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The first SlutWalk in Toronto, Ontario, April 3, 2011

SlutWalk is a transnational movement[1] calling for an end to rape culture, including victim blaming and slut-shaming of sexual assault victims.[2] Participants protest against explaining or excusing rape by referring to any aspect of a woman's appearance.[3] The rallies began on April 3, 2011,[4] in Toronto, Ontario, Canada, after a Toronto Police officer suggested that "women should avoid dressing like sluts in order to not be victimized"[5][6] as a precaution against sexual assault. Subsequent independent rallies have occurred globally.[7] Rallies continued through most of the 2010s before ceasing.

The protest took the form of a march, mainly by young women, where some dress in clothes considered to be "slutty."[8] In the various SlutWalk Toronto-inspired events around the world, there are usually speaker meetings and workshops, live music, sign-making sessions, leafleting, open microphones, chanting, dances, martial arts, and receptions or after-parties with refreshments.[1][9] In many of the rallies and online, women speak publicly for the first time about their identity as rape survivors.[10][11] The movement's ideology has been questioned and its methodology criticized by some.[12][13]

Inception

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Constable Michael Sanguinetti

[edit]

On January 24, 2011, Toronto Police Constable Michael Sanguinetti and another officer from 31 Division spoke on crime prevention, addressing the issue of campus rape at a York University safety forum at Osgoode Hall Law School.[14][15] During the talk, Sanguinetti interrupted the more senior officer and said: "I've been told I'm not supposed to say this – however, women should avoid dressing like sluts in order not to be victimized."[15]

After an article that reported on the situation received international attention,[16] Sanguinetti apologized for the remark saying:

I made a comment which was poorly thought out and did not reflect the commitment of the Toronto Police Service to the victims of sexual assaults. Violent crimes such as sexual assaults can have a traumatizing effect on their victims... My comment was hurtful in this respect. I am embarrassed by the comment I made and it shall not be repeated.

The apology was attached to an email distributed to the Osgoode community by law school dean Lorne Sossin who said they've been told the officer "is being disciplined and will be provided with further professional training."[15] Co-founders Sonya Barnett and Heather Jarvis decided to redefine the word slut as someone who is in control of their own sexuality, to reclaim the word slut as a site of power for women.[17] They observe that historically, slut has had negative connotations, and that their goal is to reclaim the term.[6] Their website states:

We are tired of being oppressed by slut-shaming; of being judged by our sexuality and feeling unsafe as a result. Being in charge of our sexual lives should not mean that we are opening ourselves to an expectation of violence, regardless if we participate in sex for pleasure or work. No one should equate enjoying sex with attracting sexual assault.[6]

Barnett insisted the apology was not enough, since the officer's stereotypical idea still exists in society.

The comment that was made by Officer Sanguinetti comes from a place where sexual profiling and victim blaming is inherent and a large trait and we'd like that changed," Barnett said,[17] "It isn't about just one idea or one police officer who practices victim blaming, it's about changing the system and doing something constructive with anger and frustration.[11]

Toronto Police spokeswoman Meaghan Gray said cautioning women on their state of dress is not part of any police training. "In fact, this is completely contradictory to what officers are taught," she said. "They are taught that nothing a woman does contributes to a sexual assault."[14] Toronto Police Chief Bill Blair also spoke on the matter: "If that type of, frankly, archaic thinking still exists among any of my officers, it highlights for me the need to continue to train my officers and sensitize them to the reality of victimization." Sanguinetti's statement, according to Blair, is meant to "place the blame upon victims, and that's not where the blame should ever be placed."[18]

Rosemary Gartner, a University of Toronto criminologist, said linking style of dress to sexual assault is "ridiculous." "If that were the case, there would be no rapes of women who wear veils and we know there are rapes in those countries," she said. Darshika Selvasivam, vice-president of the York Federation of Students, said she found the use of the word "extremely alarming." Linking provocative clothing to sexual assault "is a huge myth" and all it does is "blame the survivor of a sexual assault while taking the onus away from the perpetrator," she said. A university spokesperson also said the school was "surprised and shocked" by the comment, although it does have a good and collaborative relationship with police.[15]

To be sure, such a comment from law enforcement is highly offensive in suggesting that some victims of rape are responsible for the criminal acts of their attackers. Rather than admonishing women to dress a certain way, police should be warning potential offenders that they should 'avoid assaulting women in order not to go to prison' —Gail Dines and Wendy J Murphy[19]

Justice Robert Dewar

[edit]

SlutWalk organizer Sonya Barnett named the case of Justice Robert Dewar as one of the main reasons to create the movement,[20] and it became also the main cause of Slutwalk Winnipeg.[21]

On February 18, 2011[22] Justice Robert Dewar convicted Thompson resident Kenneth Rhodes, who worked for the city council, of sexual assault and sentenced him to two years house arrest. Dewar described Rhodes as a "clumsy Don Juan" who had the mistaken belief "sex was in the air" and a "heightened expectation" sex would occur. Dewar said the victim and a friend were dressed in tube tops and high heels when they met Rhodes and another man outside a bar "and made it publicly known that they wanted to party." The court in Winnipeg, Manitoba, heard that the victim had willingly gone off with Rhodes and kissed him. But after she rebuffed his further advances three times, he raped her by the side of the road once they were alone. Rhodes admitted telling the woman 'it would only hurt for a little while' during the assault.

He pleaded not guilty at his trial saying he thought the woman had consented to sex. Dewar rejected his defence but said aspects of it could be considered in sentencing. Prosecutors had asked for a three-year sentence, but Dewar gave Rhodes a conditional or suspended sentence, and ordered him to write a letter of apology to his victim. Politicians of all stripes joined student and feminist groups and those who work with sexual assault victims in decrying the comments.

University of Winnipeg politics professor Shannon Sampert said this is the collateral damage that occurs when you have poorly trained judges in the system. "The victim in this case gets to relive her experiences once again in a new trial, hoping that this judge won't require gender sensitivity training," said Sampert. She said surveys repeatedly show one of the primary reasons women do not report being raped is because of a fear of being victimized again by the justice system.

