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Chanyu
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Chanyu (simplified Chinese: 单于; traditional Chinese: 單于; pinyin: Chányú) or Shanyu (Chinese: 善于), short for Chengli Gutu Chanyu (Chinese: 撐犁孤塗單于; pinyin: Chēnglí Gūtu Chányú), was the title used by the supreme rulers of Inner Asian nomads for eight centuries until superseded by the title "Khagan" in 402 AD.[3] The title was most famously used by the ruling Luandi clan of the Xiongnu during the Qin dynasty (221–206 BC) and Han dynasty (206 BC – 220 AD). It was later also used infrequently by the Chinese as a reference to Tujue leaders.
Etymology
[edit]
According to the Book of Han, "the Xiongnu called the Heaven (天) 'Chēnglí' (撐犁) and they called a child (子) gūtú (孤塗). As for Chányú (單于), it is a "vast [and] great appearance" (廣大之貌).".[4]
L. Rogers and Edwin G. Pulleyblank argue that the title chanyu may be equivalent to the later attested title tarkhan, suggesting that the Chinese pronunciation was originally dān-ĥwāĥ, an approximation for *darxan.[5] Linguist Alexander Vovin tentatively proposes a Yeniseian etymology for 撐犁孤塗單于, in Old Chinese pronunciation *treng-ri kwa-la dar-ɢwā, from four roots: **tɨŋgɨr- "heaven",[6][7] *kwala- "son, child", *dar "lower reaches of the Yenisei" or "north", and *qʌ̄j ~ *χʌ̄j "prince"; as a whole "Son of Heaven, Ruler of the North".[8][9]
Bailey derives from Proto-Iranian *tark- "to speak, command", from Proto-Indo-European *telkʷ-. He also compares a Saka title with the same semantic shift. Compare also Khotanese ttarkana and Ossetian tærxon. [10]
Dybo derives from a Turkic root meaning "vast as the sky", and compares Old Uyghur *tarḳan- and tarḳar-.[11] The Old Uyghur tarḳan- listed in her work is not found in Wilkens (2021),[12] and Caferoğlu (1968)[13] glosses tarḳan- as "to feel embarrassed, to get tired of, to worry". tarḳar-, meanwhile, is glossed by both as "to expel, to distance oneself from something; to destroy, to expunge".
List of Xiongnu chanyus
[edit]| Title | Reconstructed Han period's late Old Chinese and Later Han Chinese pronunciations[14] | Personal Name | Reign |
|---|---|---|---|
| Touman (頭曼單于/头曼单于) | *do-mɑnᴬ | 220–209 BC | |
| Modu Chanyu (冒頓單于/冒顿单于) | *mouᴴ-tuən/mək-tuən < *mûh-tûn/mə̂k-tûn[a] | 209–174 BC | |
| Laoshang Chanyu (老上單于/老上单于) | *louB-dźaŋC | Jiyu (稽鬻) | 174–161 BC |
| Junchen Chanyu (軍臣單于/军臣单于) | *kun-gin | 161–126 BC | |
| Yizhixie Chanyu (伊稚斜單于/伊稚斜单于) | *ʔi-ḍiᴴ-ja | 126–114 BC | |
| Wuwei Chanyu (烏維/乌维) | *ʔɑ-wi | 114–105 BC | |
| Er Chanyu (兒[b]單于/儿单于) | *ńe | Wushilu (烏師廬/乌师庐) | 105–102/101 BC |
