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Modesty
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Modesty, sometimes known as demureness, is a mode of dress and deportment which intends to avoid the encouraging of sexual attraction in others. The word modesty comes from the Latin word modestus which means 'keeping within measure'.[1]
In this use, revealing certain body parts is considered inappropriate, thus immodest. In conservative Middle Eastern societies, modesty may involve women completely covering their bodies with a burqa and not talking to men who are not immediate family members. In Christian Anabaptist and similar sects, it may involve women wearing only ankle-length skirts, blouses up to the collar, and often a small head covering or shawl. In some societies, a one-piece swimsuit may be considered modest while wearing a bikini is not. In most countries, exposure of the body in breach of community standards of modesty, as well as public nudity, is considered indecent exposure and is usually punished by law.
Nudity may be acceptable in public single-sex changing rooms at swimming baths, for example, or for mass medical examinations of military personnel. A person who would never disrobe in the presence of the opposite sex in a social context might unquestioningly do so for a medical examination, while others might allow such examination but only by a person of the same sex.
Overall, standards of modesty vary widely around the world because of sociocultural and contextual differences and particular situations.
In 2023, global spending on modest fashion reached $254 billion, with projections estimating growth to $473 billion by 2025.[2]
Body
[edit]
Standards of modesty discourage or forbid exposure of parts of the body, varying between societies, which may include areas of skin, the hair, undergarments, and intimate parts. The standards may also require obscuring the shape of the body or parts of it by wearing non-form-fitting clothing. There are also customs regarding the changing of clothes (such as on a beach with no enclosed facilities), and the closing or locking of the door when changing or taking a shower.
Standards of modesty vary by culture or generation and vary depending on who is exposed, which parts of the body are exposed, the duration of the exposure, the context, and other variables. The categories of persons who could see another's body could include:
- a spouse or romantic partner of some sort,
- a friend or family member of the same sex,
- strangers of the same sex.
The context would include matters such as whether it is in one's own home, at another family member's home, at a friend's home, at a semi-public place, at a beach, swimming pool (including whether such venues are considered clothes-optional), changing rooms or other public places. For instance, wearing a bathing suit at the beach would not be considered immodest, while it likely would be in a street or an office. The context may change during specific events or rituals such as Mardi Gras in New Orleans[3][4] or during neopagan Skyclad work.[5]
Excessive modesty is called prudishness. As a medical condition, it is also called gymnophobia.[6] Excessive immodesty is called exhibitionism.[7]
In medical settings
[edit]At times of public or private emergency, expectations of modest dress may be suspended if necessary. This may apply to decontamination after a chemical or biological attack, where removal of contaminated clothing is important, or escaping from a night-time fire without time to dress. For example, during suspected anthrax attacks in 1998 and 2001 in the United States, groups of people had to strip to their underwear in tents set up in parking lots and other public places for hosing down by fire departments.[8] On the other hand, even in an emergency situation, some people are unable to abandon their need to hide their bodies, even at the risk of their life.[8]
In dress
[edit]

Most discussion of modesty involves clothing. The criteria for acceptable modesty and decency have relaxed continuously in much of the world since the nineteenth century, with shorter, form-fitting, and more revealing clothing and swimsuits, more for women than men. Most people wear clothes that they consider not to be unacceptably immodest for their religion, culture, generation, occasion, and the people present. Some wear clothes which they consider immodest, due to exhibitionism, the desire to create an erotic impact, or for publicity.
Generally accepted Western norms
[edit]Appropriate modesty depends on context and place. For example, in single-sex public changing rooms, nudity is often acceptable.[9]
In Western and some other societies, there are differences of opinion as to how much body exposure is acceptable in public.[10] In contemporary Western society, the extent to which a woman may expose cleavage depends on social, cultural and regional context. Women's swimsuits and bikinis commonly may reveal the tops and sides of the breasts, or they may be topless as is common on the beaches of the French Riviera. Displaying cleavage is considered permissible in many settings, and is even a sign of elegance and sophistication on many formal social occasions, but it may be considered inappropriate in settings such as workplaces, churches and schools. Showing the nipples or areolae is almost always considered toplessness or partial nudity. However, in 2014 newly elected Pope Francis drew world-wide commentary when he encouraged mothers to breastfeed in church if their babies were hungry.[11]
In private homes, the standards of modesty apply selectively. For instance, nudity among close family members in the home can take place, especially in the bedroom and bathroom, and wearing of only undergarments in the home is common.
In many cultures it is not acceptable to bare the buttocks in public; deliberately doing so is sometimes intended as an insult. In public, Western standards of decency expect people to cover their genitalia, and women to cover their breasts.
Since the 1980s it has become more common for young women in Western societies to wear clothing that bared the midriff, "short shorts", backless tops, sheer and other styles considered to be immodest.[12]
In the United States in the early twenty-first century, public breastfeeding has become increasingly acceptable, sometimes protected by law.[13] President Barack Obama's health care bill from 2010 provides additional support to nursing mothers, requiring employers to provide a private and shielded space for employees to use in order to nurse.[14]
Gender differences
[edit]
Men and women are subject to different standards of modesty in dress. While both men and women, in Western culture, are generally expected to keep their genitals covered at all times, women are also expected to keep their breasts covered. Some body parts are normally more covered by men than women—e.g., the midriff and the upper part of the back.
In 1992 New York State's highest court accepted Fourteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution arguments and struck down the provision in New York's Exposure of the Person statute that made it illegal for women to bare their chests where men were permitted to do so.[15]
Religious traditions
[edit]Most world religions have sought to address the moral issues that arise from people's sexuality in society and in human interactions. Each major religion has developed moral codes covering issues of sexuality, morality, ethics, etc. Besides other aspects of sexuality, these moral codes seek to regulate the situations which can give rise to sexual interest and to influence people's behaviour and practices which could arouse such interest, or which overstate a person's sexuality. These religious codes have always had a strong influence on people's attitudes to issues of modesty in dress, behaviour, speech, etc.