On February 25, nearly 100 people gathered to call for Justice Robert Dewar's resignation. "These statements by Dewar are reinforcing the myth of implied consent and the myth that a victim of sexual assault is ultimately responsible for their own victimisation," said Alanna Makinson of the Canadian Federation of Students, during the protest. Although this was not a part of Slutwalk, the launch of Slutwalk Toronto on April 3 gave the case national diffusion within Canada.[3][23] On October 16, Slutwalk Winnipeg took place to reiterate the protest against the judge.[24]

On November 9, Justice Dewar formally apologized. According to the judicial council, Dewar said he wished to "express my unequivocal apology to the (victim) for the hurt she must have experienced from my comments. Some of the letters of complaint, from persons who have worked directly with past victims, have pointed out that some of my comments were also traumatic for them. I very much regret that as well." Alberta Chief Justice Neil Wittmann, who reviewed the complaints against Dewar, said Dewar's comments "showed a clear lack of sensitivity towards victims of sexual assault" but do not merit his removal from the bench. According to the judicial council, Dewar has met with a "gender equality" expert and is "pursuing further professional development in this area as part of his commitment to become a better judge."[22]

The Manitoba Court of Appeal later overturned Rhodes' conviction and ordered a new trial be set. The appeal court ruled Dewar did not properly assess the credibility of the accused and the alleged victim in reaching his verdict. Rhodes was sentenced to three years in prison in 2013.[23][25]

First march and consequent growth

[edit]
New York City SlutWalkers. Union Square, October 2011

The first Slutwalk was organized in Toronto, Ontario, on April 3, 2011. Although the organizers expected around 200 people to show up, over 3,000 gathered at Queen's Park including Sierra "Chevy" Harris and Magdalena "Maggie" Ivasecko. "We want Police Services to truly get behind the idea that victim-blaming, slut-shaming, and sexual profiling are never acceptable.[...] The idea that a slut is a lesser person and deserving of sexual assault isn't exclusive to the police. Media also has to get behind this idea." Sonya Barnett explained.[20][26]

The day began with speeches before moving to the Toronto Police Headquarters. The invitation in SlutWalk Toronto website also warned: "Whether a fellow slut or simply an ally, you don't have to wear your sexual proclivities on your sleeve: we just ask that you come. Singles, couples, parents, sisters, brothers, children, friends." Some women attended the protest wearing jeans and T-shirts, while others turned out in fishnets and stilettos.[27]

On May 25, 2012, a new SlutWalk event was organized in Toronto. There were fewer participants than the previous occurrence, although the presence of men was more noticeable. Outfits ranged from sneakers and tank tops to bikinis to costumes. Some attendees went topless. A delegation from the Abbey of the Divine Wood, a Toronto mission of the Sisters of Perpetual Indulgence, manifested in their nuns habits and carried signs including one which read: "Sisters Are Sluts 2".

At Queen's Park, several speakers took the stage—a multi purpose truck—and delivered speeches, some of them spontaneous testimonies. A few paid tribute to the memory of Toronto sex workers' rights activist Wendy Babcock, who took part in the first SlutWalk and died on August 9, 2011, at the age of 32. There were also multiple shows of support for Cece McDonald, a Minneapolis transgender woman facing a 41-month prison sentence for stabbing and killing a man after being harassed and slashed across the face.[28]

On April 4, 2011, a Slutwalk in Sackville, New Brunswick was organized through the Sociology Student Association of Mount Allison University, and was coordinated to follow exactly a day after Toronto's SlutWalk. According to Rebecca Cheff, one of the organizer of the SlutWalk, "the goal is to walk towards the police station and speak to [the police officers] about victim blaming and to raise awareness as they're the frontline worker in sexual assault scenarios." "There is a big misconception that people that dress a certain way ask for sexual assault, and that needs to stop now," said SlutWalk student organizer, Lauren Hutchison. The phrase "still not asking for it" has become a rally cry behind many of these protests and has also been posterized on the bodies of men and women at these walks worldwide.[29]

Dr. Vanessa Oliver, a professor of Sociology and faculty organizer of the SlutWalk, stated, "We have had enough of this slut shaming idea [...] owning our sexual selves should not mean that we are opening ourselves to an expectation of violence," she said. "No one should equate enjoying sex with attracting sexual assault." The protest contained a visible male presence. Two protesters dressed in morphsuits participating in the protest said, "As men we can also create awareness".[30]

According to SlutWalk London, the rallies aim to end a culture of fear and victimisation:

All over the world, women are constantly made to feel like victims, told they should not look a certain way, should not go out at night, should not go into certain areas, should not get drunk, should not wear high heels or make-up, should not be alone with someone they don't know. Not only does this divert attention away from the real cause of the crime – the perpetrator – but it creates a culture where rape is OK, where it's allowed to happen.[31]

Jessica Valenti said: "In just a few months, SlutWalks have become the most successful feminist action of the past 20 years. In a feminist movement that is often fighting simply to hold ground, SlutWalks stand out as a reminder of feminism's more grass-roots past and point to what the future could look like."[32]

It has been compared to the 1970s movement Take Back the Night (also known as Reclaim the Night), which promoted marches to raise awareness and protest against violence against women; although some tension between the two movements has been noted. As with SlutWalk, it asserted women's right to be on the street at night without it being considered an invitation to rape.[33]

To a lesser extent, it has been compared to activist groups like FEMEN, the Ukrainian women's group,[34] and Boobquake,[35] an atheistic and feminist response to Iran's Hojatoleslam Kazem Seddiqi who blamed women who dress immodestly for causing earthquakes. Both integrate nudity and protest.

The most recent protests world-wide took place towards the end of the decade, with marches in cities including Newcastle (2018), Tel Aviv (2018) and München (2019).

United States

[edit]

Amber Rose SlutWalk Festival

[edit]
Amber Rose

Amber Rose is an American famous for her outspokenness concerning feminism and her relationships with other celebrities, such as Kanye West. She notes on her website that she did not start the SlutWalk, though "she is bringing more awareness to this matter by educating the public."[36] The Amber Rose SlutWalk Festival is held in Pershing Square in Los Angeles. It holds many activities, including: "live DJs, sign making, educational booths, photo fun, free breast cancer exams, and HIV testing".[37] It is open to volunteers;[38] staff and attendees of the SlutWalk must be at least 18 years of age.[39] The 2016 Amber Rose SlutWalk had sponsors including Subway, T-Mobile, and beats by dre;[40] celebrity attendees included Matt McGorry, Nicki Minaj, and Blac Chyna.

SlutWalk NYC

[edit]

A SlutWalk was held in New York City in 2011 that shut down Union Square.[41][42]

Other

[edit]

In 2017 the chairpersons of Chicago SlutWalk wrote, "We still stand behind Dyke March Chicago's decision to remove the Zionist contingent from their event, & we won't allow Zionist displays at ours", referring to a then-upcoming demonstration of the Chicago SlutWalk. The Chicago SlutWalk declared of the Star of David, "its connections to the oppression enacted by Israel is too strong for it to be neutral & IN CONTEXT [at the Dyke March Chicago event] it was used as a Zionist symbol."[43]

In 2017 Slutwalk Detroit was held in Palmer Park by Metro-Detroit Political Action Network (MDPAN). The event was also named "The March for Consent" the event was held in Detroit's "Gayboorhood" due to the high violence rate against transgender women in the area. Key speakers included Transgender Chair for MDPAN Brianna Kingsley and Jennifer Kurland who ran for Michigan Governor 2018 as the Green Party candidate.