| Xulihu Chanyu (呴犛湖/呴犁湖) / Goulihu (句犁湖) | *hɨo-li-gɑ / *ko-li-ga | 102/101–101/100 BC | |
| Qiedihou (且鞮侯)[c] | *tsiɑ-te-go | 101/100–96 BC | |
| Hulugu Chanyu (狐鹿姑單于/狐鹿姑单于) | *ɣuɑ-lok-kɑ | 96–85 BC | |
| Huyandi Chanyu (壺衍鞮單于/壺衍鞮单于) | *ɣɑ-janB/H-te | 85–68 BC | |
| Xulüquanqu Chanyu (虛閭權渠單于/虚闾权渠单于) | *hɨɑ-liɑ-gyan-gɨɑ | 68–60 BC | |
| Woyanqudi Chanyu (握衍朐鞮單于/握衍朐鞮单于) | *ʔɔk-janB/H-hɨo-te | Tuqitang (屠耆堂/ 屠耆堂) | 60–58 BC |
| Huhanye Chanyu (呼韓邪單于/呼韩邪单于) | *hɑ-gɑn-ja | Jihoushan[16]: 59 ( 稽侯狦) |
58 – 31 BC Tuqi 屠耆單于, 58–56 BC Hujie 呼揭單于, 57 BC Juli 車犂單于, 57–56 BC Wuji 烏籍單于, 57 BC Runzhen 閏振單于, 56–54 BC Zhizhi Chanyu 郅支單于, 55 – 36 BC Yilimu 伊利目單于, 49 BC |
| Fuzhulei Ruodi Chanyu[16]: 86 (復株纍若鞮[d]單于/复株累若鞮单于) |
*ńak-te | Diaotaomogao (彫陶莫皋/雕陶莫皋)[16]: 86 | 31–20 BC |
| Souxie Chanyu[16]: 86 (搜諧若鞮單于/搜谐若鞮单于) |
*so-gɛi / *ṣu-gɛi | Jumixu[16]: 86 (且麋胥) |
20–12 BC |
| Juya Chanyu[16]: 87 (車牙若鞮單于/车牙若鞮单于) |
*kɨɑ-ŋa | Jumoju[16]: 87 (且莫車/攣鞮且莫車) |
12–8 BC |
| Wuzhuliu Chanyu[16]: p. 87 (烏珠留若鞮單于/乌珠留若鞮单于) | *ʔɑ-tśo-liu | Nangzhiyasi/Zhi [18][page needed] (囊知牙斯) |
8 BC – 13 AD |
| Wulei Chanyu[16]: 105–107 (烏累若鞮單于/乌累若鞮单于) | *ʔɑ-lui | Xian (鹹/挛鞮咸) | 13–18 AD |
| Huduershidaogao Chanyu[16]: 108–109 (呼都而屍道皋若鞮單于/呼都而尸道皋若鞮单于) | *hɑ-tɑ-ńɨ-śi-douH-kou | Yu (輿/挛鞮舆) | 18–46 AD |
| Wudadihou (烏達鞮侯/乌达鞮侯)[18]: 878 | *ʔɑ-dɑt-te-ɡo | 46 AD |
Notes
[edit]- ^ a.k.a. Batur < Baγatur [15]
- ^ "underage"[16]
- ^ a.k.a. Chedihou
- ^ 若鞮 (pinyin ruòdī), glossed as "respectful to parents;[16]: 107 filial piety"[17] in Hànshū; Pulleyblank reconstructs 若鞮's Early Middle Chinese pronunciation as *njak-tei & instead compares this to Tocharian A ñäkci or Toch. B ñäkc(i)ye "godly, heavenly"
Northern Xiongnu
[edit]| Chinese name | Reign |
|---|---|
| Punu Chanyu (蒲奴) | 46–? AD |
| Youliu[18][page needed] (優留) | ?–87 AD |
| Northern Chanyu (北單于) | 88–? AD |
| Yuchujian[18][page needed] (於除鞬單于) | 91–93 AD |
| Feng-hou (逢侯) | 94–118 AD |
Southern Xiongnu
[edit]| Name | Notes | Reign |
|---|---|---|
| Sutuhu/Bi (蘇屠胡/比) Huhanxie the Second (呼韓邪第二) Xiluo Shizhu Ti (醯落尸逐鞮) |
Brought the southern Xiongnu into tributary relations with Han China in AD 50 | 48–56/55 AD |
| Qiufu Youti/Mo (丘浮尤提) |
55/56–56/57 AD | |
| Yifa Yulüti/Han (伊伐於慮提) |
56/57–59 AD | |
| Xitong Shizhu Houti/Shi (醯僮尸逐侯提) |
59–63 AD | |
| Qiuchu Julinti/Su 丘除車林提 |
63 AD | |
| Huxie Shizhu Houti/Chang (湖邪尸逐侯提) |
63–85 AD | |
| Yitu Yulüti/Xuan (伊屠於閭提/宣) |
85–88 AD | |
| Tuntuhe[18][page needed] Shulan[16]: 130–134 Xiulan Shizhu Houti (休蘭尸逐侯提) |
88–93 AD | |
| Anguo[18][page needed] (安國) | Started a large scale rebellion against the Han | 93–94 AD |
| Shizi[18][page needed] (師子) Tingdu Shizhu Houti (亭獨尸逐侯提) |
94–98 AD | |
