regional or minority language of Europe,[7][8] and a vulnerable language by UNESCO.[9][10] In a Scottish census from 2022, over 1.5 million people in Scotland (of its total population of 5.4 million people) reported being able to speak Scots.[1]
Most commonly spoken in the Scottish Lowlands, the Northern Isles of Scotland, and northern Ulster in Ireland (where the local dialect is known as Ulster Scots), it is sometimes called Lowland Scots, to distinguish it from Scottish Gaelic, the Celtic language that was historically restricted to most of the Scottish Highlands, the Hebrides, and Galloway after the sixteenth century;[11] or Broad Scots, to distinguish it from Scottish Standard English. Many Scottish people's speech exists on a dialect continuum ranging between Broad Scots and Standard English.[12]
Given that there are no universally accepted criteria for distinguishing a language from a dialect, scholars and other interested parties often disagree about whether Scots is a dialect of English or a separate language.[13]
Nomenclature
[edit]Native speakers sometimes refer to their vernacular as braid Scots (or "broad Scots" in English)[14] or use a dialect name such as the "Doric"[15] or the "Buchan Claik".[16] The old-fashioned Scotch, an English loan,[17] occurs occasionally, especially in Ulster.[18][19] The term Lallans, a variant of the Modern Scots word lawlands [ˈlo̜ːlən(d)z, ˈlɑːlənz],[20] is also used, though this is more often taken to mean the Lallans literary form.[21] Scots in Ireland is known in official circles as Ulster-Scots (Ulstèr-Scotch in revivalist Ulster-Scots) or "Ullans", a recent neologism merging Ulster and Lallans.[22]
Etymology
[edit]Scots is a contraction of Scottis, the Older Scots[14] and northern version of late Old English: Scottisc (modern English "Scottish"), which replaced the earlier i-mutated version Scyttisc.[23][24] Before the end of the fifteenth century, English speech in Scotland was known as "English" (written Ynglis or Inglis at the time), whereas "Scottish" (Scottis) referred to Gaelic.[25] By the beginning of the fifteenth century, the English language used in Scotland had arguably become a distinct language, albeit one lacking a name which clearly distinguished it from all the other English variants and dialects spoken in Britain. From 1495, the term Scottis was increasingly used to refer to the Lowland vernacular[13]: 894 and Erse, meaning "Irish", was used as a name for Gaelic. For example, towards the end of the fifteenth century, William Dunbar was using Erse to refer to Gaelic and, in the early sixteenth century, Gavin Douglas was using Scottis as a name for the Lowland vernacular.[26][27] The Gaelic of Scotland is now usually called Scottish Gaelic.
History
[edit]
Northumbrian Old English had been established in what is now southeastern Scotland as far as the River Forth by the seventh century, as the region was part of the Anglo-Saxon kingdom of Northumbria.[31] Some historians have traditionally argued that the regions later known as Lothian and the Scottish Borders became attached to the Kingdom of Scotland in the tenth and early eleventh centuries,[32][33] but this is no longer accepted and the takeover that does take place is not fully evident until the twelfth century and probably incomplete until at least the thirteenth century.[34][35] The common use of English remained largely confined to Lothian and the Borders until the thirteenth century, where the local varieties were reshaped in response to migration from the Scandinavian-influenced North and Midlands of England that came with the foundation of the first burghs in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.[36] The Scots language scholar Robert McColl Millar framed Early Scots as a koine of the varieties of English spoken in Bernicia and the Danelaw that had been brought to the new burghs.[37]
Later influences on the development of Scots came from the Romance languages via ecclesiastical and legal Latin, Norman French,[31]: lxiii–lxv and later Parisian French, due to the Auld Alliance. Additionally, there were Dutch and Middle Low German influences due to trade with and immigration from the Low Countries.[31]: lxiii Scots also includes loan words in the legal and administrative fields resulting from contact with Middle Irish, and reflected in early medieval legal documents.[31]: lxi Contemporary Scottish Gaelic loans are mainly for geographical and cultural features, such as cèilidh, loch, whisky, glen and clan. Cumbric and Pictish, the medieval Brittonic languages of Northern England and Scotland, are the suspected source of a small number of Scots words, such as lum (derived from Cumbric) meaning "chimney".[38] From the thirteenth century, the Early Scots language spread further into Scotland via the burghs, which were proto-urban institutions first established by King David I. In fourteenth-century Scotland, the growth in prestige of Early Scots and the complementary decline of French made Scots the prestige dialect of most of eastern Scotland. By the sixteenth century, Middle Scots had established orthographic and literary norms largely independent of those developing in England.[39]
From 1610 to the 1690s during the Plantation of Ulster, some 200,000 Scots-speaking Lowlanders settled as colonists in Ulster in Ireland.[40][full citation needed] In the core areas of Scots settlement, Scots outnumbered English settlers by five or six to one.[41][full citation needed]
The name Modern Scots is used to describe the Scots language after 1700.[citation needed]
A seminal study of Scots was undertaken by JAH Murray and published as Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland.[42] Murray's results were given further publicity by being included in Alexander John Ellis's book On Early English Pronunciation, Part V alongside results from Orkney and Shetland, as well as the whole of England. Murray and Ellis differed slightly on the border between English and Scots dialects.[43]
Scots was studied alongside English and Scots Gaelic in the Linguistic Survey of Scotland at the University of Edinburgh, which began in 1949 and began to publish results in the 1970s.[44] Also beginning in the 1970s, the Atlas Linguarum Europae studied the Scots language used at 15 sites in Scotland, each with its own dialect.[45] As of November 2022, Scots is represented on the Scientific Committee of the Atlas Linguarum Europae by David Clement of the University of Glasgow.[46]
Language shift
[edit]From the mid-sixteenth century, written Scots was increasingly influenced by the developing Standard English of Southern England due to developments in royal and political interactions with England.[39]: 10 When William Flower, an English herald, spoke with Mary of Guise and her councillors in 1560, they first used the "Scottyshe toung". As he found this hard to understand, they switched into her native French.[47] King James VI, who in 1603 became James I of England, observed in his work Some Reulis and Cautelis to Be Observit and Eschewit in Scottis Poesie that "For albeit sindrie hes written of it in English, quhilk is lykest to our language..." (For though several have written of (the subject) in English, which is the language most similar to ours...). However, with the increasing influence and availability of books printed in England, most writing in Scotland came to be done in the English fashion.[39]: 11 In his first speech to the English Parliament in March 1603, King James VI and I declared, "Hath not God first united these two Kingdomes both in Language, Religion, and similitude of maners?".[48] Following James VI's move to London, the Protestant Church of Scotland adopted the 1611 Authorized King James Version of the Bible; subsequently, the Acts of Union 1707 led to Scotland joining England to form the Kingdom of Great Britain, having a single Parliament of Great Britain based in London. After the Union and the shift of political power to England, the use of Scots was discouraged by many in authority and education, as was the notion of "Scottishness" itself.[49] Many leading Scots of the period, such as David Hume, defined themselves as Northern British rather than Scottish.[49]: 2 They attempted to rid themselves of their Scots in a bid to establish standard English as the official language of the newly formed union. Nevertheless, Scots was still spoken across a wide range of domains until the end of the eighteenth century.[39]: 11 Frederick Pottle, the twentieth-century biographer of James Boswell (1740–1795), described James's view of the use of Scots by his father Alexander Boswell (1706–1782) [when?] in the eighteenth century while serving as a judge of the Supreme Courts of Scotland:
He scorned modern literature, spoke broad Scots from the bench, and even in writing took no pains to avoid the Scotticisms which most of his colleagues were coming to regard as vulgar.
However, others did scorn Scots, such as Scottish Enlightenment intellectuals David Hume and Adam Smith, who went to great lengths to get rid of every Scotticism from their writings.[50] Following such examples, many well-off Scots took to learning English through the activities of those such as Thomas Sheridan, who in 1761 gave a series of lectures on English elocution. Charging a guinea at a time (about £200 in today's money[51]), they were attended by over 300 men, and he was made a freeman of the City of Edinburgh. Following this, some of the city's intellectuals formed the Select Society for Promoting the Reading and Speaking of the English Language in Scotland. These eighteenth-century activities would lead to the creation of Scottish Standard English.[39]: 13 Scots remained the vernacular of many rural communities and the growing number of urban working-class Scots.[39]: 14

In the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the use of Scots as a literary language was revived by several prominent Scotsmen[citation needed] such as Robert Burns. Such writers established a new cross-dialect literary norm.
Scots terms were included in the English Dialect Dictionary, edited by Joseph Wright. Wright had great difficulty in recruiting volunteers from Scotland, as many refused to cooperate with a venture that regarded Scots as a dialect of English, and he obtained enough help only through the assistance from a Professor Shearer in Scotland.[52] Wright himself rejected the argument that Scots was a separate language, saying that this was a "quite modern mistake".[52]
During the first half of the twentieth century, knowledge of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century literary norms waned, and as of 2006[update], there is no institutionalised standard literary form.[53] By the 1940s, the Scottish Education Department's language policy was that Scots had no value: "it is not the language of 'educated' people anywhere, and could not be described as a suitable medium of education or culture".[54] Students reverted to Scots outside the classroom, but the reversion was not complete. What occurred, and has been occurring ever since, is a process of language attrition, whereby successive generations have adopted more and more features from Standard English. This process has accelerated rapidly since widespread access to mass media in English and increased population mobility became available after the Second World War.[39]: 15 It has recently taken on the nature of wholesale language shift, sometimes also termed language change, convergence or merger. By the end of the twentieth century, Scots was at an advanced stage of language death over much of Lowland Scotland.[55] Residual features of Scots are often regarded as slang.[56] A 2010 Scottish Government study of "public attitudes towards the Scots language" found that 64% of respondents (around 1,000 individuals in a representative sample of Scotland's adult population) "don't really think of Scots as a language", also finding "the most frequent speakers are least likely to agree that it is not a language (58%) and those never speaking Scots most likely to do so (72%)".[57]
Decline in status
[edit]
Before the Treaty of Union 1707, when Scotland and England joined to form the Kingdom of Great Britain, there is ample evidence that Scots was widely held to be an independent sister language[58] forming a pluricentric diasystem with English.