Australia

[edit]

The first SlutWalk in Melbourne took place on May 28, 2011. An estimated 2500 people rallied in front of the Victorian State Library and marched through Melbourne defending how women, men, and children should dress without fear of being sexually assaulted.[44] Protesters held signs that said, "Stop Policing Our Wardrobe and Start Policing Our Streets, Stop Victim Blaming, No Victim is To Blame, I Love Sluts, Sluts Pay Taxes and Stop Whorephobia", to name a few.[45] Supporters of the SlutWalk dressed in drag, casual and sports attire, as well as other types of clothing celebrating who they are. The organizers advised to wear whatever they chose to convey one message: Who's a slut? We all are. Or none of us are. And who cares? It's a stupid, meaningless concept anyway.[46]

SlutWalk Melbourne was organized by Karen Pickering, Lauren Clair, Clementine Bastow, and Natasha Smith. Pickering hosts Cherchez La Femme, talk show of current affairs and pop culture with a feminist flair. Natasha Smith specializes in queer rights and mental health organizations. Clair is a retail sex toy and sexual health consultant. She has run fundraisers in Melbourne for women services. Bastow is a feminist author, music critic, and radio host.[44] Before SlutWalk Melbourne, Clair had second thoughts on redefining the word slut. In an interview with Fairfax newspapers she said, "I've spent my entire life being judged for my appearance and sexuality. I'm sexual, I have sex, I enjoy sex. I'm not going to be ashamed."[47] Clair stated the most memorable chant recited by all genders during the protest was, "However we dress, wherever we go, yes means yes and no means no."[46] The event included five empowering speeches from five speakers: Dr Leslie Cannold, Monica Dux, Ursula Benstead, Elena Jeffreys and Cody Smith.

Feminist writer Dr Cannold started her speech with the greeting, "Hey you sluts". Throughout her speech, Dr. Cannold described the origin and meaning of the word slut stemming from the Middle Ages and its effect in the twenty-first century. "The word slut actually dates back to the middle ages. Those who throw it at us are trying to take us back to the Middle Ages. A time where women were what men said they could be. A slut is used by some boys and some men and even some ecologist women to put women down. When those who use the word slut, what they mean is the same."[48] Cody Smith shared his rape encounter with a transgender man and the effect it had on him. "My rape was not my fault!" he choked back tears as he described his guilt. "I spent so many years blaming myself for my state of intoxication . . . for what I was wearing . . . for not being strong enough to keep the rapist off me."[49] Because of the positive outcome of SlutWalk Melbourne 2011, four SlutWalks in Melbourne have been taken place: SlutWalk Melbourne 2012, Slutfest 2013, SlutWalk Melbourne 2014, SlutTea 2015, and Slutfest 2016.[44]

Europe

[edit]
Slutwalk in Munich 2019

Iceland

[edit]

The first Reykjavík SlutWalk took place on July 23, 2011, only a few months after the very first SlutWalk, which took place in Toronto, Canada, April 3.[50] Since then, the Reykjavík SlutWalk has been held annually on the last Saturday in July, as well as SlutWalks around the country in towns such as Borgarfjörður eystri, Akureyri, Ísafjörður and Sauðárkrókur.

Switzerland

[edit]

The Swiss movement was created in August 2012, by women from Geneva and Lausanne. Since then, the collective organised four marches and other events. Swiss SlutWalk, 6 October 2012,[51][52][53] 12 October 2013,[54][55][56] 13 September 2014,[57] 6 June 2015.[58] The Swiss Slutwalk is an association by law since May 2014.[59]

United Kingdom

[edit]

Researchers Jessica Ringrose and Emma Renold interviewed members of a self-organized 'girl power' group in a school in Cardiff, Wales. The aims of the group of Year 8 (age 12-13) and above students had evolved to the delivery of personal social health and economic education (PHSE) lessons to younger students in the school. When asked about the 'SlutWalk', planned for Cardiff in a few weeks time, it led to "an uncomfortable silence, uneasy smiles and raised eyebrows from the two women teachers leading the group." Ringrose and Renold concluded that there was a paradox between teachers that "were incredibly supportive of the general message of the SlutWalk," but who "were simultaneously faced with the ongoing struggle of confronting the sexual regulation experienced by girls in a sanitised school space where 'slut' is a banished and punishable sexual swearword." The teachers went on to say that the girls, "probably can't go, we'll go on the march for them". On the day of the march (4 June 2011), however, a number of the girls did turn up with their mothers and met up with their teachers.[60][61] Similar marches were also held around this time in a number of UK cities including London, Edinburgh, Newcastle upon Tyne, Bristol and Oxford.

As of 2018, SlutWalk Newcastle is the longest running UK satellite event. The first march was held on 4 June 2011, attended by approximately 200 people.[62] After a five-year hiatus the next Newcastle SlutWalk took place on 28 July 2018.[63]

Latin America

[edit]
Main article: SlutWalk in Latin America

Slutwalks in Latin America were renamed "Marcha das Vadias" in Brazil[64] and "La Marcha de las Putas" in most Spanish-speaking countries,[65] sometimes using PUTAS as an acronym for "Por una transformación Auténtica y Social (For an Authentic Social Transformation)"[66][67] Countries like Argentina,[68] Brazil,[64] and Colombia[69] were known to host simultaneous Slutwalks in different cities. In all countries, Slutwalks were repeated annually at least once, although not always in the same cities. Some protests selected their dates to match significant events such as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women[70][71] and the World Youth Day.[72]

There were interactions noted between the organizers in different countries. Organizers from Argentina had previously contacted their counterparts in Mexico and Venezuela through social networks, and artist Adriana Minolitti participated in Mexican Slutwalks before becoming an organizer herself at Buenos Aires. They were, in turn, contacted by organizers in Bolivia and Uruguay to get assistance.[73][74] Also, the organizer of the national Slutwalk at Colombia had some previous interaction with organizers in Peru,[66] and Argentine activist Leonor Silvestri travelled to Chile to help organize La Marcha de las Maracas in Santiago.[75][76] There was also an active participation of the LGBT community,[69][77][78][79][80][81] and there was a common presence of sex workers,[65][81][82] or expressions of solidarity with them.[83][84] There was also a common regional chant: "¡Alerta, alerta, alerta que camina la Marcha de las Putas por América Latina!" (Alert! Alert! Alert, the sluts are walking down Latin America!).[80][85][86][87]

All protests shared the rejection of Sanguinetti's sayings, and some of them were also directed to local state authorities[80][88] and Catholic church representatives[89] whose public comments reinforced gender stereotypes and violence against women. Costumes representing Catholic characters were also found across different countries,[72][78] and many protests demanded a secular State and pointed at the Catholic church as the reason for women's rights to be held back.[64][90] There were some exceptions like Colombia, in which Catholics marched among people of all other religions, under the banner of La Marcha de las Putas,[66] and the Marcha das Vadias against the public spending for the visit of Pope Francis in Copacabana, Brazil, featured dissident Catholic groups marching among the protesters.[72]