Buddhism
[edit]Modesty (appicchatà or hiri) is the quality of being unpretentious about one's virtues or achievements. Genuinely modest people are able to see themselves as they really are and rejoice in their good qualities without becoming vain or self-promoting, and acknowledge their faults without shame or self-loathing.[16]
Modesty in dress is important in Buddhism. The Sekhiya rules of Buddhist Monastic code, for example, provide guidelines on proper clothing as well as recommended ways of dressing for monks.[17]
I will wear the lower robe [upper robe] wrapped around (me): a training to be observed.
— Code 1.2, Sekhiya Rule, [18]
I will not go [sit] with robes hitched up in inhabited areas: a training to be observed.
— Code 9.10, Sekhiya Rule, [18]
The 'robes hitched up' phrase above refers to lifting one's 1 or 2 piece cloth robe, thereby exposing either side or both sides of one's body to other human beings in an inhabited area. Such exhibitionism is not recommended to monks. Beyond monks, the Buddhist belief is that modesty has a purifying quality for everyone.[19]
Christianity
[edit]


There are verses in the Christian Bible that discuss the issue of modesty.[20] Before the fall of man, "Nakedness was 'very good' from the beginning, but its innocence was corrupted by the fall", a concept taught in Genesis 1:31 and Genesis 2:25.[20] Genesis 3:8–10, Revelation 3:18 and Revelation 16:15 discuss that after the fall of man, "publicly exposed nakedness is a symbol of the shame of sin."[20] In Genesis 3:7, Adam and Eve tried to cover their nakedness, though their attempt was inadequate for God and so God properly clothed humans in Genesis 3:21.[21][20] Exodus 20:26 and Exodus 28:42–43 explicate that God instructed humans to cover their torso and thighs.[20] 1 Timothy 2:9–10 instructs Christians to dress in "modest apparel" rather than to adorn themselves; in the same vein, Saint Peter wrote to Christians that "Your adornment should not be an external one: braiding the hair, wearing gold jewelry, or dressing in fine clothes, but rather the hidden character of the heart, expressed in the imperishable beauty of a gentle and calm disposition, which is precious in the sight of God" (1 Peter 3:3–4).[22]
Historically, female communicants of traditional Christian denominations (including Anglican,[23] Baptist,[24] Eastern Orthodox,[25] Lutheran,[26] Methodist,[27] Moravian, Oriental Orthodox,[28] Reformed,[29] and Roman Catholic)[30] wore a headcovering while praying at home and worshipping in the church, or all the time as with Anabaptists such as the Mennonites and the Bruderhof, in keeping with their interpretation of 1 Corinthians 11:2–16, which has been practiced since the time of the early Church.[31][32][33] Apostolic Tradition commands: "let all the women have their heads covered with an opaque cloth, not with a veil of thin linen, for this is not a true covering."[31][34] John Chrysostom (c. 347 – 407) delineated Saint Paul's teaching on the wearing of headcoverings by Christian women, continually:[35][36]
Well then: the man he compelleth not to be always uncovered, but only when he prays. "For every man," saith he, "praying or prophesying, having his head covered, dishonoureth his head." But the woman he commands to be at all times covered. Wherefore also having said, "Every woman that prayeth or prophesieth with her head unveiled, dishonoureth her head," he stayed not at this point only, but also proceeded to say, "for it is one and the same thing as if she were shaven." But if to be shaven is always dishonourable, it is plain too that being uncovered is always a reproach. And not even with this only was he content, but he added again, saying, "The woman ought to have a sign of authority on her head, because of the angels." He signifies that not at the time of prayer only but also continually, she ought to be covered. But with regard to the man, it is no longer about covering but about wearing long hair, that he so forms his discourse. To be covered he then only forbids, when a man is praying; but the wearing of long hair he discourages at all times.[36][35]
These ancient Christian practices regarding modesty continue to be normative among Christians in regions such as in Eastern Europe and in South Asia, though they have waned in the Western world starting in the 1960s.[37][38] Many Trinitarian Christians consider modesty extremely important,[39] though considerable differences of opinion exist about its requirements and purposes.[40] The early Church stressed the importance of modesty in the practice of Christianity, with early Church Father Clement of Alexandria teaching:[22][34]
Woman and man are to go to church decently attired, with natural step, embracing silence, possessing unfeigned love, pure in body, pure in heart, fit to pray to God. Let the woman observe this, further. Let her be entirely covered, unless she happen to be at home. For that style of dress is grave, and protects from being gazed at. And she will never fall, who puts before her eyes modesty, and her shawl; nor will she invite another to fall into sin by uncovering her face. For this is the wish of the Word, since it is becoming for her to pray veiled. (The Instructor 3.11)[34]
The early Christian manual Paedagogus (198 AD) teaches that clothing worn by faithful Christians should extend beyond the knees and warns against the wearing of expensive clothing, in addition to forbidding the excesses of jewelry:[41]
As, then, in the fashioning of our clothes, we must keep clear of all strangeness, so in the use of them we must beware of extravagance. For neither is it seemly for the clothes to be above the knee, as they say was the case with the Lacedaemonian virgins; nor is it becoming for any part of a woman to be exposed. Though you may with great propriety use the language addressed to him who said, "Your arm is beautiful; yes, but it is not for the public gaze. Your thighs are beautiful but, was the reply, for my husband alone. And your face is comely. Yes; but only for him who has married me." But I do not wish chaste women to afford cause for such praises to those who, by praises, hunt after grounds of censure; and not only because it is prohibited to expose the ankle, but because it has been enjoined that the head should be veiled and the face covered; for it is a wicked thing for beauty to be a snare to men.[42]
Early ecclesiastical writer Tertullian echoed the same teachings regarding modesty in his On the Apparel of Women, also including a prohibition on Christian men and women dyeing their hair.[43] Rather than to ostentatiously display the hair, Tertullian said that Christian women are to wear a headcovering in public.[43] He taught that Christians should be able to be easily distinguished from non-Christians by their wearing of modest clothing.[43]
Anabaptists
[edit]