| Wanshishizhudi/Tan (萬氏尸逐侯提/檀) | Opposed by Feng Shanyu | 98-124AD 98–118 AD |
| Wujihoushizhudi/Ba (烏稽尸逐侯提/拔) |
124–127/128 AD | |
| Xiuli (休利) Qute Ruoshi Zhujiu (去特若尸逐就)[18][page needed] |
Committed suicide under Chinese pressure | 127/128–140/142? |
| Cheniu[18][page needed] | Popularly elected | 140–143 AD |
| Toulouchu (兜樓儲)[16]: 144 Hulan Ruoshi Zhujiu(呼蘭若尸逐就) |
Appointed puppet at the Chinese court | 143–147 AD |
| Jucheer (居車兒)[18][page needed] Yiling Ruoshi Zhujiu (伊陵若尸逐就) |
Puppet Chinese appointee that escaped Chinese control; incarcerated by Chinese in 158 AD | 147–158 AD (d. 172 AD) |
| Tute Ruoshi Zhujiu (屠特若尸逐就)[16]: 145 (True name unknown; the Chinese moniker has negative connotation; confirmed by Chinese Court as Chanyu in 172 AD) | 158–178 AD | |
| Huzheng[16]: 145 (呼徵) | 178–179 AD | |
| Qiangqu (羌渠) |
Jiangqu;[18][page needed] killed in Xiuchuge Xiongnu rebellion | 179–188 AD |
| Yufuluo (於扶羅) Chizhi Shizhuhou (特至尸逐侯)[citation needed] |
Exiled puppet chanyu, overthrown in the Ordos by the Southern Xiongnu rebels led by the Xiuchuge and Xiluo clans. Led dozens of refugee Xiongnu tribes to Pingyang in Shanxi. | 188–195 AD |
| Marquis of Xubu (須卜骨都侯) (True name unknown) | Installed by the Xiuchuge and rebel faction after they ousted Yufuluo. After his death, his followers abolished the chanyu title and replaced him with a nominal king, but Yufuluo continued to claim the chanyu title in exile. | 188–189 AD |
| Huchuquan (呼廚泉) | Yufuluo's brother,[18][page needed] he ruled over the Pingyang Xiongnu. After Yufuluo died, After he was detained at Ye. In 216, the Chinese court formally abolished the chanyu office. | 195–216 AD |
Da Chanyu
[edit]| Chinese name | Data | Personal Name | Reign |
|---|---|---|---|
| Liu Yuan (劉淵) | Founder of the Han-Zhao state, a.k.a. Emperor Guangwen (光文)[19] | Yuanhai (元海) | 304–? |
| Liu Cong (劉聰) | Han-Zhao state, a.k.a. Emperor Zhaowu (昭武) | Xuanming (玄明) | 310–? |
| Liu Can (劉粲) | Han-Zhao state, a.k.a. Emperor Yin (隱) | Shiguang (士光) | ?–? |
| Liu Yin (劉胤) | Han-Zhao state imperial prince | Yisun (義孫) | 325–? |
| Helian Bobo
(赫連勃勃) |
Founder of the Helian Xia state, a.k.a. Emperor Wulie (武烈) | Qujie (屈孑) | 407–? |
Chanyu family trees
[edit]| Chanyu Xiongnu rulers family trees | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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See also
[edit]References
[edit]- ^ Museum notice
- ^ Kradin, Nikolay N. (23 January 2020). "Some Aspects of Xiongnu History in Archaeological Perspective". Competing Narratives between Nomadic People and their Sedentary Neighbours. Vol. 53. pp. 149–165. doi:10.14232/sua.2019.53.149-165. ISBN 978-963-306-708-6.