Some protests evolved into permanent organizations, which kept working throughout the whole year to fight violence against women,[66][91] and participated or organized events other than the typical Slutwalks to raise awareness on sexual assault.[92][93]

Slutwalks in Latin America
Marcha das Vadias in Brasília, on June 18, 2011. The sign reads: "Changing the world through Feminisms"
Marcha de las Putas in Costa Rica, August 14, 2011
Sign from La Marcha de las Putas saying: "I don't want your catcalling, I want your respect"

Asia

[edit]

South Korea

[edit]

The first Slutwalk campaign in Asia was held on July 16, 2011, in Seoul, Korea, under the name Japnyeonhaengjin (잡년행진). It was planned to be held on the 9th of July, but due to another important event, Slutwalk Korea postponed the event until the next week. The date of the event is same in India, but because of the time difference, the first slutwalk in Asia was held in Seoul.[94][95] The second slutwalk in South Korea was held on July 28, 2012 in Tapgol Park.[96][97]

India

[edit]

On July 16, 2011, about 50 people rallied for India's first Slutwalk in Bhopal, called Slutwalk arthaat Besharmi Morcha.[98][99] Rita Banerji, Indian feminist and author reports that SlutWalk was criticised as irrelevant in the face of female feticide, infanticide, dowry murders and honor killings. She argues: "The issue at the crux of the SlutWalk is one and the same as for all the other above mentioned afflictions. It is about the recognition of women as individuals with certain fundamental rights, including that of safety and personal choices, which no one, not even the family, can violate."[100]

On July 31, 2011, Besharmi Morcha took place at New Delhi. The estimated number of protesters was around 500. To ensure that no untoward incident took place, police personnel were deployed all around the area. "No one can ever be safe in Delhi. When we leave our homes, even we are not sure whether we will return safely or not," said a police constable on the condition of anonymity. Actress and social activist Nafisa Ali was present. "Basically, we need to work towards the safety of women on streets. It's an issue of mindset. If a boy can go out at two in the morning, so can a girl," she said. Trishala Singh, one of the organisers, said in reference to the number of participants: "I am not at all disappointed with the walk. A good number of people turned up to support the cause and I am happy with it. I know one walk can't change the mindset of people but it will at least be a beginning."[101]

Another Slutwalk was held in Kolkata on May 24, 2012, gathering around 300 people. As described by the Times of India, young girls walked in all kinds of dresses right from sari and salwar kameez to jeans and skirts. "We want to bring forth the point that one can be sexually harassed even while being clothed from head to toe," stated Film Studies student Sulakshana Biswas, one of the organizers. At the end of the rally, artists from Fourth Bell Theatre group performed short plays and recited poetries on sexual abuse written by famous Urdu poet Saadat Hassan Manto and Bengali writer Mahasweta Devi.[102]

A new Slutwalk took place at Kolkata on June 7, 2013. The walk started at Jadavpur University and continued until Triangular Park. Many participants had 'slut' painted on their bodies in bright colors. Sulakshana, Jadavpur University student and organizer over two consecutive years, said that she intended Slutwalks to be an annual affair in the city. Sayan, another of the organizers said, "We are under no political banner. This is a gender inclusion movement, catering to all."[103]

Singapore

[edit]

Previous to the first Slutwalk, a public exchange between the organisers and the local authorities took place, regarding the particularly strict laws on streets demonstrations. Organizers stated there was no need for a permission to hold the protest, while the police sustained that the global nature of the movement and expected presence of foreigners made it necessary. Finally, on November 30, a permit was approved for the Slutwalk to take place at a free-speech park called Speakers' Corner. Social critic and gay rights activist Alex Au commented on the issue: "maybe our senior civil servants can't get past the word 'slut' and have begun to hyperventilate".[104] The Slutwalk finally took place on December 3, 2011. Others wore T-shirts protesting against blaming rape victims on the grounds of their outfits or because they had been drunk or flirting.[105] A new Slutwalk was held in Singapore on December 15, 2012.[106]

Israel

[edit]
"87% of the victims of sexual assault in Israel knew their assailant. But it is our fault because we walk alone at night..." - 2012 Tel Aviv SlutWalk
"'Slut' is a shitty excuse for rape" - 2013 Tel Aviv SlutWalk

When taking up the idea of SlutWalk in Israel, the Hebrew name adopted was "Tza'adat HaSharmutot" (צעדת השרמוטות), i.e. "SharmutaWalk". The word sharmuta (شرموطة), originally an Arabic word meaning 'prostitute', has entered spoken Israeli Hebrew, carrying connotations similar to slut in English. In 2012 the Jerusalem-based Feminist activist Or Levy was the first to raise the idea of holding a SlutWalk in Israel. The first actual SlutWalk took place in Tel Aviv on March 22, attended by several hundred women and a few sympathizing men. The idea was then taken up by activists in other cities, including Jerusalem, Haifa and Beersheba.

In 2013 events took place in the same four cities. The number of both women and men participants has increased greatly, apparently due to increased media coverage, as well as an Internet campaign which went viral via Facebook. The marches were not without obstacles: In Jerusalem, the police initially refused to give a permit for the march, providing it only after an intervention by Knesset Member Tamar Zandberg. The Tel Aviv march was organized by a new group of activists, initiated by Feminist activist Tzipi Eran. That year's march also involved a fierce dispute with the "Socialist Struggle" movement (Ma'avak Socilisti - מאבק סוציאליסטי) which organised its own SlutWalk but objected to the term sharmuta on the grounds that it was an originally Arabic word, and thus using it could be considered offensive to women from a minority group.

The rival march organizers, conversely, held that avoiding the term would be an act of "Slut-shaming" - precisely what the march was supposed to oppose - and they also objected to the Socialist Struggle march being led by men who spoke on behalf of women victims of sexual violence. Moreover, though originally an Arabic word, the term as presently used by Hebrew speakers in Israel carries a crude disparaging sexist implication of "blaming the victim" but no specific ethnic connotation. In the end, although two separate events were publicized on the Internet, in actuality they merged into a single march of over a thousand marchers, and the use of sharmuta no longer disputed.

In 2014 the organizers of the marches in various cities united into an umbrella organizational frame. Although each of the cities had a separate organizing group that ran its march in its own way, the joint organization established a comprehensive branding for the march and held campaigns and advertising in collaboration, to consolidate messages and expand distribution. In 2015, a march took place in Jerusalem on May 29 with the participation of about 1,000 women and men, with a conspicuous involvement of teenage girls. A march in Tel Aviv took place on Friday, May 14.