Many Christians belonging to the Conservative Anabaptist and Old Order Anabaptist traditions (including the Amish, Conservative Mennonites, Old Order Mennonites, Hutterites, Apostolic Christians, Charity Christians, Bruderhof, River Brethren and Schwarzenau Brethren) have plain dress prescriptions designed to achieve modesty and create a sense of church identity, as Petrovich writes: "Their dress standard is not only intended to specify a pattern which all members agree to be a modest covering for the human form but must also correspond to their vision of Jesus as meek and humble, dressed as a simple peasant from a common village. Since an established dress standard promotes uniformity, it also provides a sense of shared purpose."[44] These requirements are either written in denominational or congregational statements[45] or are understood and reinforced through informal pressure and ministerial reminders.[46]
Requirements vary across churches and denominations; however, all conservative Anabaptist women wear Christian headcoverings and a skirt or dress, and all men wear long trousers.[46][47] From there, considerable variation exists in men's, women's, and children's styles. Anabaptist adherents read a church group's relative strictness, distance from popular culture, and even religious ideas by their appearance and the speed of dress changes. Accordingly, the extent to which popular fashion elements show up in an Anabaptist person's dress often depends on the social distance of that church from popular culture.[47] For example, women's headcoverings have numerous subtle design elements that distinguish church association, age, and attitude toward modest dress.[48] Women in more fashion-conscious groups, especially among some Conservative Mennonites as well as young adults among some Old Order Amish, may wear a lacy doily that fits a stylized appearance, whereas groups and individuals holding to a distinctive form of modesty wear a fixed-style kapp with a back part that covers the hair bun and is pleated to a front part that vertically encircles the head.[49]
Churches vary in how much members may experiment with modesty and fashion in dress. Some groups, for example, may be less inclined to censure tight dresses so long as the church's distinctive style is maintained[50] or to censure popular swimwear worn while swimming in groups or in public;[51] others carefully observe and embrace their church's pattern for modest, distinct dress on all non-private occasions.[47][52]
Catholicism
[edit]
Saint Thomas Aquinas defined modesty as "humility, studiousness, temperance in outward movements and in apparel."[53]
The Catechism of the Catholic Church points out that "Modesty is decency. It inspires one's choice of clothing" (CCC, 2522)."[54]
The wearing of a veil (headcovering) for women while praying at home and while worshipping at Mass has been practiced by Christian women since the time of the early Church.[31][55][56] The wearing of headcoverings during the celebration of the liturgy was mandated as a universal rule for the Latin Church by the Code of Canon Law of 1917,[57] abrogated by the Code of Canon Law of 1983.[58]
The standards issued by Pope Pius XI declared that "women who wear immodest dress shall be denied Holy Communion, and shall not be admitted as a godmother at Baptism or as a sponsor at Confirmation".[59][54] They further stated "Nuns, in accordance with the Letter of 23 August 1928, of the Sacred Congregation of Religious, shall not admit to their colleges, schools, oratories, or amusement centers, nor allow to remain there any girls who do not observe Christian modesty in dress; and in the education of their charges they shall take special care to sow deeply in their hearts a love of chastity and Christian modesty.
Pope Pius XI also issued the standard of decent dress, declaring that "A dress cannot be called decent which is cut deeper than two fingers breadth under the pit of the throat; which does not cover the arms at least to the elbows; and scarcely reaches a bit beyond the knees. Furthermore, dresses of transparent materials are improper."
Between 1933 and 1980, the Catholic Legion of Decency was active in monitoring morally objectionable content in films. It condemned a number of films, including several on account of the clothing worn. For example, the Legion has condemned the display of cleavage in The Outlaw (1941) and in The French Line (1954).
In 1944 on the feast of the Immaculate Conception, the so-called "Marylike Crusade" (formally known as the "Purity Crusade of Mary Immaculate") was initiated by Rev. Bernard Kunkel to codify Pope Pius' XII directives on the Catholic standards of dress, known as "Marylike modesty".[60] It seeks for Christians to emulate the Blessed Virgin Mary under the title "Mother Most Chaste" as the model for modesty.[61] Mary-like Modesty includes for women, wearing sleeves "extending at least to the elbows" and "skirts reaching below the knees", as well as having a neckline no more than two inches with the rest of the bodice fully covered.[62][60] The Marylike Crusade promotes a vow for Catholics to take: "While I am determined always to dress with Marylike modesty, both at home and in public, I intend to be specially careful to do so when visiting any place dedicated to God."[63] The Marylike Crusade received an Apostolic Blessing from Pope Pius XII on 14 July 1954 and on 11 May 1955, Pope Pius XII extended this "to the members, to their Directors and Moderators, to their families and loved ones, and to all who further their laudable movement for modesty in dress and behaviour."[61] The standards of Mary-like Modesty established by the Purity Crusade of Mary Immaculate continue to be promoted by Traditionalist Catholics as normative.[64]
In 2004 Cardinal Anthony Okogie sent letters to the priests in the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Lagos and asked them to prohibit "fashions promoting lust and immorality" within churches.[65] Under this rubric, people wearing "clothes which reveal sensitive parts of the body such as the bust, chest, belly, or upper arms, transparent clothing or dresses with slits above the knees" are forbidden to attend Mass inside the church.[65] The faithful Catholics in the Archdiocese have been wholly supportive of the dictum concerning modesty, with many women practicing Christian headcovering with the Virgin Mary as their model.[65]