German linguist Heinz Kloss considered Modern Scots a Halbsprache ('half language') in terms of an abstand and ausbau languages framework,[59] although today in Scotland most people's speech is somewhere on a continuum ranging from traditional broad Scots to Scottish Standard English. Many speakers are diglossic and may be able to code-switch along the continuum depending on the situation. Where on this continuum English-influenced Scots becomes Scots-influenced English is difficult to determine. Because standard English now generally has the role of a Dachsprache ('roofing language'), disputes often arise as to whether the varieties of Scots are dialects of Scottish English or constitute a separate language in their own right.[60][61]
The UK government now accepts Scots as a regional language and has recognised it as such under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages.[62]
Notwithstanding the UK government's and the Scottish Executive's obligations under part II of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages, the Scottish Executive recognises and respects Scots (in all its forms) as a distinct language, and does not consider the use of Scots to be an indication of poor competence in English.
Evidence for its existence as a separate language lies in the extensive body of Scots literature, its independent – if somewhat fluid – orthographic conventions, and in its former use as the language of the original Parliament of Scotland.[63] Because Scotland retained distinct political, legal, and religious systems after the Union, many Scots terms passed into Scottish English.
Language revitalisation
[edit]
During the 2010s, increased interest was expressed in the language.
Education
[edit]The status of the language was raised in Scottish schools,[64] with Scots being included in the new national school curriculum.[65] Previously in Scotland's schools there had been little education taking place through the medium of Scots, although it may have been covered superficially in English lessons, which could entail reading some Scots literature and observing the local dialect. Much of the material used was often Standard English disguised as Scots, which caused upset among proponents of Standard English and proponents of Scots alike.[66] One example of the educational establishment's approach to Scots is, "Write a poem in Scots. (It is important not to be worried about spelling in this – write as you hear the sounds in your head.)",[67] whereas guidelines for English require teaching pupils to be "writing fluently and legibly with accurate spelling and punctuation".[68]
A course in Scots language and culture delivered through the medium of Standard English and produced by the Open University (OU) in Scotland, the Open University's School of Languages and Applied Linguistics as well as Education Scotland became available online for the first time in December 2019.[69]
Government
[edit]In the 2011 Scottish census, a question on Scots language ability was featured.[70] In the 2022 census conducted by the Scottish Government, a question in relation to the Scots language was also featured.[71][72] It was found that 1,508,540 people reported that they could speak Scots, with 2,444,659 reporting that they could speak, read, write or understand Scots,[73] approximately 45% of Scotland's 2022 population. The Scottish Government set its first Scots Language Policy in 2015, in which it pledged to support its preservation and encourage respect, recognition and use of Scots.[70] The Scottish Parliament website also offers some information on the language in Scots.[74]
In September 2024, experts of the Council of Europe called on the UK Government to "boost support for regional and minority languages", including the Scots Language.[75][76][77][78]
In June 2025 the Scottish Parliament passed the Scottish Languages Act 2025 that made Scots an official language of Scotland, along with Scots Gaelic and introduced educational standards for the language.[2]
Media
[edit]The serious use of the Scots language for news, encyclopaediae, documentaries, etc., remains rare. It is reportedly reserved for niches[clarification needed] where it is deemed acceptable, e.g. comedy, Burns Night or traditions' representations.
Since 2016, the newspaper The National has regularly published articles in the language.[79] The 2010s also saw an increasing number of English books translated in Scots and becoming widely available, particularly those in popular children's fiction series such as The Gruffalo, Harry Potter, Diary of a Wimpy Kid, and several by Roald Dahl[80] and David Walliams.[81] In 2021, the music streaming service Spotify created a Scots language listing.[82]
The Ferret, a UK-based fact-checking service, wrote an exploratory article in December 2022 to address misconceptions about the Scots language to improve public awareness of its endangered status.[83][84]
Geographic distribution
[edit]In Scotland, Scots is spoken in the Scottish Lowlands, the Northern Isles, Caithness, Arran and Campbeltown. In Ulster, the northern province in Ireland, its area is usually defined through the works of Robert John Gregg to include the counties of Down, Antrim, Londonderry and Donegal (especially in East Donegal and Inishowen).[85] More recently, the Fintona-born linguist Warren Maguire has argued that some of the criteria that Gregg used as distinctive of Ulster-Scots are common in south-west Tyrone and were found in other sites across Northern Ireland investigated by the Linguistic Survey of Scotland.[86] Dialects of Scots include Insular Scots, Northern Scots, Central Scots, Southern Scots and Ulster Scots.
It has been difficult to determine the number of speakers of Scots via census, because many respondents might interpret the question "Do you speak Scots?" in different ways. Campaigners for Scots pressed for this question to be included in the 2001 UK National Census. The results from a 1996 trial before the Census, by the General Register Office for Scotland (GRO),[87] suggested that there were around 1.5 million speakers of Scots, with 30% of Scots responding "Yes" to the question "Can you speak the Scots language?", but only 17% responding "Aye" to the question "Can you speak Scots?".[citation needed] It was also found that older, working-class people were more likely to answer in the affirmative. The University of Aberdeen Scots Leid Quorum performed its own research in 1995, cautiously suggesting that there were 2.7 million speakers, though with clarification as to why these figures required context.[88]
The GRO questions, as freely acknowledged by those who set them, were not as detailed and systematic as those of the University of Aberdeen, and only included reared speakers (people raised speaking Scots), not those who had learned the language. Part of the difference resulted from the central question posed by surveys: "Do you speak Scots?". In the Aberdeen University study, the question was augmented with the further clause "... or a dialect of Scots such as Border etc.", which resulted in greater recognition from respondents. The GRO concluded that there simply was not enough linguistic self-awareness amongst the Scottish populace, with people still thinking of themselves as speaking badly pronounced, grammatically inferior English rather than Scots, for an accurate census to be taken. The GRO research concluded that "[a] more precise estimate of genuine Scots language ability would require a more in-depth interview survey and may involve asking various questions about the language used in different situations. Such an approach would be inappropriate for a Census." Thus, although it was acknowledged that the "inclusion of such a Census question would undoubtedly raise the profile of Scots", no question about Scots was, in the end, included in the 2001 Census.[60][89][90] The Scottish Government's Pupils in Scotland Census 2008[91] found that 306 pupils[clarification needed] spoke Scots as their main home language. A Scottish Government study in 2010 found that 85% of around 1000 respondents (being a representative sample of Scotland's adult population) claim to speak Scots to varying degrees.[57]
The 2011 UK census was the first to ask residents of Scotland about Scots. A campaign called Aye Can was set up to help individuals answer the question.[92][93] The specific wording used was "Which of these can you do? Tick all that apply" with options for "Understand", "Speak", "Read" and "Write" in three columns: English, Scottish Gaelic and Scots.[94] Of approximately 5.1 million respondents, about 1.2 million (24%) could speak, read and write Scots, 3.2 million (62%) had no skills in Scots and the remainder had some degree of skill, such as understanding Scots (0.27 million, 5.2%) or being able to speak it but not read or write it (0.18 million, 3.5%).[95] There were also small numbers of Scots speakers recorded in England and Wales on the 2011 Census, with the largest numbers being either in bordering areas (e.g. Carlisle) or in areas that had recruited large numbers of Scottish workers in the past (e.g. Corby or the former mining areas of Kent).[96] In the 2022 census conducted by the Scottish Government, it was found that 1,508,540 people reported that they could speak Scots, with 2,444,659 reporting that they could speak, read, write or understand Scots,[73] approximately 45% of Scotland's 2022 population.
Literature
[edit]Among the earliest Scots literature is John Barbour's Brus (fourteenth century), Wyntoun's Cronykil and Blind Harry's The Wallace (fifteenth century). From the fifteenth century, much literature based on the Royal Court in Edinburgh and the University of St Andrews was produced by writers such as Robert Henryson, William Dunbar, Gavin Douglas and David Lyndsay. The Complaynt of Scotland was an early printed work in Scots. The Eneados is a Middle Scots translation of Virgil's Aeneid, completed by Gavin Douglas in 1513.
After the seventeenth century, anglicisation increased. At the time, many of the oral ballads from the borders and the North East were written down. Writers of the period were Robert Sempill, Robert Sempill the younger, Francis Sempill, Lady Wardlaw and Lady Grizel Baillie.
In the eighteenth century, writers such as Allan Ramsay, Robert Burns, James Orr, Robert Fergusson and Walter Scott continued to use Scots – Burns's "Auld Lang Syne" is in Scots, for example. Scott introduced vernacular dialogue to his novels. Other well-known authors like Robert Louis Stevenson, William Alexander, George MacDonald, J. M. Barrie and other members of the Kailyard school like Ian Maclaren also wrote in Scots or used it in dialogue.
In the Victorian era popular Scottish newspapers regularly included articles and commentary in the vernacular, often of unprecedented proportions.[97]
In the early twentieth century, a renaissance in the use of Scots occurred, its most vocal figure being Hugh MacDiarmid whose benchmark poem "A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle" (1926) did much to demonstrate the power of Scots as a modern idiom. Other contemporaries were Douglas Young, John Buchan, Sydney Goodsir Smith, Robert Garioch, Edith Anne Robertson and Robert McLellan. The revival extended to verse and other literature.
In 1955, three Ayrshire men – Sandy MacMillan, an English teacher at Ayr Academy; Thomas Limond, noted town chamberlain of Ayr; and A. L. "Ross" Taylor, rector of Cumnock Academy – collaborated to write Bairnsangs ("Child Songs"),[98] a collection of children's nursery rhymes and poems in Scots. The book contains a five-page glossary of contemporary Scots words and their pronunciations.
Alexander Gray's translations into Scots constitute the greater part of his work, and are the main basis for his reputation.
In 1983, William Laughton Lorimer's translation of the New Testament from the original Greek was published.
Scots is sometimes used in contemporary fiction, such as the Edinburgh dialect of Scots in Trainspotting by Irvine Welsh (later made into a motion picture of the same name).
But'n'Ben A-Go-Go by Matthew Fitt is a cyberpunk novel written entirely in what Wir Ain Leed[99] ("Our Own Language") calls "General Scots". Like all cyberpunk work, it contains imaginative neologisms.
The Rubaiyat of Omar Khayyam was translated into Scots by Rab Wilson and published in 2004. Alexander Hutchison has translated the poetry of Catullus into Scots, and in the 1980s, Liz Lochhead produced a Scots translation of Tartuffe by Molière. J. K. Annand translated poetry and fiction from German and Medieval Latin into Scots.
The strip cartoons Oor Wullie and The Broons in the Sunday Post use some Scots. In 2013, Susan Rennie translated the first of a series of Tintin adventures into Scots as The Derk Isle,[100] and in 2018, Harry Potter and the Philosopher's Stane, a Scots translation of the first Harry Potter book, Harry Potter and the Philosopher's Stone, was published by Matthew Fitt.