Nonetheless, among archaeologists, there are many supporters of the Xiongnu migration to the West. In recent years, S. Botalov (2009) constructed a broad picture of the migration of the Xiongnu to the Urals, and then Europe. In Kazakhstan, A.N. Podushkin discovered the Arysskaya culture with a distinct stage of Xiongnu influence (2009). Russian archaeologists are actively studying the Hun sites in the Caucasus (Gmyrya 1993; 1995)
Podushkin, A.A. 2009. Xiongnu v Yuznom Kazakhstane. In: Nomady kazakhstanskikh stepey: etnosociokulturnye protsessy i kontakty v Evrazii skifo sakskoy epokhi: Edited by Z. Samashev, Astana: Ministry of Culture and Information of the Kazakhstan Republic: 147‒154{{cite book}}:|journal=ignored (help) - ^ Taskin V.S. "Materials on history of Dunhu group nomadic tribes", Moscow, 1984, p. 305,306, (Таскин В.С. "Mатериалы по истории древних кочевых народов группы Дунху") (in Russian)
- ^ Book of Han, Vol. 94-I, 匈奴謂天為「撐犁」,謂子為「孤塗」,單于者,廣大之貌也.
- ^ Universität Bonn. Seminar für Sprach- und Kulturwissenschaft Zentralasiens: Zentralasiatische Studien, Vol. 24–26, p.21
- ^ Georg, Stefan (2001): Türkisch/Mongolisch tengri "Himmel/Gott" und seine Herkunft. Studia Etymologica Cracoviensia 6: 83–100.
- ^ Starostin, Sergei A., and Merritt Ruhlen. (1994). Proto-Yeniseian Reconstructions, with Extra-Yeniseian Comparisons. In M. Ruhlen, On the Origin of Languages: Studies in Linguistic Taxonomy. Stanford: Stanford University Press. pp. 70–92. [Partial translation of Starostin 1982, with additional comparisons by Ruhlen.]
- ^ "Once again on the Etymology of the title qaɣan", in Studia Etyologica Crocoviensia, (2007) vol. 12, p. 177-185
- ^ "Did the Xiongnu speak a Yeniseian language? Part 2: Vocabulary", in Altaica Budapestinensia MMII, Proceedings of the 45th Permanent International Altaistic Conference, Budapest, June 23–28, pp. 389–394.
- ^ Bailey, Harold Walter (1985). Etymology of Xiongnu Names. p. 34-35.
- ^ Dybo 2014[full citation needed]
- ^ Wilkens, page 678[full citation needed]
- ^ Caferoğlu 1968, page 226[full citation needed]
- ^ Schuessler, Axel (2014). "Phonological Notes on Hàn Period Transcriptions of Foreign Names and Words". Studies in Chinese and Sino-Tibetan Linguistics: Dialect, Phonology, Transcription and Text. Language and Linguistics Monograph Series. Taipei, Taiwan: Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica (53).
- ^ Hirth F. Sinologische Beitrage zur Geschichte der Turk-Volker. Die Ahnentafel Attila's nach Johannes von Thurocz. Bull. Imp. Acad, series V, vol. XIII, 1900, No 2, pp. 221–261.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Bichurin N.Ya. (1851). Collection of information on peoples in Central Asia in ancient times. Vol. 1. p. 46
- ^ Pulleyblank, E. G. "Chinese and Indo-Europeans." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, no. 1/2 (1966): 9–39. www.jstor.org/stable/25202896.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l R. de Crespigny, "Northern Frontier: the policies and strategy of the Later Han empire", Australian National University Faculty of Asian Studies Monographs, New Series No.4, Canberra 1984, "The Division and Destruction of the Xiongnu Confederacy, Rafe de Crespigny, Publications, Faculty of Asian Studies, ANU". Archived from the original on 2011-01-01. Retrieved 2010-12-17.
- ^ [1] Archived 2011-11-30 at the Wayback Machine note 208
Further reading
[edit]- Yap, Joseph P. (2019). The Western Regions, Xiongnu and Han, from the Shiji, Hanshu and Hou Hanshu. ISBN 978-1792829154.