Some Catholics have attempted to form cohesive theories of modesty. Sometimes this is from a sociological perspective,[66] while at other times it takes a more systematic, Thomistic approach, combined with the writings of the Church Fathers.[67] Approaches arguing primarily from traditional practices and traditional authorities, such as the saints, can also be found.[68] In various localities, from time to time the church hierarchy have given opinions on various matters regarding dressing and modesty of the faithful.[69] While Nicholas the Great wrote to the first Christian ruler of Bulgaria, Boris I, in the 9th century, that it was acceptable for the Bulgarian women to continue to wear trousers, Giuseppe Cardinal Siri stated in 1960 that trousers were unacceptable dress for women.[70] Many traditional Catholics have attempted to further expand on this latter standard.[71] Around 1913, it became fashionable for dresses to be worn with a modest round or V-shaped neckline. In the German Empire, for example, all Roman Catholic bishops joined in issuing a pastoral letter attacking the new fashions.[72]
Methodists
[edit]
Methodists belonging to the conservative holiness movement, such as the Allegheny Wesleyan Methodist Connection and Evangelical Wesleyan Church, have guidelines on modest apparel in accordance with the Wesleyan-Arminian doctrine of outward holiness.[73][74] The Fellowship of Independent Methodist Churches, which continues to observe the ordinance of women's headcovering, stipulates "renouncing all vain pomp and glory" and "adorning oneself with modest attire."[75] Their interpretation of Exodus 20:26 and Exodus 28:42–43 is seen as forbidding the exposure of the body from torso to thighs,[20][76] while Deuteronomy 22:5 is interpreted as God mandating gender-distinct clothing.[76] The 2015 Discipline of the Evangelical Wesleyan Church, for example, states:[77] "We require our women to appear in public with dresses of modest length, sleeves of modest length, modest necklines and modest hose; the wearing of split skirts, slacks, jeans, artificial flowers or feathers is forbidden." It goes on:
Moreover, we require our men to conform to the scriptural standards of decent and modest attire; we require that when they appear in public they wear shirts with sleeves of modest length. We require that all our people appear in public with sleeves below the elbows. Women's hemlines are to be modestly below the knees. Our people are forbidden to appear in public with transparent or immodest apparel, including shorts or bathing suits. Parents are required to dress their children modestly in conformity with our general principles of Christian attire. We further prohibit our people from participating in the practices of body-piercing, tattooing or body art.[77]
Pentecostals
[edit]
Holiness Pentecostalism, the original trunk of Pentecostal Christianity, historically affirms the doctrine of outward holiness, which is reflected in the wearing of modest clothing.[78] Holiness Pentecostals have historically taught a distinction between the male sex and female sex with respect to gender distinct clothing; they do not wear adornment, such as jewelry and makeup.[78] The Apostolic Faith Church and the Free Gospel Church, for example, subscribe to these Holiness Pentecostal standards;[78] in addition to these, the Ukrainian Pentecostal Church adheres to the ordinance of women's headcovering (cf. 1 Corinthians 11:4–13).[79]
Oneness Pentecostalism, another branch of Pentecostal Christianity, teaches the wearing of modest clothing.[80] Oneness Pentecostal denominations, such as the United Pentecostal Church International, maintain the teaching of gender distinctions, including a belief that men should have short hair and women should not cut their hair (cf. 1 Corinthians 11:14–15).[81] While at the beach, women wear swimming dresses rather than what adherents would consider revealing bathing suits.[80] Oneness Pentecostals do not adorn themselves with cosmetics or jewelry.[81] Additionally, certain Oneness Pentecostal denominations, such as the Church of Our Lord Jesus Christ of the Apostolic Faith, observe the wearing of headcoverings by Christian women (cf. 1 Corinthians 11:4–13).[82][83]
Quakers
[edit]Conservative Friends and Holiness-Orthodox Friends, two associations of Quaker Christians, wear plain dress as part of their testimony of simplicity.[84]
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
[edit]The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints (LDS Church) has issued official statements on modest dress for its members. Clothing such as "short shorts and short skirts, shirts that do not cover the stomach, and clothing that does not cover the shoulders or is low-cut in the front or the back"[85] are discouraged. Men and women are also encouraged to avoid extremes in clothing or hairstyles. Rules on modesty also include women being asked to wear no more than one pair of earrings.[85] Women are generally expected to wear skirts or dresses for church services. Most LDS members do not wear sleeveless shirts or shorts that do not reach the knee.
The church-funded university, Brigham Young University (BYU), requires students and tenants of BYU housing to sign an agreement to live according to these standards of modesty.[86]
Hinduism
[edit]The premise and concepts of modesty have evolved under Hinduism. During Vedic times,[87]: 28–30 both women and men wore at least two pieces of draped dress that was largely undifferentiated, voluntary and flexible. Stitched clothes such as skirts and bodices were also common in the Vedic period. However, modesty was not determined by the precepts of religion, but by local traditions, social codes, profession, circumstances and occasion. The multiple pieces of draped dress for women evolved into a single length of draped cloth among Indian Hindus, now called a sari;[87]: 28–30 but it remained two or more pieces for Southeast Asian Hindus. For men, the draped dress reduced to one piece, now called by various names such as dhoti, lungi, pancha, laacha and other names among Indian Hindus, and kamben among Balinese Hindu.
The Hindu belief, suggests Christopher Bayly,[88] is that modesty through appropriate dress has the energy to transmit spirit and substance in a social discourse. Dress serves as a means of expression or celebration, with some dressing elements such as saffron threads or white dress worn by men as moral, transformative and a means to identify and communicate one's social role in a gathering, or one's state of life such as mourning in days or weeks after the passing away of a loved one.
The canons of modesty for Hindus in South Asia underwent significant changes with the arrival of Islam in the 12th century. The Islamic rulers imposed a dress code in public places for Hindu dhimmis, per their Islamic mores of modesty.[87]: 28–30 The sari worn by Hindu women extended to provide a veil, as well as a complete cover of her navel and legs. In the early 18th century, Tryambakayajvan—a court official in south central India—issued an edict called Stridharmapaddhati. The ruling outlined a required dress code for orthodox Hindus in that region.[89] Stridharmapaddhati laced social trends with Hindu religion to place new rules on modesty for women, but gave much freedom to men.