Phonology
[edit]Vowels
[edit]The vowel system of Modern Scots:[101]
| Aitken | IPA | Common spellings |
|---|---|---|
| 1 | short /əi/ long /aɪ/ |
i-e, y-e, ey |
| 2 | /i/ | ee, e-e, ie |
| 3 | /ei/[a] | ei, ea |
| 4 | /e/ | a-e, #ae |
| 5 | /o/ | oa, o-e |
| 6 | /u/ | ou, oo, u-e |
| 7 | /ø/[b][c] | ui, eu[c] |
| 8 | /eː/ | ai, #ay |
| 8a | /əi/[d] | i-e, y-e, ey |
| 9 | /oe/ | oi, oy |
| 10 | /əi/[d] | i-e, y-e, ey |
| 11 | /iː/ | #ee, #ie |
| 12 | /ɑː, ɔː/ | au, #aw |
| 13 | /ʌu/[e] | ow, #owe |
| 14 | /ju/ | ew |
| 15 | /ɪ/ | i |
| 16 | /ɛ/ | e |
| 17 | /ɑ, a/ | a |
| 18 | /ɔ/[f] | o |
| 19 | /ʌ/ | u |
- ^ With the exception of North Northern dialects[102] this vowel has generally merged with vowels 2, 4 or 8.
- ^ Merges with vowels 15. and 8. in central dialects and vowel 2 in Northern dialects.
- ^ a b Also /(j)u/ or /(j)ʌ/ before /k/ and /x/ depending on dialect.
- ^ a b Vowels 8a and 10 are ultimately the same vowel in Modern Scots.
- ^ Monophthongisation to /o/ may occur before /k/.
- ^ Some mergers with vowel 5.
Vowel length is usually conditioned by the Scottish vowel length rule.
Consonants
[edit]| Labial | Dental | Alveolar | Post- alveolar |
Palatal | Velar | Glottal | ||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m | n | ŋ[a] | |||||
| Stop | p b | t d[b] | tʃ dʒ[c] | k ɡ[d] | ʔ | |||
| Fricative | f v | θ ð[e] | s z[f] | ʃ ʒ | ç[g] | x[g] | h | |
| Approximant | central | ɹ[h] | j | ʍ[i] w | ||||
| lateral | l[j] | |||||||
| Trill | r[h] | |||||||
- ^ Spelt ⟨ng⟩, always /ŋ/.[103]
- ^ /t/ may be a glottal stop between vowels or word final.[103]: 501 In Ulster dentalised pronunciations may also occur, also for /d/.
- ^ The cluster ⟨nch⟩ is usually realised /nʃ/[56]: 500 e.g. brainch ("branch"), dunch ("push"), etc.
- ^ In Northern dialects, the clusters ⟨kn⟩ and ⟨gn⟩ may be realised as /kn/, /tn/ and /ɡn/[56]: 501 e.g. knap ("talk"), knee, knowe ("knoll"), etc.
- ^ Spelt ⟨th⟩. In Mid Northern varieties an intervocalic /ð/ may be realised /d/.[56]: 506 Initial ⟨th⟩ in thing, think and thank, etc. may be /h/.[103]: 507
- ^ Both /s/ and /z/ may be spelt ⟨s⟩ or ⟨se⟩. ⟨z⟩ is seldom used for /z/ but may occur in some words as a substitute for the older ⟨ȝ⟩ (yogh) realised /jɪ/ or /ŋ/. For example: brulzie ("broil"), gaberlunzie (a beggar) and the names Menzies, Finzean, Culzean, Mackenzie etc.
- ^ a b Spelt ⟨ch⟩, also ⟨gh⟩. Medial ⟨cht⟩ may be /ð/ in Northern dialects. loch ("fjord" or "lake"), nicht ("night"), dochter ("daughter"), dreich ("dreary"), etc. Similar to the German Nacht.[103]: 499 The spelling ⟨ch⟩ is realised /tʃ/ word initially or where it follows ⟨r⟩ e.g. airch ("arch"), mairch ("march"), etc.
- ^ a b Spelt ⟨r⟩ and pronounced in all positions, i.e. rhotically. The phoneme /r/ is most commonly realised as an approximant [ɹ], although an alveolar tap [ɾ] is also common, especially among older speakers in rural areas. The realisation as a trill [r] is obsolete and only sporadically used for emphasis.[56]: 510–511
- ^ ⟨w⟩ /w/ and ⟨wh⟩ /ʍ/, older /xʍ/, do not merge.[103]: 499 Northern dialects also have /f/ for /ʍ/.[103]: 507 The cluster ⟨wr⟩ may be realised /wr/, more often /r/, but may be /vr/ in Northern dialects[103]: 507 e.g. wrack ("wreck"), wrang ("wrong"), write, wrocht ("worked"), etc.
- ^ In many dialects velarised /ɫ/ in most or all contexts.[104]
Orthography
[edit]The orthography of Early Scots had become more or less standardised[105] by the middle to late sixteenth century.[106] After the Union of the Crowns in 1603, the Standard English of England came to have an increasing influence on the spelling of Scots[107] through the increasing influence and availability of books printed in England. After the Acts of Union in 1707 the emerging Scottish form of Standard English replaced Scots for most formal writing in Scotland.[39]: 11 The eighteenth-century Scots revival saw the introduction of a new literary language descended from the old court Scots, but with an orthography that had abandoned some of the more distinctive old Scots spellings[108] and adopted many standard English spellings. Despite the updated spelling, however, the rhymes make it clear that a Scots pronunciation was intended.[109] These writings also introduced what came to be known as the apologetic apostrophe,[109]: xiv generally occurring where a consonant exists in the Standard English cognate. This Written Scots drew not only on the vernacular, but also on the King James Bible, and was heavily influenced by the norms and conventions of Augustan English poetry.[13]: 168 Consequently, this written Scots looked very similar to contemporary Standard English, suggesting a somewhat modified version of that, rather than a distinct speech form with a phonological system which had been developing independently for many centuries.[110] This modern literary dialect, "Scots of the book" or Standard Scots,[111][112] once again gave Scots an orthography of its own, lacking neither "authority nor author".[113] This literary language used throughout Lowland Scotland and Ulster,[114] embodied by writers such as Allan Ramsay, Robert Fergusson, Robert Burns, Sir Walter Scott, Charles Murray, David Herbison, James Orr, James Hogg and William Laidlaw among others, is well described in the 1921 Manual of Modern Scots.[115]
Other authors developed dialect writing, preferring to represent their own speech in a more phonological manner rather than following the pan-dialect conventions of modern literary Scots,[109] especially for the northern[116] and insular dialects of Scots.
During the twentieth century, a number of proposals for spelling reform were presented. Commenting on this, John Corbett (2003: 260) writes that "devising a normative orthography for Scots has been one of the greatest linguistic hobbies of the past century". Most proposals entailed regularising the use of established eighteenth- and nineteenth-century conventions, in particular, the avoidance of the apologetic apostrophe, which represented letters that were perceived to be missing when compared to the corresponding English cognates but were never actually present in the Scots word.[117][118] For example, in the fourteenth century, Barbour spelt the Scots cognate of "taken" as tane. It is argued that, because there has been no k in the word for over 700 years, representing its omission with an apostrophe is of little value. The current spelling is usually taen.
Through the twentieth century, with the decline of spoken Scots and knowledge of the literary tradition, phonetic (often humorous) representations became more common.[citation needed]
Grammar
[edit]Modern Scots follows the subject–verb–object sentence structure like Standard English. However, the word order Gie's it (Give us it) vs. "Give it to me" may be preferred.[13]: 897 The indefinite article a may be used before both consonants and vowels. The definite article the is used before the names of seasons, days of the week, many nouns, diseases, trades and occupations, sciences and academic subjects.[115]: 78 It is also often used in place of the indefinite article and instead of a possessive pronoun.[115]: 77 Scots includes some irregular plurals such as ee/een ("eye/eyes"), cauf/caur ("calf/calves"), horse/horse ("horse/horses"), cou/kye ("cow/cows") and shae/shuin ("shoe/shoes") that survived from Old English into Modern Scots, but have become regularised plurals in Standard Modern English – ox/oxen and child/children being exceptions.[115]: 79 [13]: 896 Nouns of measure and quantity remain unchanged in the plural.[13]: 896 [115]: 80 The relative pronoun is that for all persons and numbers, but may be elided.[13]: 896 [115]: 102 Modern Scots also has a third adjective/adverb this-that-yon/yonder (thon/thonder) indicating something at some distance.[13]: 896 Thir and thae are the plurals of this and that respectively. The present tense of verbs adheres to the Northern subject rule whereby verbs end in -s in all persons and numbers except when a single personal pronoun is next to the verb.[13]: 896 [115]: 112 Certain verbs are often used progressively[13]: 896 and verbs of motion may be dropped before an adverb or adverbial phrase of motion.[13]: 897 Many verbs have strong or irregular forms which are distinctive from Standard English.[13]: 896 [115]: 126 The regular past form of the weak or regular verbs is -it, -t or -ed, according to the preceding consonant or vowel.[13]: 896 [115]: 113 The present participle and gerund in are now usually /ən/[119] but may still be differentiated /ən/ and /in/ in Southern Scots,[120] and /ən/ and /ɪn/ in Northern Scots. The negative particle is na, sometimes spelled nae, e.g. canna ("can't"), daurna ("daren't"), michtna ("mightn't").[115]: 115
Adverbs usually take the same form as the verb root or adjective, especially after verbs. Examples include Haein a real guid day ("Having a really good day") and She's awfu fauchelt ("She's awfully tired").
Sample text of Modern Scots
[edit]From The Four Gospels in Braid Scots (William Wye Smith):
Noo the nativitie o' Jesus Christ was this gate: whan his mither Mary was mairry't till Joseph, 'or they cam thegither, she was fund wi' bairn o' the Holie Spirit.
Than her guidman, Joseph, bein an upricht man, and no desirin her name sud be i' the mooth o' the public, was ettlin to pit her awa' hidlins.
But as he had thir things in his mind, see! an Angel o' the Lord appear't to him by a dream, sayin, "Joseph, son o' Dauvid, binna feared to tak till ye yere wife, Mary; for that whilk is begotten in her is by the Holie Spirit.
"And she sall bring forth a son, and ye sal ca' his name Jesus; for he sal save his folk frae their sins."
Noo, a' this was dune, that it micht come to pass what was said by the Lord throwe the prophet,
"Tak tent! a maiden sal be wi' bairn, and sal bring forth a son; and they wull ca' his name Emmanuel," whilk is translatit, "God wi' us."
Sae Joseph, comin oot o' his sleep, did as the Angel had bidden him, and took till him his wife.
And leev'd in continence wi' her till she had brocht forth her firstborn son; and ca'd his name Jesus.