Chanyu
View on GrokipediaEtymology and Terminology
Linguistic Origins
The term "Chanyu," denoting the supreme ruler of the Xiongnu confederation, is a transcription in Chinese sources of a non-Sinitic title from the nomadic steppe peoples. Phonetic reconstructions of its Old Chinese form vary among scholars, with a common rendering as dar-ɦwa, derived from Middle Chinese dzyen.hju and reflecting Western Han pronunciation patterns that suggest an original bilabial or velar onset combined with a rounded vowel.[4] Alternative reconstructions, such as dan wa, emphasize an affricate initial and nasal coda, aligning with broader patterns in early transcriptions of Central Asian loanwords.[1] These forms indicate the title was not native to Chinese but borrowed from the Xiongnu language, likely during the late third century BCE amid interactions with the Qin dynasty. The Xiongnu language itself is unattested, and its affiliation—potentially Turkic, Mongolic, Yeniseian, or an isolate—remains debated, contributing to the speculative nature of etymological proposals.[1] Linguists have proposed derivations of "Chanyu" from Proto-Turkic or Mongolic roots within the Altaic language family, interpreting it as signifying "ruler" or "sovereign." One influential hypothesis links it to Proto-Turkic *tär(k)an or Mongolic *darughači, terms for high-ranking officials or governors, with the reconstructed form darġa or danġa evoking authority over vast territories.[5] This connects to Altaic words denoting "vastness" or expanse, such as elements in Proto-Mongolic descriptors of dominion, paralleling the title's connotation of overarching leadership in nomadic hierarchies. Comparisons to similar titles in other steppe cultures, including Scythian Iranian designations for chieftains like xšāyaθiya (king), highlight a shared tradition of exalted, heaven-mandated rulership among Eurasian nomads, though direct cognates remain debated.[6] Further evidence from non-Chinese sources suggests parallels in Indo-European languages of the region, such as Tocharian and Sogdian terms for leadership. In Tocharian-influenced kingdoms like Shanshan, forms like caṃkura appear in administrative contexts, potentially echoing the authoritative tone of "Chanyu" through shared phonetic and semantic fields for sovereignty.[1] Sogdian, an Eastern Iranian language, features titles like xwatāy (lord or ruler) that may align with steppe-wide motifs of celestial or expansive rule, as seen in bilingual inscriptions from Central Asia. Additionally, some analyses trace a link to concepts of "heaven" via Yeniseian tɨŋgᴠr ("high"), which influenced Proto-Turkic teŋri (sky god) and Mongolic tngri, implying the title invoked divine sovereignty akin to tengriism in Altaic traditions.[1] These cross-linguistic connections underscore the title's roots in a multilingual steppe environment, blending Turkic-Mongolic and neighboring Indo-European elements.Interpretations in Ancient Sources
In the Book of Han (Hanshu), the title "Chanyu" is interpreted through a breakdown of its components, reflecting the Han understanding of Xiongnu terminology. The text explains that the Xiongnu referred to heaven as "Chēnglí" (撐犁) and a child or son as "gūtú" (孤塗), leading to the rendering of "Chanyu" as denoting a "vast, firm, adult, wise appearance," which carries connotations of heavenly authority similar to the Chinese concept of the emperor as the "Son of Heaven." This explanation appears in chapter 94A, where the full form is presented as "Chengli Gutu Chanyu" (撐犁孤塗單于), emphasizing a divine lineage and supreme status. Sima Qian's Records of the Grand Historian (Shiji), completed around 94 BCE, transcribes the title as "Shanyu" (單于) and links it to the Xiongnu ruler's perceived divine mandate. In chapter 110, the Shiji portrays the Chanyu as the paramount leader whose authority derives from heaven, paralleling the Han emperor's tianming (heavenly mandate); for instance, Modu Chanyu's correspondence with Emperor Wen asserts mutual subjection to heaven, positioning both rulers as its earthly representatives. This interpretation underscores the title's role in diplomatic rhetoric, where the Shanyu is elevated to an imperial equivalent without explicit etymological dissection. Ancient sources exhibit variations in rendering the title, such as "Shanyu" in the Shiji versus the more elaborate "Chengli Gutu Chanyu" in the Hanshu, fueling debates on its origins. Some analyses suggest the full form and accompanying gloss may represent a Chinese scribal imposition to align the foreign title with Han imperial ideology, rather than a direct self-chosen Xiongnu appellation, as phonetic reconstructions indicate the core term "shanyu" likely stemmed from a non-Sinitic steppe language without the prefixed elements.[7] These differences highlight evolving Han understandings, from phonetic transcription in earlier works like the Shiji to interpretive expansion in later compilations like the Hanshu.Historical Role