The concept of modesty evolved again during colonial times when the British administration required Indians to wear dresses to help identify and segregate the local native populations. Bernard Cohn[90] and others[91] remark that dress during the colonial era became part of a wider issue in India about respect, honor and modesty, with the dress code intentionally aimed by the administration to reflect the relationship between the British ruler and the Indian ruled. The British colonial empire encouraged and sometimes required Indians to dress in an 'oriental manner', to help define and enforce a sense of modesty and to identify roles and a person's relative social status.[92][93] Among Indonesian Hindus, the accepted practice of toplessness among teenage Hindu girls changed during the Dutch colonial rule, with women now wearing a blouse or colorful cloth.
Temples
[edit]
Inside most Hindu temples, there is an expectation of modesty rather than sexual allurement. Men and women typically wear traditional dress during religious ceremonies and rituals in a temple, with women wearing saris or regional Indian dress.[94] In Indonesia and Cambodia, Hindu temple visitors are often requested to wrap their waist with a traditional single piece cloth called kamben, wastra or sarung, with or without saput.[95]
Current trends
[edit]Hindus have diverse views on modesty, with significant regional and local variations. Among orthodox Hindu populations, sexually revealing dress or any sexual behaviour in public or before strangers is considered immodest, particularly in rural areas. In contrast, the dress of deities and other symbolism in Hindu temples,[96] the discussion of dress and eroticism in ancient Hindu literature,[97][98] and art works of Hinduism[99] can be explicit, celebrating eroticism and human sexuality.
In general, a disregard of modesty can be confusing or distressing, in particular to traditional Hindu women. Even in a health care context, some Hindu women may express reluctance to undress for examination. If undressing is necessary, the patient may prefer to be treated by a doctor or nurse of the same sex.[100]
Islam
[edit]Islam has strongly emphasized the concept of decency and modesty.[101] In many authentic hadiths, it has been quoted that "modesty (Haya) is a part of faith".[102] Modesty is verily required in the interaction between members of the opposite sex and in some case between the members of same sex also. Dress code is part of that overall teaching.
Among Muslim consumers, spending on modest fashion rose by 4.8% between 2022 and 2023 and is expected to reach $428 billion by 2027.[103]
Women
[edit]"And tell the believing women to cast down their glances and guard their private parts and not expose their adornment except that which [necessarily] appears thereof and to wrap [a portion of] their headcovers over their chests and not expose their adornment except to their husbands, their fathers, their husbands' fathers, their sons, their husbands' sons, their brothers, their brothers' sons, their sisters' sons, their women, that which their right hands possess, or those male attendants having no physical desire, or children who are not yet aware of the private aspects of women." -Quran 24:31.
"O Prophet! Say to your wives, your daughters, and the women of the believers that: they should let down upon themselves their jalabib." -Quran 33:59. Jalabib is an Arabic word meaning "loose outer garment".
In some Muslim societies, women wear the niqab, a veil that covers the whole face except the eyes, or the full burqa, a full-body covering garment that occasionally does cover the eyes. Wearing these garments is common in some, but not all, countries with a predominately Muslim population.

Though by some scholars these expressions of modesty are interpreted as mandatory, most countries do not enforce modesty by law. However, a few countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Afghanistan and Iran, enforce specified standards of dress for women.
Men
[edit]"Tell the believing men to cast down their glances and guard their private parts. That is purer for them. Indeed, Allah is [well] acquainted with what they do." -Quran 24:30
Most scholars agree that men are required to cover everything from the navel to the knees; some men choose also to wear the traditional Islamic cap (taqiyah), similar to the Jewish yarmulke or kippah. The taqiyah may vary in shape, size, and color, with differences according to tradition, region, and personal taste.
Judaism
[edit]
Modesty in Judaism, called Tzniut (Hebrew: צניעות), is important beyond aspects of clothing. It extends to behaviour in public and in private, and depends on the context.
Women
[edit]Orthodox and ultra-Orthodox Jewish women usually wear skirts that cover their knees, with blouses or shirts covering the collarbone and sleeves covering the elbows.[104] See-through materials may not be used, and clothes are expected not to be tight-fitting or "provocative".[105] Less strict Conservative Judaism recommends modest dress, but this is not broadly observed. Less restrictive branches of Judaism tend to adopt the fashions of the society in which they live.
It is the custom for a married Orthodox Jewish woman to cover her hair in public, and sometimes at home. The hair covering may be a scarf (tichel), snood, hat, or a wig called a Sheitel.
Men
[edit]Standards of modesty also apply to men. While some Orthodox men will wear short-sleeve shirts in public, ultra-Orthodox men will not. More modern Orthodox Jewish men will be more lax in their dress when surrounded by other men (if it is not in a religious environment). Modesty for men most often translates to covering the torso and legs with loose clothing. Different groups of Orthodox Jews have different dress norms. But all have men dress in a head covering (kippah).
In the arts
[edit]


Expectation of modesty also applies in the arts, though standards of modesty have varied at different times and in different places. Nudity and various types of behaviour were sometimes depicted, sometime not. In many cases where society did not allow nudity or immodest dress, nudity was accepted in art. Where nudity in art was not acceptable, full nudity was not displayed; otherwise nude subjects had their intimate parts hidden by apparently accidental draped fabric, flowers, other people, a fig leaf, etc. In films, very brief nudity was accepted. Some nude artworks had fig leaves added when standards became less permissive.
In a given society, the criteria varied according to the circumstances; for example artworks on public display were more restrained than those for private display to adults.