In 2016, a march took place in Tel Aviv on July 8 with some 500 participants. Among them was Inbal Bibi, a former X Factor Israel celebrity, who revealed that she had herself been raped in the past. In 2017, a march took place in Tel Aviv on May 12, with some 1500 participants. The march attracted high public attention when well known artists such as Gadi Wilczhersky and Statik promoted it on the social networks. Statik got some negative reactions from fans who objected to his using "dirty words". He then set to his hundreds of thousands of followers on Instagram a detailed explanation of the idea behind the SlutWalk and the effort to confront and reverse the sexist connotations of sharmuta.

The Tel Aviv 2018 SlutWalk, held on May 4, had more than 2000 participants and received sympathetic coverage in the mainstream media. Taking up themes from the Me Too movement, signs were carried mentioning by name and photo various Israeli men in prominent public positions - including politicians, senior military and police officers, business people, artists and actors as well as rabbis - who were implicated in rape or sexual harassment cases.

No SlutWalks have been held in Israel since The Tel Aviv 2021 SlutWalk, following the shutdown of Kulan, the activist group leading the organization of the Tel Aviv SlutWalks, due to sexual harassment allegations.

Responses

[edit]

SlutWalk has been subject to racial disputes and accusations that black women and other minority groups are underserved by the movement.[107][108]

The debate about using the word slut has emerged within the SlutWalk movement itself. Organisers of SlutWalk New York City have withdrawn from the movement because of the name.[109] In Vancouver, the organisers decided to cancel the march and have a discussion instead, to determine a different name.[110] Of the four names suggested (Slutwalk, End the Shame, Yes Means Yes and Shame Stop), SlutWalk remained the favourite, though half the voters had voted against the old name.[109] SlutWalk Philadelphia renamed the protest "A March to End Rape Culture" in order to take into account concerns about inclusivity.[111] Australian activist Melinda Tankard Reist has criticized the name for excluding those who are uncomfortable with "personally owning the word slut."[112] Former British Conservative MP Louise Mensch alleged that SlutWalk 'lionises promiscuity' in a harmful fashion.[113] Indeed, the inclusion of "Sex Party branding" in Australia has been criticised for pressuring rape survivors into sex positivity.[114] Feminist critics of SlutWalk say that it is "the pornification of protest"[115] and evidence that women have internalized their abuse[116]

In 2014, artist Wendy Coburn presented Slut Nation: Anatomy of a Protest, a video documentary of the first Slutwalk, as part of her exhibition Anatomy of a Protest in Toronto.[117] The documentary showed involvement by police provocateurs at the initial protest, and examined the role of props as tools for and against protestors.[118]

See also

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References

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SlutWalk

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SlutWalk is a transnational series of protest marches that originated in , , on April 3, 2011, initiated by activists Sonya Barnett and Heather Jarvis in response to Toronto Police Constable Michael Sanguinetti's remark during a campus safety seminar that women should "avoid dressing like sluts" to reduce the risk of . The movement's core objective is to contest victim-blaming and slut-shaming narratives in discussions of , asserting that no form of attire or behavior excuses assault and promoting the of the term "slut" to empower women over their sexuality. The inaugural event drew thousands of participants who marched through , often in revealing clothing, to highlight the illogic of linking provocation to predation and to demand accountability from authorities for perpetuating such views. Rapidly expanding globally, SlutWalk inspired similar demonstrations in over 200 cities across , , , and beyond by the end of , adapting locally to address cultural contexts of gender-based violence while maintaining the anti-victim-blaming focus. Despite its visibility in raising awareness about rape culture—defined by proponents as societal attitudes that normalize —SlutWalk has encountered significant , particularly from feminist scholars and activists who argue that embracing provocative dress and the "slut" label may inadvertently reinforce and patriarchal standards rather than dismantle them, potentially alienating women from diverse cultural backgrounds wary of Western sexual liberation tropes. Critics, including those in academic analyses, contend that the movement's emphasis on individual expression overlooks systemic factors in and risks conflating with , though supporters maintain it effectively shifts public discourse toward perpetrator responsibility.

Origins and Founding

Inciting Incident

On January 24, 2011, Police Constable Michael Sanguinetti addressed a safety forum at , , where approximately 10 law students gathered to discuss preventing violent sexual attacks and robberies on campus. As part of the presentation on personal security measures, Sanguinetti stated, “You know, I think we’re beating around the bush here… women should avoid dressing like sluts in order not to be victimized.” The remark prompted immediate stunned silence among attendees, with a proceeding to continue the session uninterrupted. Word of the comment quickly spread among students, generating backlash for implying that victims bear responsibility for assaults based on attire. Media outlets, including the Toronto Star, reported on the incident in February 2011, amplifying attendee accounts and framing the statement as controversial victim-blaming amid broader concerns over campus assaults. Sanguinetti responded with a public apology via email to the Osgoode community on February 17, expressing embarrassment, undergoing disciplinary action, and receiving additional training while reiterating that sexual assault victims are not at fault by choice. Coverage in outlets like the Globe and Mail later referenced the event as the catalyst for heightened public discourse on sexual violence prevention.

First Toronto March

The inaugural SlutWalk march took place on April 3, 2011, in , , beginning at Queen's Park and proceeding approximately 2 kilometers to Police Headquarters on College Street. Participants, including women and men, wore provocative attire such as , miniskirts, and high heels to challenge victim-blaming narratives, while chanting slogans like "However we dress, wherever we go, yes means yes and no means no." Organizers Heather Jarvis and Sonya JF Barnett initially expected 100 to 200 attendees but reported a turnout of around 3,000, corroborated by media estimates. The event unfolded peacefully with no arrests reported, despite the provocative dress and proximity to police facilities. Coverage extended internationally via outlets like and , amplifying the protest's message against victim-blaming. In response to the march, organizers demanded disciplinary action against Michael Sanguinetti for his earlier remarks; he issued a public apology on , 2011, and received internal reprimand including , though he remained on . The event spurred the establishment of the SlutWalk collective to coordinate future actions.

Ideology and Objectives

Core Principles Against Victim-Blaming

The SlutWalk movement identifies opposition to victim-blaming as its foundational principle, defining it as any attribution of causal responsibility to victims based on their attire, behavior, or presence in certain locations. This stance directly responded to Police Constable Michael Sanguinetti's January 24, 2011, public safety lecture at , where he stated that female students could avoid victimization by not "dressing like sluts." Organizers, in their founding , condemned such views as excuses for criminal behavior, insisting that arises solely from perpetrators' choices rather than victims' expressions of sexuality, which they argued should not invite violence or judgment. The principle rejects linking personal conduct or appearance to assault risk, positioning victim-blaming as a mechanism that rationalizes inexcusable acts while eroding trust in institutions like . Movement advocates counter suggestions of preventive agency—such as altering or avoiding isolation—with assertions that assaults transcend such factors, occurring across victim profiles including those in modest clothing or familiar environments. They emphasize that empirical patterns, such as the predominance of assaults by acquaintances over strangers, undermine claims tying public visibility or provocation to incidence rates. This perspective implicitly sidelines individual risk strategies, framing them as complicit in perpetuating harm rather than pragmatic responses to causal realities of offender . SlutWalk frames its critique within a "rape culture" paradigm, portraying societal norms as normalizing violence through widespread acceptance of blame-shifting that absolves aggressors. Participants confront this by demanding unqualified respect for survivors and institutional reforms to prioritize perpetrator accountability over victim scrutiny. The approach centers protective narratives for victims, often excluding analysis of male agency or environmental contributors to perpetration, to underscore systemic rather than situational explanations.