Establishment and Powers
The chanyu title originated with the Xiongnu confederation in 209 BC, when Modu (also known as Maodun), the son of the previous leader Touman, overthrew his father and established himself as the supreme ruler, thereby unifying disparate nomadic tribes into a cohesive imperial structure spanning the eastern Eurasian steppes. This event marked the formal creation of the Xiongnu Empire, transforming a loose alliance of tribes into a centralized authority under a single leader who commanded military, diplomatic, and ritual functions. The title "chanyu," etymologically interpreted as "Heavenly Son" or "vast as the sky," reflected the ruler's elevated status akin to a divine mandate.[2] As the paramount leader, the chanyu wielded extensive military powers, exercising command over an estimated 24 major tribes organized into left and right wings, each subdivided into smaller units that mobilized for campaigns and raids.[8] This structure enabled the chanyu to field large cavalry forces reliant on horse pastoralism, which formed the backbone of the Xiongnu economy through breeding, herding, and organized raids on sedentary neighbors. Diplomatically, the chanyu negotiated treaties and demanded tribute from the Han dynasty, as seen in Modu's successful impositions following victories over Han forces in the early 2nd century BC, which secured annual silk, grain, and other goods to sustain the confederation's nomadic lifestyle. Religiously, the chanyu served as an intermediary with Tengri, the sky god central to Xiongnu shamanistic beliefs, performing rituals to invoke heavenly favor for the empire's prosperity and military success.[9] The chanyu's court was a mobile assembly that reinforced hierarchical control, featuring key advisors such as the Wise King of the Left (typically overseeing eastern territories) and the Wise King of the Right (managing western domains), who acted as viceroys and military deputies while maintaining semi-autonomous tribal loyalties.[2] This advisory system, combined with the chanyu's oversight of economic resources like vast horse herds, ensured the ruler's dominance over the confederation's decentralized yet interconnected nomadic networks.[8]Succession and Governance
The succession to the title of chanyu was patrilineal, tracing descent through the male line within the ruling Luanti or Xulianti dynasty, with preference often given to the eldest son or the most capable claimant among eligible royals.[10] This system, akin to tanistry, allowed multiple members of the imperial house to vie for power, frequently resulting in fraternal rivalries and assassinations as means to consolidate authority during transitions.[10] Such patterns of contention contributed to political instability, particularly as the empire faced external pressures, though they were mitigated by strategic marriages that reinforced ties to noble families.[10] Governance under the chanyu relied on a decimal administrative and military structure, organizing the nomadic population into hierarchical units of 10, 100, 1,000, and 10,000 households or horsemen, each commanded by chiefs of tens, hundreds, thousands, and myriarchs respectively.[11] This system, blending civil and martial functions, enabled efficient mobilization across the vast steppe territories and was likely instituted by Modu Chanyu to unify diverse tribes.[11] Decision-making occurred through seasonal assemblies that aligned with pastoral cycles, allowing the chanyu and elites to coordinate herding, military preparations, and policy amid migrations.[11] The chanyu exercised authority over subordinate kings, including the "wise kings of the left and right" who governed the eastern and western wings in a tripartite territorial division, ensuring loyalty through a combination of hereditary appointments and oversight.[11] Royal consorts, termed yanzhi, held significant influence by facilitating marriage alliances with aristocratic families like the Huyan, Lan, and Xubu, which secured political support and integrated conquered elites.[10] Tribute in the form of livestock, goods, and labor flowed upward from these subordinate groups to the central court, sustaining the ruler's patronage network, while justice was maintained via customary blood feuds that resolved disputes among tribes without centralized courts.[12]List of Rulers