Nudity in art was sometimes suggested without actual depiction by:
- something seemingly by chance covering the parts of the body which should modestly be covered
- in film:
- showing a supposedly nude person from the waist or shoulders up
- maneuvering (turning, having objects in front) and editing in such a way that no genitals are seen
- showing nudity from a distance, or from the back only, although other characters are nearby and/or would also see frontal nudity
- showing nudity very briefly
In cartoons, even in cases where the genital area is not covered with clothing, genitals are often simply not drawn, as is the case in Family Guy and other animated sitcoms. In the film Barnyard, showing anthropomorphized cattle of both sexes walking on two legs, instead of either showing genitals of male cattle or not showing them, the concept of a "male cow" was used, with an udder. In Underdog a partly animated anthropomorphized dog is shown with a penis when a real dog is filmed, and without one in the animated parts.
Paintings are sometimes changed because of changed modesty standards, and later sometimes changed back. During the Counter-Reformation there was a "fig-leaf campaign" aiming to cover all representations of human genitals in paintings and sculptures that started with Michelangelo's works. Works covered in this way include the marble statue of Cristo della Minerva (church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva, Rome) which was covered by added drapery, as it remains today, and the statue of the naked child Jesus in Madonna of Bruges (The Church of Our Lady in Bruges, Belgium) remained covered for several decades. Also, the plaster copy of the David in the Cast Courts (Victoria and Albert Museum) in London has a fig leaf in a box at the back of the statue. It was there to be placed over the statue's genitals so that they would not upset visiting female royalty. The statue of Achilles at Hyde Park Corner now has an incongruous figleaf permanently attached, after it was stolen several times.
See also
[edit]- Humility
- Purdah
- Jools Lebron (related to "demure" the word)
Notes
[edit]- ^ Jennett, Sheila. The Oxford companion to the body. Eds. Colin Blakemore, and Sheila Jennett. Vol. 7. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2001.
- ^ Karpinska, Teresa (2025-01-20). "Is Modest Fashion a Trend With a Global Appeal?". Vogue Arabia. Retrieved 2025-05-12.
- ^ Shrum, W.; Kilburn, J. (December 1996). "Ritual Disrobement at Mardi Gras: Ceremonial Exchange and Moral Order". Social Forces. 75 (2): 423–458. doi:10.2307/2580408. JSTOR 2580408.
- ^ Sparks, Randy (16 December 2005). "American Sodom: New Orleans Faces Its Critics and an Uncertain Future". La Louisiane à la dérive.
- ^ Oringderff, David L.; Fey, S. Drake (2000). "Overview and Guide for Wiccans in the Military" (PDF). The Sacred Well Congregation.
- ^ "Definition of Gymnophobia". MedicineNet.com. Retrieved 27 September 2016.
- ^ "DSM 5: Understanding Exhibitionistic Disorder". Hypersexual Disorders. Elements Behavioral Health. 21 June 2013. Retrieved 27 September 2016.
- ^ a b Sefton, Dru (25 May 2002). "We'd rather die than take our clothes off, disaster planners say". Seattle Times. Archived from the original on August 26, 2003.
- ^ Why are Britons so bad at being naked? Sarah Ditum, The Guardian, United Kingdom (16 January 2013)
- ^ Salmansohn, Karen. "The Power of Cleavage". The Huffington Post, October 29, 2007.
- ^ Davies, Lizzy (12 January 2014). "Pope Francis encourages mothers to breastfeed - even in the Sistine Chapel". The Guardian.
- ^ Sika, Varyanne (10 January 2014). "Fashion for Feminists: How fashion and dress shape women's identities". Open Society Initiative of Southern Africa (OSISA). Archived from the original on 16 July 2018. Retrieved 20 June 2014.
- ^ "Breastfeeding Laws". Breastfeeding State Laws. National Conference of State Legislatures, United States.
- ^ Landau, Elizabeth. "Breastfeeding rooms hidden in health care law". CNN. Retrieved 2017-02-05.
- ^ "Santorelli & Schloss v. State of New York". Cornell University Law School. 7 July 1992.
- ^ "Guide to Buddhism A To Z - Modesty". Retrieved 9 April 2022.
- ^ The 75 sekhiyas Buddhism Dhamma Dana (2009)
- ^ a b Buddhist Monastic Code I Chapter 10, Sekhiya Rules, Thanissaro Bhikkhu (2007)
- ^ Edward Thomas (2002), The History of Buddhist Thought, Dover Publications, ISBN 978-0486421049, pp 163, 207-208
- ^ a b c d e f Arnold, Johnathan (21 January 2022). "A Simple Outline for Teaching on Modest Clothing". Holy Joys. Retrieved 24 January 2022.
- ^ Anderson, Cory; Anderson, Jennifer (2019). Fitted to Holiness: How Modesty is Achieved and Compromised among the Plain People. Millersburg: Acorn Publishing. p. 8.
- ^ a b Winger, Otho (1919). History and Doctrines of the Church of the Brethren. Brethren Publishing House. p. 218.
I. We examined prayerfully the scriptural grounds of Christian attire, and found that Jesus and the apostles taught modesty and simplicity of life and modesty in dress and manners. The scriptures bearing on the subject of dress and adornment are of several classes: First. Jesus condemned anxious thought for raiment (Matt. 6: 25-33; Luke 12:22-31). Second. The direct teachings, such as 1 Tim. 2:9, 10; 1 Peter 3:3-5. Third. Teachings on nonconformity to the world in general, and that apply to dress on general principles, such as Romans 12:1, 2; 1 Cor. 10:31; 1 Peter 1:14-15; 1 John 2:15-17. II. Investigation shows that the early church fathers and our own church fathers taught strongly and uniformly against pride and superfluity in dress, and constantly in favor of gospel plainness.
- ^ Muir, Edward (18 August 2005). Ritual in Early Modern Europe. Cambridge University Press. p. 31. ISBN 9780521841535. Retrieved 13 November 2012.
In England radical Protestants, known in the seventeenth century as Puritans, were especially ardent in resisting the churching of women and the requirement that women wear a head covering or veil during the ceremony. The Book of Common Prayer, which became the ritual handbook of the Anglican Church, retained the ceremony in a modified form, but as one Puritan tract put it, the 'churching of women after childbirth smelleth of Jewish purification.'"