— Matthew 1:18–21
From The New Testament in Scots (William Laughton Lorimer, 1885–1967)
This is the storie o the birth o Jesus Christ. His mither Mary wis trystit til Joseph, but afore they war mairriet she wis fund tae be wi bairn bi the Halie Spírit. Her husband Joseph, honest man, hed nae mind tae affront her afore the warld an wis for brakkin aff their tryst hidlinweys; an sae he wis een ettlin tae dae, whan an angel o the Lord kythed til him in a draim an said til him, "Joseph, son o Dauvit, be nane feared tae tak Mary your trystit wife intil your hame; the bairn she is cairrein is o the Halie Spírit. She will beir a son, an the name ye ar tae gíe him is Jesus, for he will sauf his fowk frae their sins."
Aa this happent at the wurd spokken bi the Lord throu the Prophet micht be fulfilled: Behaud, the virgin wil bouk an beir a son, an they will caa his name Immanuel – that is, "God wi us".
Whan he hed waukit frae his sleep, Joseph did as the angel hed bidden him, an tuik his trystit wife hame wi him. But he bedditna wi her or she buir a son; an he caa'd the bairn Jesus.
— Matthew 1:18–21
Relationship to English
[edit]Given that there are no universally accepted criteria for distinguishing a language from a dialect, scholars and other interested parties often disagree about the linguistic, historical and social status of Scots, particularly its relationship to English.[13] Although a number of paradigms for distinguishing between languages and dialects exist, they often render contradictory results. Broad Scots is at one end of a bipolar linguistic continuum, with Scottish Standard English at the other.[12] Scots is sometimes regarded as a variety of English, though it has its own distinct dialects;[13]: 894 other scholars treat Scots as a distinct Germanic language, in the way that Norwegian is closely linked to but distinct from Danish.[13]: 894
See also
[edit]- Bungi Creole of the Canadian Metis people of Scottish/British descent
- Doric dialect (Scotland)
- Glasgow patter
- Billy Kay
- Languages of the United Kingdom
- Phonological history of Scots
- Scotticism
- Scottish Corpus of Texts and Speech
- Scottish literature
- Scots Wikipedia
Notes
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ a b "Scots". Scottish Government. Retrieved 29 June 2024.
- ^ a b c "Scottish Languages Bill passed". www.gov.scot.
- ^ Moseley, Christopher; Nicolas, Alexandre (2010). Atlas of the world's languages in danger / editor-in-Chief, Christopher Moseley ; cartographer, Alexandre Nicolas. Memory of peoples series (3rd ed. entirely revised, enlarged and updated. ed.). Paris: UNESCO, Intangible Cultural Heritage Section. ISBN 978-92-3-104095-5.
- ^ Fuster-Márquez, Miguel; Calvo García de Leonardo, Juan José (2011). A Practical Introduction to the History of English. [València]: Universitat de València. p. 21. ISBN 9788437083216. Retrieved 19 December 2017.
- ^ Alexander Bergs, Modern Scots, Languages of the World series, No. 242 (Bow Historical Books, 2001), ISBN 978-3-89586-513-8, pp. 4, 50. "Scots developed out of a mixture of Scandinavianised Northern English during the early Middle English period.... Scots originated as one form of Northern Old English and quickly developed into a language in its own right up to the seventeenth century."
- ^ Sandred, Karl Inge (1983). "Good or Bad Scots?: Attitudes to Optional Lexical and Grammatical Usages in Edinburgh". Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. 48. Ubsaliensis S. Academiae: 13. ISBN 978-91-554-1442-9.
Whereas Modern Standard English is traced back to an East Midland dialect of Middle English, Modern Scots developed from a northern variety which goes back to Old Northumbrian
- ^ "List of declarations made with respect to treaty No. 148". Conventions.coe.int. Archived from the original on 9 July 2011. Retrieved 9 September 2012.
- ^ "States Parties to the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages and their regional or minority languages". coe.int.
- ^ "UNESCO Atlas of the World's Languages in danger". www.unesco.org. Retrieved 6 October 2020.
- ^ Evans, Lisa (15 April 2011). "Endangered languages: the full list". The Guardian. Retrieved 6 October 2020.
- ^ "Gaelic Language". cranntara.scot.
- ^ a b Stuart-Smith, J. (2008). "Scottish English: Phonology". In Kortman; Upton (eds.). Varieties of English: The British Isles. Mouton de Gruyter, New York. p. 47.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Aitken, A. J. (1992). The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford University Press. p. 894.
- ^ a b "Scottish National Dictionary (1700–): Scots, adj". Dsl.ac.uk. Retrieved 13 December 2016.
- ^ "Scottish National Dictionary (1700–): Doric". Dsl.ac.uk. Retrieved 13 December 2016.
- ^ Buchan, Peter; Toulmin, David (1998). Buchan Claik: The Saut and the Glaur O't: a Compendium of Words and Phrases from the North-east of Scotland. Gordon Wright. ISBN 978-0-903065-94-8.
- ^ Aitken, A. J. The Oxford Companion to the English Language. Oxford University Press, 1992 p. 892.
- ^ Traynor, Michael (1953). The English dialect of Donegal. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy. p. 244.
- ^ Nic Craith, M. (2002). Plural Identities—singular Narratives. Berghahn Books. p. 107.
- ^ "Scottish National Dictionary (1700–): Lawland, adj". Dsl.ac.uk. Retrieved 13 December 2016.
- ^ "Ethnologue – Scots". Ethnologue. Retrieved 9 September 2012.
- ^ Tymoczko, M.; Ireland, C.A. (2003). Language and Tradition in Ireland: Continuities and Displacements. University of Massachusetts Press. p. 159. ISBN 1-55849-427-8.
- ^ "Dictionaries of the Scots Language:: DOST ::".
- ^ "Scots, a. (n.)". OED online. Archived from the original on 26 December 2019. Retrieved 28 July 2020.
- ^ "A Brief History of Scots". Scotslanguage.
- ^ Bingham, Caroline (1974). The Stewart Kingdom of Scotland, 1371–1603. Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
- ^ McArthur, Tom (1994). Companion to the Oxford English Dictionary. Oxford University Press.
- ^ The British Isles about 802 (Map). 1:7 500 000.
- ^ "cairt n. v.". The Online Scots Dictionary.
- ^ "550-1100 Anglo-Saxon (Pre-Scots)". Scotslanguage.com.
- ^ a b c d Macafee, Caroline; Aitken, A.J. (2002). "A History of Scots to 1700 - 2. The origins and spread of Scots (CM)". A Dictionary of the Older Scottish Tongue. Vol. 12. Dictionary of the Scots Language. p. xxxvi. Retrieved 18 October 2015.
- ^ Rollason, David W. (2003). Northumbria, 500 – 1100: Creation and Destruction of a Kingdom. Cambridge University Press. p. 275. ISBN 0-521-81335-2.
- ^ Barrow, G. S. W. (2003). The Kingdom of the Scots: Government, Church and Society from the Eleventh to the Fourteenth Century. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. p. 121. ISBN 978-0-7486-1803-3.
- ^ Stringer, Keith (2019), ""Middle Britain in Context, c. 900-c1300", in Stringer, Keith J.; Winchester, Angus (eds.), Northern England and Southern Scotland in the Central Middle Ages, Woodridge: Boydell & Brewer, pp. 1–30, ISBN 9781787441521, at pp. 4-5
- ^ McGuigan, Neil (2022), "Donation and Conquest: The Formation of Lothian and the Origins of the Anglo-Scottish Border", in Guy, Ben; Williams, Howard; Delaney, Liam (eds.), Offa's Dyke Journal 4: Borders in Early Medieval Britain, vol. 4, Chester: JAS Arqueología, pp. 36–65, doi:10.23914/odj.v4i0.352, ISSN 2695-625X, S2CID 257501905, pp. 36–65.
- ^ Smith, Jeremy. "Scots: an outline history - Influence of Old Norse". Dictionaries of the Scots Language. Retrieved 31 March 2025.
- ^ McColl Millar, Robert (29 March 2025). "3.4 The Creation and spread of Inglis / 3.5 Formation of Inglis". A History of the Scots Language. Oxford: Oxford University Press (published 2023). pp. 36–38. ISBN 9780198863991.
- ^ "Dictionaries of the Scots Language – vocabulary". Retrieved 30 April 2021.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Corbett, John; McClure, Derrick; Stuart-Smith, Jane, eds. (2003). "A Brief History of Scots". The Edinburgh Companion to Scots. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. p. 9. ISBN 0-7486-1596-2.
- ^ Montgomery & Gregg 1997: 572
- ^ Adams 1977: 57
- ^ Murray, James Augustus Henry (1873). The dialect of the southern counties of Scotland : its pronunciation, grammar, and historical relations; with an appendix on the present limits of the Gaelic and lowland Scotch, and the dialectical divisions of the lowland tongue; and a linguistical map of Scotland. Asher & Co.
- ^ Ellis, Alexander John. On early English pronunciation: with especial reference to Shakspere and Chaucer, containing an investigation of the correspondence of writing with speech in England from the Anglosaxon period to the present day means of the ordinary printing types. Trübner & Co. pp. 20–21.
- ^ Petyt, Keith Malcolm (1980). The Study of Dialect: An introduction to dialectology. Andre Deutsch. pp. 94–98. ISBN 0-233-97212-9.
- ^ Eder, Birgit (2004). Ausgewählte Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen in den Sprachen Europas: untersucht anhand der Datensammlungen des Atlas Linguarum Europae. Peter Lang. p. 301. ISBN 978-3-631-52873-0.
- ^ "Atlas Linguarum Europae Symposium: The 54th Annual Meeting" (PDF). Romanian Academy: Institute of Linguistics. 11 November 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2025.
- ^ Joseph Bain, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 1 (Edinburgh, 1898), 322 no. 662
- ^ "A Speach in Parliament. Anno 1603" in "The Workes of the Most High and Mightie Prince Iames, by the Grace of God" (1616), pg. 485
- ^ a b Jones, Charles (1995). A Language Suppressed: The Pronunciation of the Scots Language in the 18th Century. Edinburgh: J. Donald Publishers. p. vii. ISBN 0-85976-427-3.
- ^ "Scuilwab, p.3" (PDF).
- ^ UK Retail Price Index inflation figures are based on data from Clark, Gregory (2017). "The Annual RPI and Average Earnings for Britain, 1209 to Present (New Series)". MeasuringWorth. Retrieved 7 May 2024.
- ^ a b "The Dialect Dictionary: meeting in Bradford". Bradford Observer. 7 October 1895.
- ^ Eagle, Andy (2006). "Aw Ae Wey – Written Scots in Scotland and Ulster" (PDF). Retrieved 18 October 2015.