Language Reclamation and Empowerment Claims

SlutWalk organizers pursued reclamation of the term "slut" as a core linguistic strategy, employing ironic self-identification to strip the word of its capacity to shame or control women's sexuality. This involved participants voluntarily adopting the label in public settings to challenge its weaponization in victim-blaming, with the Toronto founders stating their intent to "re-appropriate" it amid protests against the notion that women's attire or behavior invites assault. The approach mirrored earlier efforts in queer activism to neutralize slurs through defiant embrace, positing that such reclamation undermines the patriarchal authority embedded in derogatory language by reframing it as a badge of autonomy rather than degradation. Proponents argued that this tactic disrupts entrenched power dynamics, where slut-shaming enforces sexual conformity and absolves perpetrators, by collectively rejecting the term's punitive force. In their , organizers declared exhaustion with oppression via slut-shaming and the between and deservingness, exemplified in like assertions that no one merits regardless of conduct. For survivors, the strategy purportedly yields psychological benefits, such as diminished internalized stigma and enhanced agency, by transforming a tool of silencing into one of and defiance against cultural narratives that equate female sexuality with vulnerability. While the original framework targeted English-language slut-shaming, global iterations adapted the reclamation to cultural equivalents—such as "puta" in Spanish-speaking marches—yet retained the intent to confront localized sexual stigma without fully resolving underlying stereotypes of promiscuity as inherently risky. This variation highlighted the movement's emphasis on universal empowerment claims, though tethered to the provocative semantics of the source term.

Methods and Symbolism

Protest Formats and Participant Attire

SlutWalk events generally follow a standard format of a public rally featuring speeches by organizers and survivors, followed by a marching through city streets. Participants engage in chants during the march to amplify visibility, with events typically lasting several hours and requiring permits for street use. Participant attire emphasizes minimal or sexually suggestive clothing, including , , high heels, and elements of fetish gear such as corsets or collars, intended to visually contest dress-based judgments. This choice has drawn attendance varying from dozens in smaller cities to around 3,000 in major inaugural events like in April 2011, though average turnouts declined in subsequent years. Organizers implement basic safety measures, such as group coordination and awareness of potential due to attire, amid occasional counter-protests or opportunistic reported at events. Post-2010s, some SlutWalks adapted to hybrid or virtual formats, particularly during the 2020 restrictions, incorporating online streams alongside or instead of physical marches to maintain participation. These adaptations allowed continued engagement but reduced the disruptive street presence characteristic of early protests, with virtual events focusing on discussions rather than processions.

Slogans, Signs, and Media Strategies

Common slogans in SlutWalk protests centered on rejecting the notion that clothing or behavior implies consent, such as "My dress is not a yes" and "My clothes aren't my consent," which directly countered victim-blaming rhetoric by asserting personal autonomy over bodily choices. Other phrases like "Consent is sexy" and "No means no, yes means yes" highlighted affirmative consent as a prerequisite for sexual activity, framing it as an empowering standard rather than a restrictive one. These messages were designed for brevity and memorability, facilitating chants during marches and rapid sharing on social platforms to exploit shock value for broader dissemination. Signs often personalized critiques of authorities, particularly in the inaugural event on April 3, 2011, where participants displayed messages rebuking Toronto Police Constable Michael Sanguinetti's January 2011 remark that women should "avoid dressing like sluts" to prevent , with phrases like "Blame the rapist, not the victim" and direct references to . In subsequent events, such as SlutWalk on June 11, 2011, signs incorporated local grievances, including "We are all chambermaids" to protest the arrest of Strauss-Kahn's accuser, linking global to everyday victim skepticism. This targeted approach amplified institutional failures through visual confrontation, prioritizing provocative imagery over nuanced policy discourse to sustain media interest. Organizers employed media strategies leveraging for virality, issuing press releases that emphasized the movement's defiant reclamation of derogatory terms to provoke outrage cycles in coverage, as seen in the rapid global spread following Toronto's event via outlets like and . platforms, including event pages, facilitated real-time coordination and amplification, with groups compiling slogan collections for participants to adapt and share, fostering that extended reach beyond traditional press. Live updates and video clips from marches were posted to harness immediate backlash, converting criticism of the movement's language into free publicity, though this risked diluting substantive discussions amid sensationalist framing.

Global Spread

North America

Toronto, , served as the primary hub for sustained SlutWalk activity in , with annual marches continuing after the inaugural event on April 3, 2011, which attracted approximately 3,000 participants. These events maintained focus on challenging victim-blaming, drawing consistent local engagement compared to more sporadic occurrences elsewhere. Other Canadian cities followed suit, including Ottawa's annual SlutWalk, which in 2025 on September 14 gathered at the Human Rights Monument to protest rape culture and gender-based violence. In the United States, early adoption included the SlutWalk on October 1, 2011, which drew over 1,000 demonstrators to Union Square against and shaming. hosted prominent iterations led by , with the 2015 event on October 3 assembling several hundred supporters alongside celebrities. The 2016 festival expanded to more than 600 attendees, emphasizing resource-sharing on sexual injustices. Recent localized revivals highlighted ongoing but smaller-scale engagement, such as Boise, Idaho's April 5, 2025, SlutWalk, which collaborated with broader rights rallies and attracted a large crowd at the state capitol. In , , the September 19, 2025, event centered on visibility and rights for people of color. SlutWalk integrated with campus movements across , featuring organized walks at universities like in 2022 and annual events by groups such as FORCE at the . These campus efforts reflected adaptation to educational settings while aligning with the movement's anti-victim-blaming core.