- ^ Yearbook of American & Canadian Churches 2012. Abingdon Press. 2012-04-01. p. 131. ISBN 9781426746666. Retrieved 13 November 2012.
The holy kiss is practiced and women wear head coverings during prayer and worship.
- ^ Dehejia, Harsha V. (2005). A Celebration of Love: The Romantic Heroine in the Indian Arts. Lustre Press. p. 102. ISBN 9788174363022.
- ^ The Milwaukee Lutheran, Volumes 26-27. Lutherans of Wisconsin. 1973. p. 62.
- ^ Morgan, Sue (2010-06-23). Women, Gender and Religious Cultures in Britain, 1800–1940. Taylor & Francis. p. 102. ISBN 9780415231152. Retrieved 13 November 2012.
Several ardent Methodist women wrote to him, asking for his permission to speak. Mar Bosanquet (1739–1815) suggested that if Paul had instructed women to cover their heads when they spoke (1. Cor. 11:5) then he was surely giving direction on how women should conduct themselves when they preached.
- ^ "Veiling in Other Religious Traditions" (PDF). ncmideast.org. Duke-UNC Consortium for Middle East Studies. Retrieved October 24, 2021.
- ^ Snodgrass, Mary Ellen (17 March 2015). World Clothing and Fashion: An Encyclopedia of History, Culture, and Social Influence. Taylor & Francis. p. 1548. ISBN 9781317451662.
- ^ Henold, Mary J. (2008). Catholic and Feminist: The Surprising History of the American Catholic Feminist Movement. UNC Press Books. p. 1968. ISBN 9780807859476.
Catholic women who came of age at midcentury no doubt recall the hasty search for a tissue or even a handy parish bulletin to pin to their heads once they discovered they had left home without their regular head covering.
- ^ a b c Bercot, David W. (1992). Common Sense: A New Approach to Understanding Scripture. Scroll Publishing Co. p. 68. ISBN 978-0-924722-06-6.
Hippolytus, a leader in the church in Rome around the year 200, compiled a record of the various customs and practices in that church from the generations that preceded him. His Apostolic Tradition contains this statement: "And let all the women have their heads covered with an opaque cloth, not with a veil of thin linen, for this is not a true covering." This written evidence of the course of performance of the early Christians is corroborated by the archaeological record. The pictures we have from the second and third centuries from the catacombs and other places depict Christian women praying with a cloth veil on their heads. So the historical record is crystal clear. It reveals that the early generation of believers understood the head covering to be a cloth veil—not long hair.
- ^ "Veil". Early Christian Dictionary. Retrieved 7 September 2021.
- ^ Earle, Alice Morse (1903). Two Centuries of Costume in America, Vol. 2 (1620–1820). The Macmillan Company. p. 582.
One singular thing may be noted in this history, – that with all the vagaries of fashion, woman has never violated the Biblical law that bade her cover her head. She has never gone to church services bareheaded.
- ^ a b c "On Head Coverings". Classical Christianity. 11 January 2012. Retrieved 25 January 2022.
- ^ a b "On Account of the Angels: Why I Cover My Head". Orthodox Christian Information Center. Retrieved 8 April 2022.
St. John Chrysostom thought that Paul, in admonishing women to wear a covering "because of the angels," meant it "not at the time of prayer only, but also continually, she ought to be covered." Fr. Rhodes agrees: "The veil can be the constant symbol of the true woman of God … a way of life … a testimony of faith and of the salvation of God, not only before men, but angels as well."
- ^ a b Schaff, Philip (1889). A Select Library of the Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church: St. Chrysostom: Homilies on the Epistles of Paul to the Corinthians. The Christian Literature Company. p. 152.
- ^ Flinn, Isabella (1 May 2014). Pinpricks in the Curtain: India Through the Eyes of an Unlikely Missionary. WestBow Press. p. 234. ISBN 9781490834313.
- ^ Gordon, Greg (31 August 2015). "Are Head Coverings Really for Today?". Evangelical Focus. Retrieved 2 May 2022.
One of the most questioned practices in the New Testament in the modern day Western Church is the practice of Head Coverings for women. Yet to get perspective we need to look over the panoply of God's Church for 2000 years and see that this is not something new but old—and has been practiced diligently over the ages. It is hard to imagine but since the 1960s the Church almost entirely practiced this tradition. The influence of secular reasoning, feminism and liberal theology have led to the questioning and, ultimately, the casting aside of this practice in the Church at large in the evangelical world.
- ^ See, e.g., Modesty: The Undressing of Our Youth Archived 2007-05-03 at the Wayback Machine, by Lenora Hammond.
- ^ The Modesty Survey Archived 2009-01-29 at the Wayback Machine: An anonymous discussion among Christians concerning various aspects of modesty.
- ^ Steinberg, Aliza (7 February 2020). Weaving in Stones: Garments and Their Accessories in the Mosaic Art of Eretz Israel in Late Antiquity. Archaeopress Publishing Ltd. p. 197. ISBN 978-1-78969-322-5.
- ^ Clement of Alexandria Collection [3 Books]. Aeterna Press.
- ^ a b c "On the Apparel of Women". New Advent. Retrieved 25 February 2022.
- ^ Petrovich, Christopher (2013). "Spiritual Theology in an Amish Key: Theology, Scripture, and Praxis". Journal of Spiritual Formation & Soul Care. 6 (2): 250. doi:10.1177/193979091300600206. S2CID 171605201.
- ^ Raber, Dan; Sheets, Gregory; Anderson, Cory (2019). "Ordnungs Briefen of 1865, 1917, and 1939: English Translations of Important Old Amish Church Orders". Journal of Amish & Plain Anabaptist Studies. 7 (2): 109–114. doi:10.62192/japas.v07i2n03.