- ^ Primary education: a report of the Advisory Council on Education in Scotland, Scottish Education Department 1946, p. 75
- ^ Macafee, C. (2003). "Studying Scots Vocabulary". In Corbett, John; McClure, Derrick; Stuart-Smith, Jane (eds.). The Edinburgh Companion to Scots. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. p. 51. ISBN 0-7486-1596-2.
- ^ a b c d e Jones, Charles (1997). The Edinburgh History of the Scots Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. p. 518. ISBN 978-0-7486-0754-9. Retrieved 9 August 2010.
Menzies (1991:42) also found that in her sample of forty secondary-school children from Easterhouse in Glasgow, there was a tendency to describe Scots words as 'slang' alongside the use of the term 'Scots'
- ^ a b The Scottish Government. "Public Attitudes Towards the Scots Language". Archived from the original on 2 January 2016. Retrieved 18 October 2015.
- ^ Horsbroch, Dauvit. "Nostra Vulgari Lingua: Scots as a European Language 1500–1700". www.scots-online.org. Retrieved 18 October 2015.
- ^ Kloss, Heinz, ²1968, Die Entwicklung neuer germanischer Kultursprachen seit 1800, Düsseldorf: Bagel. pp.70, 79
- ^ a b Jane Stuart-Smith (2004). "Scottish English: phonology". In Bernd Kortmann and Edgar W. Schneider (ed.). A Handbook of Varieties of English. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 48–49. ISBN 978-3-11-017532-5.
- ^ Scott, Maggie (November 2007). "The Scots Continuum and Descriptive Linguistics". The Bottle Imp. Association for Scottish Literary Studies. Retrieved 21 July 2011.
- ^ "Second Report submitted by the United Kingdom pursuant to article 25, paragraph 2 of the framework convention for the protection of national minorities" (PDF). Council of Europe. Retrieved 16 August 2013.
- ^ See for example "Confession of Faith Ratification Act 1560". Archived from the original on 26 August 2020., written in Scots and still part of British Law
- ^ "Scots language being revived in schools". BBC News. 13 February 2015.
- ^ "Knowledge of Language: Scots: Scots and Curriculum for Excellence". Education Scotland. Archived from the original on 14 October 2016. Retrieved 18 October 2015.
- ^ "Exposed to ridicule". The Scotsman. 7 February 2004. Retrieved 18 October 2015.
- ^ "Scots – Teaching approaches – Learning and Teaching Scotland Online Service". Ltscotland.org.uk. 3 November 2005. Archived from the original on 30 October 2004. Retrieved 21 May 2009.
- ^ "National Guidelines 5–14: ENGLISH LANGUAGE Learning and Teaching Scotland Online Service". Ltscotland.org.uk. Archived from the original on 6 October 2008. Retrieved 21 May 2009.
- ^ "OLCreate: Scots language and culture". Archived from the original on 26 August 2020. Retrieved 22 December 2019.
- ^ a b "Scots language policy: English version - gov.scot". www.gov.scot.
- ^ "Scottish government website" (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 7 July 2023.
- ^ "Planning the 2022 census | Scotland's Census". Scotland's Census. Archived from the original on 26 August 2020. Retrieved 7 January 2022.
- ^ a b "Scots - Languages". Scottish Government.
- ^ "Scots - Help". Scottish Parliament. Archived from the original on 9 November 2015. Retrieved 18 October 2015.
- ^ "Council of Europe experts call on UK to boost support for regional and minority languages". Scottish Legal News. 20 September 2024.
- ^ O'Carroll, Lisa (18 September 2024). "UK urged to promote speaking of Irish and Ulster Scots in Northern Ireland". The Guardian.
- ^ McKay, Gabriel (18 September 2024). "Scots and Gaelic teaching must be strengthened says report". The Herald.
- ^ Bradley, Jane (19 September 2024). "Scots speakers experience 'threats and hate speech' amid calls to 'depoliticise' Gaelic". The Scotsman.
- ^ Moos Bille, Katharina (22 March 2019). "The National at the fore of dictionary updates of Scots language". The National.
- ^ "Children's books in Scots". Scotslanguage.com.
- ^ "Book List: Scots books for 9–14 year olds". Scottish Book Trust. Retrieved 21 October 2021.
- ^ "Singer wins campaign to persuade Spotify to recognise Scots language for first time". The Scotsman. 4 March 2021.
- ^ "Fact check: Claims about the Scots language". The Ferret.
- ^ "Lennie Pennie: Debunking the myths about the Scots language". The Herald.
- ^ Caroline I. Macafee (ed.), A Concise Ulster Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996; pp. xi–xii.
- ^ Maguire, Warren (2020). Language and Dialect Contact in Ireland: The Phonological Origins of Mid-Ulster English. Edinburgh University Press. p. 4. ISBN 978-1-4744-5290-8.
- ^ [Iain Máté] (1996) Scots Language. A Report on the Scots Language Research carried out by the General Register Office for Scotland in 1996, Edinburgh: General Register Office (Scotland).
- ^ Steve Murdoch, Language Politics in Scotland (AUSLQ, 1995), p. 18
- ^ "The Scots Language in education in Scotland" (PDF). Regional Dossiers Series. Mercator-Education. 2002. ISSN 1570-1239.
- ^ T.G.K. Bryce and Walter M. Humes (2003). Scottish Education. Edinburgh University Press. pp. 263–264. ISBN 978-0-7486-1625-1.
- ^ "Pupils in Scotland, 2008". Scotland.gov.uk. 1 April 2009. Archived from the original on 26 August 2020. Retrieved 9 September 2012.
- ^ "Scottish Census Day 2011 survey begins". BBC News. 26 March 2011. Retrieved 21 July 2011.
- ^ "Scots language – Scottish Census 2011". Aye Can. Retrieved 21 July 2011.
- ^ "How to fill in your questionnaire: Individual question 16". Scotland's Census. General Register Office for Scotland. Archived from the original on 1 March 2011. Retrieved 21 July 2011.
- ^ "Scotland's Census 2011: Standard Outputs". National Records of Scotland. Archived from the original on 5 October 2016. Retrieved 12 December 2014.
- ^ "UK Government Web Archive". webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk.
- ^ William Donaldson, The Language of the People: Scots Prose from the Victorian Revival, Aberdeen University Press 1989.
- ^ Bairnsangs ISBN 978-0-907526-11-7
- ^ Andy Eagle (26 July 2005). "Wir Ain Leed – An introduction to Modern Scots". Scots-online.org. Retrieved 15 September 2012.
- ^ "The Derk Isle". Tintin in Scots. Retrieved 9 August 2025.
- ^ Aitken A. J. "How to Pronounce Older Scots" in Bards and Makars. Glasgow University Press 1977
- ^ "SND INTRODUCTION". 22 September 2012. Archived from the original on 22 September 2012.
- ^ a b c d e f g Johnston, Paul (1997). "Regional Variation". In Jones, Charles (ed.). The Edinburgh History of the Scots Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. p. 510.
- ^ SND:L
- ^ Agutter, Alex (1987) "A taxonomy of Older Scots orthography" in Caroline Macafee and Iseabail Macleod eds. The Nuttis Schell: Essays on the Scots Language Presented to A. J. Aitken, Aberdeen University Press, p. 75.
- ^ Millar, Robert McColl (2005) Language, Nation and Power An Introduction, Palgrave Macmillan, Basingstoke. pp. 90–91
- ^ Wilson, James (1926) The Dialects of Central Scotland, Oxford University Press. p.194
- ^ Tulloch, Graham (1980) The Language of Walter Scott. A Study of his Scottish and Period Language, London: Deutsch. p. 249
- ^ a b c Grant, William; Murison, David D. (eds.). The Scottish National Dictionary (SND) (1929–1976). Vol. I. Edinburgh: The Scottish National Dictionary Association. p. xv.
- ^ McClure, J. Derrick (1985) "The debate on Scots orthography" in Manfred Görlach (ed.), Focus on: Scotland, Amsterdam: Benjamins, p. 204
- ^ Mackie, Albert D. (1952) "Fergusson's Language: Braid Scots Then and Now" in Smith, Sydney Goodsir ed. Robert Fergusson 1750–1774, Edinburgh: Nelson, p. 123–124, 129
- ^ Mairi Robinson (editor-in-chief), The Concise Scots Dictionary, Aberdeen University Press, 1985 p. xiii
- ^ Stevenson, R.L. (1905). The Works of R. L. Stevenson Vol. 8, "Underwoods", London: Heinemann, p. 152
- ^ Todd, Loreto (1989). The Language of Irish Literature, London: Macmillan, p. 134
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Grant, William; Dixon, James Main (1921). Manual of Modern Scots. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
- ^ McClure, J. Derrick (2002). Doric: The Dialect of North–East Scotland. Amsterdam: Benjamins, p. 79
- ^ Eagle, Andy (2014). "Aw Ae Wey—Written Scots in Scotland and Ulster" (PDF). v1.5.
- ^ Rennie, S. (2001) "The Electronic Scottish National Dictionary (eSND): Work in Progress", Literary and Linguistic Computing, 2001 16(2), Oxford University Press, pp. 159
- ^ Beal, J. "Syntax and Morphology". In Jones, C. (ed.). The Edinburgh History of the Scots Language. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh Press. p. 356.
- ^ "SND Introduction - Dialect Districts. p.xxxi". Dsl.ac.uk. Archived from the original on 21 January 2012. Retrieved 21 May 2009.