Europe

The first SlutWalk in Europe took place in on June 11, 2011, drawing an estimated 5,000 participants who marched from Hyde Park to to protest victim-blaming and advocate for explicit standards in sexual encounters, with chants emphasizing "yes means yes and no means no." The event responded to broader cultural attitudes excusing based on women's clothing or behavior, paralleling the origins but adapting to contexts where police and judicial skepticism toward complaints had been documented, prompting calls for legal reforms to prioritize affirmative over implied acquiescence. Subsequent marches, such as in 2012, continued to integrate with feminist for policy changes, including better training on laws amid criticisms of low conviction rates for sexual offenses. In , SlutWalks—known locally as Druslugangan—began around 2011 and gained traction in a country with advanced Nordic frameworks, including high rankings in global indices for and low reported gender-based violence rates. By 2015, the Reykjavik event marked the fifth iteration, attracting thousands to challenge residual victim-blaming despite progressive policies like mandatory gender education in schools and strong legal protections against . A 2018 revival in Reykjavik and further tied the protests to ongoing efforts to align cultural norms with Iceland's affirmative consent legislation, emphasizing empowerment within a welfare-state model that prioritizes survivor support over punitive measures alone. European adaptations often embedded SlutWalks into policy debates, such as in the where marches influenced discussions on revising Sexual Offences Act guidelines to clarify intoxication and capacity in determinations, contrasting with North American focus by leveraging EU-level frameworks. Events in cities like occasionally highlighted migrant women's vulnerabilities under EU asylum policies, framing slut-shaming as intersecting with status and access to , though these remained smaller-scale compared to initial UK turnouts. Participation waned after 2015 across , with annual events giving way to sporadic revivals amid shifting feminist priorities toward institutional reforms over street protests, as evidenced by reduced media coverage and organizer reports of fatigue in sustaining momentum against entrenched legal and cultural barriers. Despite this, isolated integrations persisted, such as linkages to broader anti-violence campaigns in Nordic contexts where SlutWalk rhetoric informed initiatives on .

Asia, Middle East, and Other Regions

In , the SlutWalk movement adapted as "Besharmi Morcha" (Shameless March), with the first major event in on July 31, 2011, drawing hundreds to protest victim-blaming amid widespread "" and , though it faced criticism for clashing with traditional norms that prioritize . A planned Bangalore march in December 2011 was banned by authorities, highlighting suppression in conservative urban settings where public displays challenging sexual risk legal and social backlash. These hybrid forms reflect causal barriers: entrenched cultural expectations of female restraint limit direct importation of Western-style attire and , leading to localized to sustain momentum without immediate shutdown. In , a SlutWalk occurred in on July 16, 2011, with participants marching against and victim-blaming, some in revealing clothing to reclaim agency, yet the event underscored adaptation challenges in a society influenced by Confucian hierarchies and rapid modernization, where public protests on sexuality provoke conservative counter-narratives emphasizing collective harmony over individual expression. Singapore's version on December 4, 2011, gathered hundreds but eschewed provocative dress—opting for standard attire—to comply with strict public decency laws and avoid amplifying cultural resistance in a tightly regulated, multi-ethnic state where slut-shaming persists alongside state-enforced . Subsequent events in focused on rather than spectacle, illustrating how legal and social risks necessitate diluted formats that prioritize dialogue over confrontation, potentially diluting the movement's symbolic edge against rape culture. In Israel, SlutWalks have been held annually in since around 2012, with the 2021 event on drawing hundreds to decry rape culture and in a city marked by ultra-Orthodox enclaves that enforce stringent gender norms, often resulting in verbal harassment or counter-protests from religious groups viewing the marches as immodest provocations. By 2024, the 12th iteration persisted despite these tensions, signaling resilience but also hybrid adaptations like route adjustments to mitigate clashes, as cultural realism dictates navigation around theocratic influences that causally link female visibility to moral decay in public spaces. Efforts in other Middle Eastern contexts remain sparse, constrained by authoritarian controls and honor-based societies where public challenges to victim-blaming invite severe repercussions, including familial or state suppression. In , SlutWalks, such as those in , integrated critiques—focusing on the murders of over 10 women daily amid cartel violence and —yet encountered high-risk barriers in machista cultures where protests against gender-based killings face narco-intimidation and institutional indifference, fostering fragmented, survival-oriented adaptations rather than expansive global emulation. Australia's Sydney SlutWalk on June 13, 2011, attracted around 200 participants despite cooler weather limiting attire, serving as a less contested bridge in Oceania's relatively liberal framework, though it still navigated media skepticism toward the movement's confrontational tactics in a post-colonial society balancing feminist gains with residual puritanical undercurrents.

Reception and Controversies

Supporter Perspectives and Claimed Achievements

Supporters maintain that SlutWalk effectively heightened awareness of victim-blaming and slut-shaming as components of culture, with the event on April 3, 2011, attracting around 3,000 participants in direct against a police officer's suggestion that women's attire could mitigate risk. This initial , per organizers, reclaimed provocative language to confront and reverse victim-focused narratives in public discourse. The movement's rapid global expansion is cited as a key achievement, with events held in over 200 cities across more than 40 countries by 2014, fostering transnational networks among activists opposing . Participants and advocates attribute this spread to amplification, which enabled millions of online engagements and sustained visibility beyond physical protests. Extensive media attention underscores claimed successes in discourse-shifting, including documentation of 284 articles on SlutWalk in select countries from 2011 to 2012, which supporters argue normalized challenges to myths and empowered personal testimonies against shaming. Celebrity endorsements, notably Amber Rose's initiation of annual SlutWalks from 2015 onward, are highlighted for broadening reach to address gender-based injustices and slut-shaming across demographics. Organizers assert these events distributed resources on and victim support, contributing to localized claims. Anecdotal reports from participants include perceived shifts in community dialogues on , with some attributing increased institutional focus on affirmative consent training to the movement's visibility, though such outcomes are presented by advocates as direct inspirational effects rather than rigorously tracked causal results.

Feminist Critiques

Some feminists, particularly radical and intersectional critics, have argued that SlutWalk's attempt to reclaim the term "" fails to neutralize its derogatory power and instead perpetuates the by encouraging provocative attire that aligns with patriarchal standards of female sexuality. This approach, they contend, reinforces misogynistic objectification rather than dismantling it, as the word's historical use as a tool of slut-shaming cannot be repurposed without entrenching victim-blaming norms. Black feminists have highlighted how SlutWalk overlooks racialized dimensions of sexual shaming, where terms like "" carry additional weight due to stereotypes rooted in slavery-era tropes such as the hypersexualized "" image applied to . In an dated September 23, 2011, from Black Women's Blueprint—a of over 20 Black women activists, scholars, and leaders—the organizers critiqued the movement for centering white, middle-class experiences and erasing the compounded violence faced by women of color, including state-sanctioned sexual exploitation and intra-community policing of Black female sexuality. Signatories asserted that reclaiming "" privileges those with racial and class advantages who can afford to engage in performative rebellion, while ignoring how such language exacerbates harm for without addressing intersecting oppressions like and economic marginalization. Broader intra-feminist disagreements frame SlutWalk as a diversion from structural reforms, prioritizing individual through public displays over challenging institutional sources of , such as legal inadequacies or economic dependencies that constrain women's agency. Critics like those in UK-based Feminist Fightback discussions in 2011 described it as "" that commodifies resistance, potentially co-opting radical goals into spectacle without advancing systemic change against rape culture. This performative focus, they argue, risks diluting feminist priorities by conflating visibility with efficacy, sidestepping deeper causal factors like patriarchal power structures embedded in law, media, and economy.