Chronological Overview of Xiongnu Chanyus
The chronology of the Xiongnu chanyus is derived primarily from the Shiji (chapter 110) and Hanshu (chapter 94), the key primary sources for their history, though exact reign dates are approximate due to the lack of written records in Xiongnu society and frequent internal conflicts that caused overlapping claims to the title. The unified Xiongnu empire under a single chanyu lasted from approximately 220 BCE until its division into northern and southern branches in 48 CE, during a period of famine and revolt; approximately 20 rulers held the title during this span (noting some concurrent or brief rival claims, such as Zhizhi Chanyu from 56–36 BCE). The following table lists all known chanyus in sequence for the unified period, with personal names (where recorded), approximate reign periods, and brief notes on major events, particularly interactions with Han forces; transliterations vary across sources, and some reigns are particularly uncertain due to civil wars.[13]| No. | Chanyu Name | Reign | Major Events |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Touman | c. 220–209 BCE | Founded the early Xiongnu tribal confederation; allied with Qin against other nomads; assassinated by son Modu in a coup. |
| 2 | Modu | 209–174 BCE | Overthrew father; unified tribes, defeated Donghu and Yuezhi; besieged Han at Baideng (200 BCE), leading to Han tribute payments and peace treaty. |
| 3 | Laoshang | 174–161 BCE | Son of Modu; resumed raids on Han borders; expanded control over western regions, including defeat of Yuezhi (c. 162 BCE). |
| 4 | Junchen | 161–126 BCE | Son of Laoshang; Han-Xiongnu wars intensified, including failed Han ambush at Mayi (133 BCE); Xiongnu forces retreated after Han counteroffensives. |
| 5 | Yizhixie | 126–114 BCE | Brother of Junchen; suffered major defeats by Han generals Wei Qing (127 BCE) and Huo Qubing (119 BCE), forcing withdrawal north of Gobi; civil strife between left and right wings. |
| 6 | Wuwei | 114–105 BCE | Son of Yizhixie; continued sporadic raids on Han; internal power struggles. |
| 7 | Er (Wushilu) | 105–102 BCE | Son of Wuwei; short reign marked by Han pressure and succession disputes. |
| 8 | Houlihu | 102–101 BCE | Brother of Er; assassinated amid internal conflict. |
| 9 | Qiedihou | 101–96 BCE | Brother of Houlihu; renewed border incursions against Han. |
| 10 | Hulugu | 96–85 BCE | Son of Qiedihou; faced Han expeditions. |
| 11 | Huyandi | 85–68 BCE | Son of Hulugu; period of relative stability but ongoing Han pressures. |
| 12 | Xulüquanqu | 68–60 BCE | Brother of Huyandi; civil war after death led to split between sons Huhanye and Zhizhi. |
| 13 | Woyanqudi (Tuxitang) | 60–58 BCE | Brief reign amid succession strife. |
| 14 | Huhanye | 58–31 BCE | Submitted to Han emperor in 51 BCE for protection; married Han princess; co-ruled with rival Zhizhi until latter's defeat (36 BCE). |
| 15 | Fuzhuleiruodi (Diaotaomogao) | 31–20 BCE | Son of Huhanye; maintained Han alliance. |
| 16 | Souxieruodi (Qiemixu) | 20–12 BCE | Brother of Fuzhuleiruodi; focused on internal consolidation. |
| 17 | Cheyaruodi (Qiemoche) | 12–8 BCE | Brother of Souxieruodi; continued tributary relations with Han. |
| 18 | Wuzhuliu (Nangzhiyasi) | 8 BCE–13 CE | Brother of Cheyaruodi; raided Han territories amid weakening empire; ancestor of Southern Xiongnu line. |
| 19 | Wulei (Xian) | 13–18 CE | Brother of Wuzhuliu; faced emerging threats from Xianbei. |
| 20 | Huduershidao (Yu) | 18–46 CE | Brother of Wulei; internal revolts and famine led to secession of southern tribes in 48 CE, establishing northern and southern branches; defeated by Han-allied southern forces. |
Division into Northern and Southern Branches