External links
[edit]- Scots-online
- The Scots Language Society
- Scots Language Centre
- Internet Archive Collection on Dialects of English and Scots
Scots language
View on GrokipediaScots is a West Germanic language spoken primarily in the Lowlands of Scotland, the Northern Isles, and parts of Northern Ireland (as Ulster Scots), originating from the Old English varieties brought by Anglo-Saxon settlers in the southeastern regions around the 6th century CE.[1][2] It developed independently from Early Middle English, evolving distinct phonological, grammatical, and lexical features that position it as a sister language to Modern English within the West Germanic family, rather than a mere dialect thereof.[3][4] The language exhibits significant dialectal variation, including Insular, Northern, Central, and Southern forms, with Ulster Scots representing a closely related variety transported to Ulster by Scottish migrants in the 17th century.[5][6] Scots boasts a venerable literary tradition, from medieval texts like John Barbour's The Brus to 18th-century works by Robert Burns, such as Tam o' Shanter, which preserved and elevated its cultural prestige amid pressures from Standard English.[7] In contemporary usage, the 2022 Scotland Census recorded 1,508,540 people aged three and over able to speak Scots, with 2,444,659 possessing some skills in speaking, reading, writing, or understanding it, underscoring its enduring vitality despite historical declines in formal domains.[8] Recognized by the UK government as a regional language under the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages since 2001, Scots receives policy support from the Scottish Government, including educational provisions and cultural promotion, though its status remains contested in some academic and institutional circles where socio-political considerations have occasionally favored classifying it as a dialect to emphasize unity with English.[9][10] This debate highlights tensions between linguistic autonomy—supported by criteria like limited mutual intelligibility with Standard English—and historical dominance by English in governance, education, and media, which has constrained Scots' institutional development.[11][12]
Nomenclature and Classification
Etymology and Terminology
The term "Scots" for the West Germanic language variety spoken in the Lowlands of Scotland originates from the Late Latin Scotti, denoting the Gaelic-speaking Gaels who migrated from Ireland and established the kingdom of Dál Riata in western Scotland by the 5th century CE; this ethnonym evolved through Old English Scottas into Middle English Scottis, initially applied to Gaelic before transferring to the Anglo-Saxon-derived vernacular as Gaelic receded.[13] By the 12th century, the language—descended from Northumbrian Old English dialects introduced by Anglian settlers around 600 CE—had absorbed Norse, French, and Latin influences in Scotland's burghs and was commonly termed Inglis (English), reflecting its southern linguistic roots and mutual intelligibility with northern English varieties.[14][15] This nomenclature shifted in the late 15th century, when Inglis speakers increasingly adopted Scottis to differentiate their national tongue from the English of England, coinciding with the language's role as the medium of royal administration, law, and literature under the Stewart dynasty; the term was used interchangeably with Inglis into the 16th century before Scots predominated, while Gaelic—previously the primary Scottis—became retroactively termed Erse (Irish) or later Scottish Gaelic to reflect its highland associations and Irish origins.[16][17] The redesignation underscored emerging Scottish national identity amid political independence, though it masked the language's non-Celtic Germanic substrate, which philologists later traced to Anglo-Saxon colonization displacing Brittonic and Gaelic in the southeast.[18] In modern usage, Scots serves as the standard designation for the language in its entirety, encompassing historical periods from Early Scots (c. 1375–1450) to contemporary forms, though archaic variants like Scotch persist in some 18th–19th-century texts before falling into disfavor due to associations with cheap whiskey or tartanry.[19] Regional and stylistic terms include Lallans (Lowlands), revived in the 20th century by poets like Hugh MacDiarmid for a synthesized literary register blending southern and central dialects; Doric for the northeast variety around Aberdeen, emphasizing its robust phonology; and Ulster Scots for the northern Irish variant transplanted during 17th-century plantations, officially recognized under the 1998 Good Friday Agreement.[20] These labels highlight intrasystemic diversity, with over 100 lexical isoglosses distinguishing dialects, yet all share core features like the merger of Middle English /ai/ to /a/ (e.g., stane for stone) and retention of Germanic roots absent in standard English.[3]Language Versus Dialect Debate
The debate over whether Scots constitutes a distinct language or merely a dialect of English hinges on linguistic, historical, and sociopolitical criteria, with no universal consensus among scholars. Linguists often note that Scots diverged from northern varieties of Early Middle English around the 14th century, developing independent phonological, grammatical, and lexical features, such as the use of "be" in progressive constructions (e.g., "I be gang hame") and retention of Old English sounds lost in Standard English, like the voiceless velar fricative in words such as "dochter" for daughter.[21] These traits, influenced by Norse, Low German, and French substrates, differentiate Scots more sharply from southern English dialects than those dialects differ among themselves, positioning it as a sister variety to English rather than a subordinate form.[22] Proponents of Scots as a separate language emphasize its historical standardization, extensive literary tradition—including works by 15th-16th century poets like Robert Henryson and Gavin Douglas—and mutual intelligibility challenges; broad forms of Scots, particularly in rural Lowland areas, exhibit partial asymmetry with Standard English, requiring adaptation for full comprehension by non-speakers, akin to the relationship between Norwegian and Danish.[23] The Dictionary of the Scots Language documents over 45,000 unique entries, supporting claims of systemic autonomy not found in regional English varieties.[21] Conversely, critics argue that post-1707 Union Anglicization eroded Scots' distinctiveness, replacing much of its core vocabulary with English equivalents, rendering modern usage a dialect continuum embedded within English syntax and lexis, especially in urban settings where code-switching predominates.[24] This view holds that Scots lacks a unified standard or institutional codification comparable to full languages, functioning more as a sociolect influenced by prestige English.[10] Sociopolitical dimensions further complicate the classification, with Scottish nationalists and revivalists advocating language status to bolster cultural identity and access European minority language protections under the 1992 European Charter, which some interpret as encompassing Scots despite its non-Indo-European Gaelic counterpart receiving explicit designation.[23] Skeptics, including some linguists wary of politicization, contend that elevating Scots elevates informal speech varieties without addressing underlying Anglicization or the absence of widespread native transmission, potentially inflating claims amid Scotland's English-dominant education and media since the 18th century.[10] Empirical assessments, such as dialectometry studies measuring lexical distance, place Scots closer to English than to Frisian but farther than Yorkshire or Geordie dialects, underscoring the continuum nature without resolving the binary.[21] Ultimately, the distinction reflects not only empirical divergence but also identity-driven interpretations, with source biases—such as nationalist incentives in pro-language advocacy—necessitating scrutiny of claims detached from verifiable structural evidence.[23]Official Recognition and Linguistic Status
The Scots language is classified as a West Germanic language within the Anglic branch, descending from the Northumbrian variety of Old English and developing independently from Middle English, thereby constituting a sister language to Modern English rather than a dialect thereof.[11] [21] This classification is affirmed by its mutual unintelligibility with Standard English in certain registers, distinct phonological, lexical, and grammatical features—such as the retention of synthetic forms and unique vocabulary—and recognition by governmental bodies as a separate linguistic entity.[25] In Scotland, Scots received protection as a regional or minority language under the UK's ratification of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages on 1 July 2001, which obliges signatory states to promote such languages through education, media, and administration where feasible.[8] [26] The Scottish Parliament's Scottish Languages Act, receiving Royal Assent on 31 July 2025, further declares Scots to possess official status alongside Scottish Gaelic, mandating public bodies to facilitate its use while establishing a Languages Commissioner to oversee implementation and address barriers to vitality.[27] This legislative step builds on prior policy commitments but imposes limited enforceable obligations, focusing instead on advisory support for cultural and educational integration.[28] In Northern Ireland, the variant known as Ulster Scots is similarly designated a regional or minority language under the 2001 Charter ratification and the 1998 Belfast/Good Friday Agreement, which commits to its parity of esteem with Irish through dedicated institutional promotion via the Ulster-Scots Agency.[29] [30] The 2022 Identity and Language (Northern Ireland) Act provides for an Ulster-Scots Commissioner to advocate for its development but stops short of conferring full official language status, unlike the parallel provisions for Irish.[31] These recognitions underscore Scots' status as a protected linguistic tradition amid ongoing debates over standardization and practical parity with dominant English usage.[10]Historical Development
Origins and Old Scots
The origins of the Scots language trace to the Anglian dialect of Old English introduced to southeastern Scotland by Germanic settlers from the fifth century CE onward.[14] Angles established the kingdom of Bernicia in 547 CE, expanding into Lothian between 633 and 641 CE, where their speech formed the foundational substrate for Scots.[14] This Northumbrian variety prevailed against indigenous Gaelic through gradual colonization and political integration, with the Kingdom of Scotland acquiring Lothian definitively between 973 and 1018 CE following victories like the Battle of Carham.[14] Norse influences from Viking raids commencing in the late eighth century contributed substantially to vocabulary and place-names, reinforced by Anglo-Danish elements from the twelfth century, while Gaelic impact remained lexically marginal as Scots displaced it in the Lowlands by the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.[14] The feudal reforms under David I (reigned 1124–1153) accelerated the spread of this emergent Pre-Scots tongue via Anglo-Norman administrative influences and burgh foundations.[14] Old Scots, also termed Early Scots, encompasses the period from roughly 1100 to 1450 CE, bridging pre-literary vernacular use in charters and records to the emergence of a distinct literary medium.[32] Surviving texts from the late fourteenth century onward reveal a language diverging from southern English through partial participation in the Great Vowel Shift, retaining monophthongs like /u:/ in words such as doon (down) and hoose (house), and applying the Scottish Vowel-Length Rule, which lengthens vowels before voiced fricatives or morpheme boundaries regardless of following consonants.[33] Grammatical features included impersonal constructions (e.g., me thocht for "it seemed to me") and multifunctional particles like na serving as "not," "no," "nor," or "than."[33] Vocabulary incorporated Norse-derived terms and faux amis such as a ("one" or "all"), let ("prevent"), and mete ("food"), while spelling conventions were inconsistent, featuringMiddle Scots and Literary Flourishing