Conservative and Social Critiques

Conservative commentators have criticized SlutWalk for fostering a of victimhood that discourages personal agency and , arguing that women bear responsibility for avoiding behaviors empirically associated with elevated risks, such as provocative attire that cues and in observers. For instance, attire signaling sexual availability has been linked in to increased perceptions of and biased judgments in scenarios, though direct causation remains debated; critics contend the movement's rejection of such caution ignores practical self-protection strategies without excusing perpetrators. This perspective aligns with evolutionary psychological accounts positing slut-shaming as an adaptive mechanism promoting female , paternity certainty, and reputational safeguarding amid asymmetric reproductive costs, evident in cross-cultural double standards suppressing to mitigate exploitation and disease transmission. Such critiques extend to broader societal repercussions, asserting that SlutWalk's normalization of hypersexual expression exacerbates mental health declines and relational instability by eroding norms of restraint. Hypersexuality, characterized by compulsive urges and behaviors, correlates with significant personal distress, impaired functioning, and comorbidities like depression, as documented in clinical reviews. Longitudinal evidence further indicates that adherence to chastity principles, often rooted in religious frameworks, enhances psychosocial outcomes and marital longevity; for example, users of natural family planning methods—emphasizing periodic abstinence—exhibit 58% lower divorce odds compared to non-users. Critics from conservative outlets argue this undermines family structures, contrasting with second-wave feminism's focus on intellectual empowerment by reverting to bodily provocation as liberation. These objections prioritize causal links between behavioral choices and outcomes over collective blame-shifting, warning that dismissing slut-shaming as mere overlooks its role in fostering amid persistent data showing situational factors influence victimization exposure, even if not justification. Mainstream academic sources on these topics often downplay such correlations due to ideological commitments to victim-centered narratives, yet conservative analyses draw on evidential patterns from and to advocate restraint for individual and communal welfare.

Impact and Effectiveness

Awareness and Cultural Shifts

The SlutWalk movement garnered peak media coverage in , the year of its origin in on April 3, following a Toronto Police constable's remark suggesting women avoid dressing like "sluts" to prevent . This initial event drew approximately 3,000 participants and rapidly inspired protests in dozens of cities across , , and beyond, amplifying visibility through social media organization and international news reports. Outlets like documented its expansion to multiple within months, framing it as a global challenge to victim-blaming rhetoric. Coverage volume was notably high in 2011, with events in at least 40 countries and over 200 cities reported, but experienced a drastic decline in subsequent years, signaling thematic fatigue in media interest. This surge contributed to heightened public discourse on slut-shaming, evidenced by the movement's adaptation into local variants, such as "Besharmi Morcha" in and "Marcha das Vadias" in . Renewed attention emerged sporadically through celebrity-led iterations, including Amber Rose's annual SlutWalks in beginning in 2015, which drew thousands and leveraged her platform for continued media pickup despite the earlier peak. Such instances sustained awareness amid waning mainstream focus, though without sustained escalation in event scale or reporting frequency post-2011.

Empirical Evidence and Causal Analysis

One laboratory experiment by Gaucher, Hunt, and Sinclair (2015) exposed participants to SlutWalk materials, finding a short-term reduction in endorsement of myths, such as the belief that provocative clothing justifies , compared to control conditions. This effect was attributed to reframing the term "" as non-derogatory, potentially fostering and myth rejection in controlled settings. However, the study measured attitudinal shifts via self-report surveys immediately post-exposure, without assessing long-term behavioral changes or real-world outcomes like reporting or perpetration rates. No randomized controlled trials or quasi-experimental designs have isolated SlutWalk's causal effects on prevention, despite the movement's claims of challenging since its 2011 inception. Global lifetime prevalence of against women remains stable at approximately 30%, with no documented decline attributable to SlutWalk activism. In the United States, self-reported or incidence rose from 1.4 per 1,000 persons aged 12+ in 2017 to 2.7 in 2018, contradicting assertions of preventive efficacy. Broader reviews of prevention programs highlight inconsistent effects from awareness campaigns, with SlutWalk untested in rigorous frameworks that control for confounders like reporting biases or concurrent interventions. Causally, SlutWalk emphasizes perpetrator over victim agency, yet overlooks empirical correlations between attire and victimization in opportunistic assaults, where signals availability without excusing offender choice. This demand-side focus—altering perceptions of female presentation—neglects supply-side drivers, including male sexual impulsivity rooted in , which studies identify as persistent across cultures. Absent of reduced assaults, the movement's media amplification of provocative dress in public may normalize higher- behaviors, potentially elevating exposure in uncontrolled environments without corresponding perpetrator deterrence. Cost-benefit analysis reveals high visibility costs, including resource diversion from -based strategies like bystander intervention , which show modest reductions in lab analogs but require scaling beyond SlutWalk's unverified myth-challenging.

Long-Term Societal Outcomes

Despite initial media attention and participation in numerous cities following its inception in on April 3, 2011, empirical assessments of SlutWalk's long-term influence on societal attitudes reveal limited positive effects. A 2015 experimental study published in the International Review of Social Psychology exposed participants to descriptions of SlutWalk or analogous movements and found that women who read about SlutWalk reported feeling less empowered compared to those in a control condition (p = .013), with no reduction in victim-blaming tendencies observed across groups. This suggests that efforts to reappropriate terms like "" may not foster or shift blame attribution in sustained ways, potentially due to the term's entrenched derogatory connotations overriding intended reclamation. Broader metrics on provide no evidence linking SlutWalk to causal reductions. In , where the movement originated, reported rates per 100,000 population declined from 84 in 2011 to 70 by 2020, per data, but this continues a pre-existing downward trend since the driven by improved reporting, legal reforms, and general awareness campaigns unrelated to SlutWalk. Similar patterns in the United States, with FBI showing a 13% drop in reported rapes from 2011 to 2020, lack attribution to the protests, as confounders like #MeToo (emerging in 2017) and policy changes dominate explanatory factors. Critics, including sociologists and Wendy J. Murphy, contend that SlutWalk's emphasis on sexual expression without addressing perpetrator accountability may have inadvertently reinforced cultural tolerance for , yielding no measurable decline in assaults or slut-shaming incidents over the subsequent decade. Long-term cultural shifts appear negligible, with the movement's visibility waning after peak events in 2011–2013 and failing to embed structural changes. Academic analyses note that while SlutWalk highlighted victim-blaming , it did not correlate with shifts in , such as enhanced conviction rates for sexual offenses, which remained stagnant around 40% in from 2011 to 2021. Feminist critiques further argue that the protests' hyper-sexualized aesthetics may have normalized performative liberation over substantive reform, potentially entrenching divisions within advocacy circles without altering entrenched patriarchal norms or reducing incidence of blame-oriented discourse in media and legal contexts. Overall, the absence of rigorous, longitudinal supporting transformative outcomes underscores SlutWalk's role as a transient awareness-raiser rather than a catalyst for enduring societal progress.

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