The division of the Xiongnu into Northern and Southern branches in 48 CE stemmed from a combination of internal succession disputes and severe natural disasters. Following the death of Chanyu Huduershidaogaoruodi, who had murdered his brother Yituzhiyashi to secure the throne for his son Wudadihou, widespread discontent arose among the nobility and tribes. This was compounded by devastating droughts and locust plagues between 46 and 48 CE, which caused approximately 40% of the population to perish and 70% of livestock to be lost, fueling tribal conflicts and fracturing the confederacy. The southern factions, influenced by the earlier pro-Han policies initiated by Huhanye Chanyu through his alliance and submission to the Han court in 51 BCE, opted for accommodation with the Eastern Han dynasty under Emperor Guangwu, while the northern groups resisted Han encroachment.[14] The Southern Xiongnu, led initially by the grandson of Huhanye Chanyu—who was formally appointed as the first Southern Chanyu by Emperor Guangwu—submitted with around 40,000 households and settled in the Hetao region north of the Yellow River, establishing their residence at Nan ting near a river bend before relocating to Meiji County in Xihe Commandery in 50 CE. This branch maintained a line of 12 chanyus over nearly two centuries, from 48 to 216 CE, functioning as Han tributaries while preserving some autonomy in internal affairs. A notable example is Yufuluo (r. 188–195 CE), who served as a puppet chanyu amid late Han turmoil; he allied with Han loyalists against Dong Zhuo but faced internal challenges, including conflicts with his uncle Huchuquan, leading to his eventual flight and replacement. By the early 3rd century, under pressure from the rising Cao Wei state, the Southern Chanyus were reorganized into five separate tribes by Cao Cao, facilitating their gradual integration into Chinese society and diminishing their distinct political identity.[14][15][16] In contrast, the Northern Xiongnu under Punu Chanyu (r. ca. 46–after 48 CE) rejected Han overtures and retreated northward beyond the Gobi Desert, basing their court at Bei ting or Shuo ting along the Orkhon River valley. This branch endured a shorter existence, lasting until 91 CE, marked by ongoing raids and Han economic blockades that weakened their position. Key defeats came during campaigns led by General Dou Xian: in 89 CE at Yanran Mountain, where 13,000 Northern Xiongnu were killed and 81 tribes totaling 200,000 people surrendered to the Han; and in 91 CE at Jinwei Mountain (Altai region), where further losses forced the remnants, including the chanyu (possibly Amgu or a successor), to migrate westward toward Central Asia. These events effectively dismantled the Northern line, with survivors dispersing and contributing to later nomadic groups.[14][15][17]Lineage and Family
Chanyu Family Trees
The genealogical structure of the Xiongnu chanyu dynasty is primarily reconstructed from Chinese historical records, revealing a patrilineal succession centered on the Luandi (or Xulianti) imperial clan, with father-to-son inheritance as the norm, supplemented by collateral lines among brothers and uncles.[8] The core lineage traces from the founding chanyu Touman through his son Modu, who solidified the dynasty, to subsequent generations including Modu's son Laoshang and grandson Junchen, forming the direct patriline that defined early imperial authority.[8] Collateral branches emerged prominently after Junchen, such as the line leading to Huhanye, who descended from Modu's lineage via lateral kin like Yizhixie (Junchen's brother) and later figures including Xulüquanqu, illustrating the dynasty's reliance on extended familial networks to maintain cohesion across tribal elites.[8] To represent this structure textually, the following table outlines key father-son links and collateral connections in the primary lineage, based on accounts in the Hanshu:| Chanyu | Relationship to Predecessor | Key Descendants/Branches |
|---|---|---|
| Touman | Founder | Son: Modu |
| Modu | Son of Touman | Sons: Laoshang (direct line); others forming collaterals |
| Laoshang | Son of Modu | Son: Junchen (direct line) |
| Junchen | Son of Laoshang | Brother: Yizhixie (collateral leading to Huhanye line) |
| Yizhixie | Brother of Junchen (lateral) | Son: Wuwei (continuing collateral) |
| ... (intermediaries) | Various sons/brothers in Luandi clan | Leading to Xulüquanqu |
| Xulüquanqu | Descendant in Huhanye's collateral branch | Son: Huhanye |
| Huhanye | Son of Xulüquanqu | Sons: Wuzhuliu, Xian, Le (forming further branches) |