Middle Scots, spanning approximately 1450 to 1700, marked the consolidation of Scots as a standardized vernacular with distinct phonological, morphological, and syntactic features diverging further from northern English varieties.[37] This era, subdivided into Early Middle Scots (1450–1550) and Late Middle Scots (1550–1700), saw the language evolve amid Scotland's political independence, with vocabulary expansions from French, Latin, and Norse influences reflecting royal court culture and trade.[38] By around 1450, Scots had largely supplanted Latin in official records and literary composition, enabling its use in legal, administrative, and poetic texts across Lowland Scotland.[39] The period's literary flourishing, particularly from the late 15th to early 16th centuries, produced a "golden age" of poetry by makars—court poets patronized by figures like James IV—establishing Scots as a medium for sophisticated allegory, satire, and moral fable independent of southern English models, though drawing on Chaucerian forms.[40] Robert Henryson (c. 1430–1506), a Dunfermline schoolmaster, exemplified this with The Testament of Cresseid (c. 1470–1490), a sequel to Chaucer's Troilus and Criseyde blending tragedy and Scots moralism, and The Morall Fabillis of Esope the Phrygian (c. 1480s), thirteen beast fables emphasizing ethical realism over classical imitation.[41] William Dunbar (c. 1460–c. 1520), active at James IV's court, contributed diverse works including the dream-vision The Goldyn Targe (c. 1501–1508), the satirical flyting duel The Flyting of Dunbar and Kennedie (c. 1504–1508), and Lament for the Makaris (c. 1505), a poignant elegy on mortality listing over two dozen deceased poets, showcasing rhythmic innovation and vernacular vitality.[42] Other makars extended this tradition: Walter Kennedy (c. 1455–1518) engaged in flytings and devotional verse; Gavin Douglas (c. 1474–1522) produced the first full translation of Virgil's Aeneid into Scots as Eneados (1513), a landmark in vernacular epic with original prologues describing Scottish landscapes; and David Lyndsay (c. 1486–1555) satirized court corruption in The Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis (1535–1540), performed before James V.[43] These compositions, preserved in manuscripts like the Asloan (c. 1515) and Bannatyne (1568) miscellanies, numbered over 200 poems by the mid-16th century, evidencing widespread manuscript circulation and oral performance. This efflorescence peaked before Reformation upheavals and the 1603 Union, which accelerated English prestige, yet it affirmed Scots' capacity for high literature, influencing later writers and underscoring its status as a full language rather than mere dialect variant.[44] Primary sources, including royal charters and poetic codices held in institutions like the National Library of Scotland, corroborate the era's output volume, countering later dismissals rooted in post-Union Anglicization biases.[33]Union with England and Language Shift
The Acts of Union 1707 dissolved the Parliament of Scotland, an institution where legislative proceedings and law recasting had been conducted in Scots since at least 1398, thereby eliminating a primary formal domain for the language's institutional use.[45] This political unification with England, combined with prior influences from the 1603 Union of the Crowns, intensified contact between Scottish and English elites, prompting the Scottish upper classes to adopt English or an anglicized variety known as Scottish Standard English (SSE) to facilitate integration into British administrative and social structures.[22] The shift was driven by the prestige of English as the language of commerce, empire, and the Westminster Parliament, where Scottish representatives operated post-union, rather than by explicit prohibition of Scots.[46] In the 18th century, this elite adoption cascaded to the urban middle classes, particularly in Edinburgh, where written Scots was largely abandoned in favor of English-influenced forms; guides to eliminating "Scotticisms" proliferated to aid this transition, reflecting a perception among polite society that Scots was provincial and unrefined.[46] Public prose writing, including administrative documents, became heavily anglicized after 1610 and continued so post-1707, though some legal texts retained Scots elements.[22] In the Church of Scotland, the longstanding use of the English Bible and Psalter—introduced after the 1560 Reformation—further embedded English in religious discourse, with the rise of the Moderate Party around 1750 accelerating the decline of preaching in Scots.[47] Educational institutions mirrored this trend: universities such as Glasgow shifted lectures to English by the early 18th century under figures like Francis Hutcheson, influencing intellectuals like Adam Smith and David Hume to compose major works in English, while parish schools, established under the 1696 Education Act, increasingly relied on imported English textbooks and emphasized English for literacy and Bible instruction.[46][48] Literary usage saw a partial revival in the 18th century through writers like Allan Ramsay (1686–1758) and Robert Burns (1759–1796), who employed Scots for poetry and satire, yet this occurred against a backdrop of broader grammatical conformity to English patterns in writing by 1700, limiting Scots to informal or vernacular contexts.[22] Economically, the Union's facilitation of trade and Scottish overrepresentation in the British Empire reinforced English as the medium for professional advancement, solidifying the language shift across Lowland society by the century's end.[46] While Scots persisted orally among the working classes, its relegation to non-prestige domains marked a causal progression from political unification to socioeconomic incentives favoring English proficiency.[22]Modern Decline and Anglicization
The Acts of Union in 1707, which dissolved the Parliament of Scotland and integrated it into the Parliament of Great Britain, marked a pivotal shift toward English dominance in official spheres, as Scots-speaking representatives encountered derision in London and increasingly adopted English for prestige and efficacy in governance.[49] This political realignment, compounded by the earlier Union of the Crowns in 1603, accelerated anglicization among the upper classes, who transitioned to a form of Scottish Standard English characterized by Standard English grammar overlaid on Scottish phonology.[22] By the mid-18th century, societal and ecclesiastical changes further eroded Scots' status; for instance, the Moderate Party within the Church of Scotland began favoring English for preaching around 1750, reducing its liturgical and sermonic use.[49] Educational policies institutionalized this decline from the 18th century onward. The introduction of the "New Method" in the 1720s emphasized English-language instruction modeled on English systems, while the appointment of the first Her Majesty's Inspector of Schools in 1845 explicitly discouraged Scots usage.[49] The Education (Scotland) Act of 1872 mandated English-only education in public schools, and the Scotch Code of 1886 formalized English as a core subject, systematically displacing Scots from curricula.[49] Into the 20th century, the Scottish Education Department in 1925 restricted Scots to passive comprehension exercises, deeming it unsuitable for active proficiency, a stance that persisted with teachers actively suppressing Scottish linguistic features from the late 19th century through the 1980s.[49][50] Economically and culturally, urbanization and the rise of English-medium print media in the 19th century reinforced these trends, transforming Scots into a primarily oral, class-differentiated vernacular associated with rural and working-class speakers, while English supplanted it as the primary written medium amid broader political and economic integration with England.[51] By the early 20th century, prejudices against Scots permeated educational and social institutions, prompting middle-class abandonment of native varieties in favor of English, solidifying its relegation to informal domains and contributing to a marked reduction in its institutional vitality.[51]Contemporary Status and Revitalization Efforts
Speaker Demographics and Geographic Distribution
The 2022 Scotland Census reported 1,508,540 individuals aged 3 and over with the ability to speak Scots, representing approximately 28% of the population in that age group, while 2,444,659 people—or about 45%—possessed some skills in the language, including understanding, reading, or writing.[52] This marks an increase of over 500,000 individuals with any Scots skills compared to the 2011 census, though the number of speakers specifically declined slightly from prior figures.[53] Self-reported data indicate higher proficiency among older age groups, with the highest concentrations of skills in those aged 35 and above, reflecting intergenerational transmission challenges.[54] Geographically within Scotland, Scots speakers are predominantly distributed across the Lowlands, with the highest proportions in the North East (e.g., Aberdeenshire and Moray) and the Northern Isles (Shetland, Orkney), where up to several percentage points of residents report using it at home.[55] Urban centers like Glasgow and Edinburgh show lower home usage rates (around 1.1% nationally), but the language persists in rural and semi-rural areas tied to traditional communities.[55] The 2011 census map illustrates dense speaker concentrations in these eastern and northern regions, a pattern consistent with 2022 data despite urban Anglicization pressures.[55] Outside Scotland, Ulster Scots—a variety of Scots—has a smaller footprint, primarily in Northern Ireland. The 2021 Northern Ireland Census identified just under 30,000 people (about 1.6% of the population aged 3 and over) who could speak, read, write, and understand Ulster Scots, concentrated in counties Antrim and Down.[29] Earlier 2011 data noted around 140,000 with some ability, suggesting a decline in fuller proficiency.[12] Marginal communities exist in the Republic of Ireland's Donegal and among diaspora in North America and Australia, but native speakers number in the low thousands at most, often assimilated into local English varieties.[56] Demographic profiles reveal Scots speakers in Scotland skew toward working-class and rural backgrounds, with limited gender disparities in census reporting, though attitudinal surveys suggest males may perceive greater everyday usage.[57] Revitalization efforts have not significantly altered the aging speaker base, as younger cohorts (under 35) report lower fluency rates, correlating with educational emphasis on standard English.[54] These figures rely on self-identification, which may inflate due to cultural affinity rather than linguistic competence, as verified proficiency tests are absent.[58]Government Policies and Recent Legislation
The United Kingdom ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages on March 27, 2001, with entry into force on July 1, 2001, extending Part III protections to Scots (alongside Scottish Gaelic) in Scotland to promote its use in education, media, and public administration.[59] The Charter requires periodic monitoring reports, with the latest Committee of Experts evaluation in 2024 noting ongoing efforts but highlighting insufficient implementation in areas like judicial use and broadcasting for Scots.[59] In 2015, the Scottish Government published its Scots Language Policy, affirming Scots as one of Scotland's three indigenous languages alongside English and Gaelic, and committing to enhance its status in public life, promote greater understanding, and expand its use through education, media, and cultural initiatives.[9] The policy outlined practical steps, including increased support for Scots in schools via the Curriculum for Excellence and encouragement of its profile in official documents, though implementation has relied on ministerial discretion without dedicated statutory funding mechanisms.[9] The Scottish Languages Act 2025, passed unanimously by the Scottish Parliament on June 17, 2025, grants official status to Scots within Scotland for the first time, empowering Scottish Ministers to confer functions for its protection, promotion, and support across public sectors.[60] Section 2 of the Act explicitly states that "the Scots language has official status within Scotland," with provisions to integrate it into education standards, local authority duties, and cultural policy, while addressing previous gaps in legal enforceability identified in Charter compliance reviews.[60][61] This legislation builds on the 2015 policy by introducing mandatory reporting on progress and parental rights for Scots-medium education requests, though critics note it lacks binding quotas for usage in government compared to Gaelic provisions.[61]Education and Institutional Support
In Scottish schools, the Curriculum for Excellence (CfE), implemented since 2010, encourages the use of Scots as a medium for learning experiences across subjects, particularly in literacy and expressive arts, with resources developed by Education Scotland to support its integration.[62] [63] The Scottish Qualifications Authority introduced the Scots Language Award in 2014 as a formal qualification within the CfE framework, allowing pupils to gain certification in Scots literacy skills up to National 5 level.[64] Under the 1+2 languages policy, adopted in 2012 and revised thereafter, Scots is often designated as the third language (L3) in primary and secondary education, taught by educators with requisite proficiency, though implementation varies by local authority and teacher training.[65] Supplementary materials, such as those from the Scottish Book Trust updated in 2024, provide classroom activities for reading and writing in Scots, emphasizing its role in cultural heritage without prescriptive mandates.[66] At the higher education level, universities offer specialized programs and research in Scots. The University of Aberdeen's Elphinstone Institute runs a Scots Language Pathway since 2018, including a 10-week intensive course within MA programs focused on Doric Scots, with students contributing to school outreach on regional dialects.[67] The University of Glasgow provides courses like ENGLANG5128, examining Scots as a communicative medium from historical and sociolinguistic perspectives, supported by dedicated research clusters on Scots and English in Scotland.[68] [69] The Open University in Scotland launched a free online course on Scots language and culture in December 2023 in collaboration with Education Scotland, aimed at educators, and marked a milestone in 2025 with new teacher training modules to incorporate Scots into lessons.[70] [71] Government policy provides institutional backing through the 2015 Scots Language Policy, which commits to promoting Scots in education via resource development and teacher support, though without statutory enforcement comparable to Gaelic-medium education.[72] The Scottish Languages Bill, introduced in 2023 and progressing toward enactment by 2025, aims to grant official recognition to Scots alongside Gaelic, mandating enhanced educational provisions including tailored standards and potential for Scots-medium instruction where demand exists.[73] [74] In August 2025, the Scottish Government allocated £650,000 to eleven organizations for Scots projects, including educational initiatives to expand usage.[52] Despite these measures, critics note persistent marginalization in practice, with Scots often treated as a dialect of English rather than a distinct language in curricula, leading to limited formal teaching hours and reliance on voluntary efforts.[75] [64]Media Representation and Cultural Initiatives
Scots maintains a marginal presence in Scottish broadcast media, with limited programming on radio and television incorporating the language. Estimates indicate that Scots constitutes no more than 5% of content across these platforms, often confined to niche segments rather than mainstream output.[76] Similarly, print media features negligible Scots material in national newspapers, reflecting broader patterns of underutilization in public-facing outlets.[77] In contrast, the Scots Language Centre documents instances of Scots in film and stage productions, providing audiovisual examples to illustrate its spoken form.[78] Feature films occasionally employ Scots for authenticity, particularly in depictions of working-class Scottish life. Danny Boyle's Trainspotting (1996), adapted from Irvine Welsh's novel, prominently uses Scots vernacular dialogue to convey urban Edinburgh settings.[79] Other examples include Ken Loach's The Angels' Share (2012), which integrates Doric Scots in its portrayal of Glasgow youth, highlighting regional dialects in narrative contexts.[78] These cinematic uses underscore Scots' role in evoking cultural specificity, though such representations remain sporadic and often tied to literary adaptations rather than original Scots-language scripts. Cultural initiatives actively seek to bolster Scots' visibility through events, funding, and organizations. Annual Burns Night celebrations, observed on 25 January, feature recitations of Robert Burns' poetry in Scots, alongside traditional suppers and music, drawing participants across Scotland and internationally to honor the language's literary heritage.[80] The Scots Language Centre supports promotion via resources, workshops, and online content aimed at learners and speakers.[78] Recent government-backed efforts include £650,000 allocated in August 2025 to eleven organizations for Scots development projects, alongside Creative Scotland's March 2025 funding for fifteen dialect-specific events.[52][81] The inaugural Scots Language Awards, launched in June 2025, recognize contributors advancing Scots in society through categories spanning literature, media, and education.[82] These measures, while increasing targeted output, occur amid critiques of inconsistent institutional prioritization compared to other Scottish languages like Gaelic.Criticisms of Revitalization and Political Motivations
Critics of Scots revitalization efforts contend that the language's promotion rests on a contested linguistic status, with many scholars and commentators classifying it as a dialect of English rather than a separate language due to high mutual intelligibility and shared grammatical structures derived from Middle English.[24][46] This perspective holds that modern Scots has undergone significant Anglicization, replacing much of its historical lexicon with English equivalents, rendering revival attempts linguistically artificial and prone to constructing a standardized form disconnected from organic usage.[46] Such efforts, including orthographic standardization pushes since the 1990s, are criticized for ignoring the dialect continuum's fluidity and prioritizing ideological assertions over empirical divergence metrics like those used in glottochronology.[83] Political motivations underpin much of the institutional support, particularly following Scottish devolution in 1999 and the rise of the Scottish National Party (SNP), which has integrated Scots promotion into broader identity-building narratives aligned with independence advocacy.[84] Unionist critics argue that government policies, such as the 2011 Scots Language Working Group recommendations for educational integration, serve to differentiate Scotland culturally from the United Kingdom rather than addressing verifiable endangerment, as self-reported usage data—such as the 1.5% of Scots naming it their main language in the 2011 census—remains marginal despite decades of funding.[10] This approach is seen as politicizing language policy, with opponents noting that Scots advocacy often correlates with nationalist voting patterns, potentially diverting resources from more distinct minority languages like Gaelic or from enhancing English literacy skills essential for socioeconomic mobility.[84] Effectiveness critiques highlight stagnant or inflated proficiency claims amid promotion; while the 2022 census reported 46.2% of respondents having "some skills" in Scots, skeptics attribute this to broad self-assessment criteria that encompass casual vernacular rather than fluent, distinct competence, yielding minimal gains in institutional domains like broadcasting or higher education.[85] Historical suppression by schools and the Kirk is acknowledged as a factor in decline, but modern interventions are faulted for failing to reverse class-based relegation to informal registers, with middle-class adoption of Received Pronunciation persisting as a prestige norm.[46][51] Furthermore, the emphasis on Scots over evidence-based metrics of vitality risks entrenching regional divides, as urban speakers increasingly favor Standard English for professional contexts, underscoring causal links between socioeconomic incentives and linguistic shift rather than top-down mandates.[46]Linguistic Description
Phonological Features
Scots consonants include a rhotic /r/, typically realized as an alveolar tap [ɾ] or trill , pronounced in all positions unlike non-rhotic varieties of English.[86] The inventory features the voiceless velar fricative /x/, retained from Old English sources and absent in Standard Southern British English, as in richt [rɪxt] 'right'.[87] A distinction between /ʍ/ (voiceless labio-velar fricative) and /w/ persists in conservative dialects, yielding [ʍɪt] for whit versus [wɪt] for wit, though this contrast is variable and declining in urban speech.[88] The alveolar plosive /t/ undergoes glottal reinforcement or replacement [ʔ] intervocalically or word-finally, as in batter [ˈbatər] or [ˈbaʔər].[89] The velar nasal /ŋ/ appears consistently in morpheme-final position without alternation to /n/, as in sing [sɪŋ]; clusters like /nch/ simplify to [nʃ], e.g., branch [brɑnʃ].[87] The vowel system comprises around nine monophthongs, including /i, ɪ, e, ɛ, a, ɑ, ɔ, o, ʉ/, with centralized qualities distinguishing it from southern English; notably, no phonemic /ʊ/ exists, and FOOT merges with STRUT as /ʌ/ or /ʊ̈/.[89][88] Diphthongs include /əi/ (FACE, e.g., heich [hɛx] 'high'), /ai/ (PRICE), and /au/ (MOUTH, e.g., auld [øl̩d] 'old'), often contrasting with monophthongized English equivalents due to incomplete Great Vowel Shift effects.[87] Tense-lax distinctions are less central than in southern English, with mergers like /i:/ for both FLEECE and KIT in some northern dialects.[87] A defining feature is the Scottish Vowel Length Rule (SVLR), whereby historically short vowels in /ɪ, e, o, ʉ, ai, au/ lengthen before voiced fricatives (/v, ð, z/), /r/, or morpheme boundaries, but remain short before voiceless obstruents or in absolute final position, even under stress; for example, div [di:v] (long before /v/) contrasts with deed [did] (short before /d/ in some realizations, though variable).[33][90] This rule, operative across most dialects since Middle Scots, conditions length contextually rather than phonemically, yielding contrasts like house [hʉs] (noun, short) versus house [hʉ:z] (verb, long before boundary).[87] Dialectal variation affects realizations, with northern forms showing fronted /ʉ/ and southern retaining more back /u/; historical Open Syllable Lengthening further lengthened pre-consonantal vowels, as in name from /na:mə/ to /ni:m/.[87] Prosodically, Scots exhibits root-initial stress on native Germanic lexicon, with reduction of unstressed vowels to schwa /ə/, and intonation patterns differing from English through pitch accent on stressed syllables rather than full intonational contours.[91] These features underscore Scots' divergence from English, rooted in partial resistance to southern sound changes like the Great Vowel Shift.[87]Orthographic Variations
The orthography of Scots exhibits considerable variation due to the absence of a universally accepted standard, stemming from its historical development without a centralized printing tradition and ongoing regional dialectal differences.[33] In Older Scots, prior to 1700, spellings were highly fluid, reflecting individual scribal practices influenced by Latin and French conventions rather than consistent phonetics; common features included the digraphs quh- for /hw/ (as in quhat for "what") and sch- for /ʃ/ (as in scho for "she"), alongside interchangeable letters such as i/y (e.g., iere or yere for "year") and u/v/w (e.g., wys for "wise").[33] Silent l appeared in forms like cals ("calls" or "cause") and nolt ("neat" or "cattle"), while Middle Scots introduced additional options, such as u/v/w versus o for certain vowels.[33] These historical inconsistencies persisted into modern usage, compounded by 18th- and 19th-century Anglicization, where writers like Robert Burns adopted English-derived spellings with apostrophes to denote "dropped" sounds (e.g., e'e for "eye"), fostering perceptions of Scots as a phonetic overlay on English rather than an independent system.[92] Regional dialects further diversify orthography: Central Scots (often termed Lallans in literary contexts) favors forms like heid ("head") and breid ("bread"), while North-East Doric may substitute f for wh- (e.g., fit for "what"), and Ulster Scots employs conventions such as consistent vowel digraphs for dialectal sounds.[93] Diphthongs and vowels show particular flux, with ei/ie representing /iː/ or /eɪ/ (e.g., heid as "heed" or "haid"), ou/oo for /uː/ (e.g., doun or doon for "down"), and ui/eu varying dialectally (e.g., guid pronounced as /ɡɪd/, /ɡwiːd/, or /ɡyːd/).[93][92] Revitalization efforts have proposed guidelines to mitigate variability, though none have achieved dominance. The Scots Language Society's 1947 Scots Style Sheet and 1985 Recommendations for Writers in Scots (published in Lallans 24) advocated a reformed system prioritizing one sound per digraph—e.g., ei for long ee, ou for oo, and ui for the modified oo in guid ("good") or muin ("moon")—while reducing apostrophes and historical archaisms for accessibility.[92] The Concise Scots Dictionary (1985, revised 1993) employs diaphonemic spellings intelligible across dialects, listing one or two primary forms per entry (e.g., richt for "right").[94] A 1996 Scots Spelling Committee proposal for broader standardization was ultimately rejected, leaving modern writing to blend these conventions with personal or publisher preferences, often prioritizing readability for non-native or cross-dialect audiences over strict phonetics.[94]| Feature | Common Scots Spelling | English Equivalent | Dialectal/Regional Notes |
|---|---|---|---|
| /hw/ | quh- (historical), wh- (modern) | wh- | Retained quh- in Older Scots texts; modern often Anglicized to whit.[33] |
| /ʃ/ | sch- (historical), sh- (modern) | sh- | *Sch- * common pre-1700 (e.g., scho "she"); shifted to sh- post-Anglicization.[33] |
| /x/ | ch- | ch- (as in "loch") | Consistent in richt ("right"), lauch ("laugh").[93] |
| Long /iː/ | ei/ie | ee- | Heid ("head") varies by region; Doric may prefer ee.[92] |
| /uː/ | ou/oo | oo- | Hoose ("house") standard in Central; oo for clarity in some guides.[93] |