- ^ a b Scott, Stephen (1997). Why Do They Dress That Way?. Intercourse, PA: Good Books. ISBN 9780934672184.
- ^ a b c Anderson, Cory; Anderson, Jennifer (2019). Fitted to Holiness: How Modesty Is Achieved and Compromised among the Plain People. Millersburg, OH: Acorn Publishing. ISBN 978-1-7322864-1-2. Archived from the original on 2020-08-04. Retrieved 2020-05-07.
- ^ Enninger, Werner (1982). "The Semiotic Structure of Amish Folk Costume: Its Function in the Organization of Face-to-Face Interaction". In Hess-Lüttich, Ernest (ed.). Multimedia Communication I. Tübingen, Germany: Gunter Narr. pp. 86–123.
- ^ Anderson, Cory (2013). The Ornament of a Spirit: Exploring the Reasons Covering Styles Change. Lyndonville, NY: Ridgeway Publishers. ISBN 978-0984098514.
- ^ Boynton, Linda (1986). The Plain People: An Ethnography of the Holdeman Mennonites. Salem, WI: Sheffield Publishing Company.
- ^ Hamilton, Jean; Hawley, Jana (1999). "Sacred Dress, Public Worlds: Amish and Mormon Experience and Commitment". In Lazaridis, Gabriella (ed.). Religion, Dress, and the Body. New York: Berg. pp. 31–51.
- ^ Graybill, Beth (2002). "'To Remind Us of Who We Are': Multiple Meanings of Conservative Women's Dress". In Kimberly D. Schmidt; Diane Zimmerman Umble; Steven D. Reschly (eds.). Strangers at Home: Amish and Mennonite Women in History. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. pp. 53–77.
- ^ S. Th. II-II, q. 160, a. 2. As quoted in John-Mark Miravalle (2017-06-01). "Resisting the Less Important: Aquinas on Modesty". Journal of Moral Theology. 6 (2): 166–174. ISSN 2166-2851. OCLC 10168859715. Retrieved 2025-01-20.
- ^ a b Mark Pivarunas (21 June 1996). "Modesty in Dress". Congregation of Mary Immaculate Queen. Retrieved 27 March 2021.
- ^ Fisher, Simcha (3 December 2019). "The types of women who veil at Mass". America Magazine. Retrieved 15 November 2020.
- ^ Sciba, Katie (14 May 2018). "Beneath the Veil: How Unusual Practice Becomes Beloved Prayer". Blessed Is She. Retrieved 18 April 2021.
- ^ "1917 Codex Iuris Canonici". Canon 1262, Section 2. Archived from the original on 2020-09-08. Retrieved 2011-01-19. (Latin)
- ^ "Canon 6 §1 of the Code of Canon Law".
- ^ Joselit, Jenna Weissman (2014). A Perfect Fit: Clothes, Character, and the Promise of America. Henry Holt and Company. ISBN 978-1-4668-6984-4.
- ^ a b Evans, Rachel Held (2012). A Year of Biblical Womanhood: How a Liberated Woman Found Herself Sitting on Her Roof, Covering Her Head, and Calling Her Husband "master". Thomas Nelson. p. 126. ISBN 978-1-59555-367-6.
- ^ a b "The Pope of Fatima, Pius XII, Puts His Seal on Our Lady of Fatima's Request for Modesty". Behold Thy Mother. 19 (56). Missionary Sisters of the Holy Ghost: 22. 2017.
- ^ Kunkel, Rev. Bernard. My Life in Prayer Book, Book Two, Chapter III: The Marylike Standards for Modesty in Dress
- ^ O'Toole, James M. (5 July 2018). Habits of Devotion: Catholic Religious Practice in Twentieth-Century America. Cornell University Press. p. 105. ISBN 978-1-5017-2666-8.
- ^ "Dress Code". Congregation of Mary Immaculate Queen. 14 August 2016. Retrieved 27 March 2021.
- ^ a b c Blunt, Elizabeth (9 August 2004). "Nigerian Catholics told to be modest". Retrieved 8 April 2022.
In his latest circular letter to parishes, the Archbishop of Lagos, Cardinal Anthony Okogie, under the heading "nudity", calls on priests not to allow in church what he calls "fashions promoting lust and immorality". He says that any of the faithful wearing "clothes which reveal sensitive parts of the body such as the bust, chest, belly, or upper arms, transparent clothing or dresses with slits above the knees" should be "quietly asked to worship outside". As for boys, it says there should be no "jerry curls [long curly hair], tight jeans or earrings". A Sunday morning visit to the Church of the Assumption, in the Ikoyi district of Lagos, showed the Archbishop's recommendations were being well observed. … Everyone I spoke to had heard of the Archbishop's campaign for modest dressing, and said they were wholly in agreement. … I heard outspoken condemnation of people who come to the house of God half-naked, diatribes against tight trousers, skimpy tops and "spaghetti straps". Several women said they believed they should imitate the Holy Mother, Mary, and cover their heads, since she always appears in images with a veil.
- ^ Modesty and beauty - the lost connection by Regina Schmiedicke
- ^ The Modesty Handbook (describing the nature of modesty from a Catholic perspective, based on St. Thomas Aquinas and the Church Fathers).
- ^ See, e.g., Those Who Serve God Should Not Follow the Fashions by Robert T. Hart (2004).
- ^ See all the following citations, which all expound at least partly upon such guidelines.
- ^ Notification Concerning Men's Dress Worn by Women by Giuseppe Cardinal Siri (1960)
- ^ See G. K. Chesterton, What's Wrong with the World, Part III, Chap. V, for an early attempt (1910); see also In Praise of the Skirt Archived 2015-09-24 at the Wayback Machine, for a more contemporary one (2006)
- ^ Gernsheim, Alison. Victorian and Edwardian Fashion. A Photographic Survey. Mineola, N.Y.: Dover Publications, 1981. Reprint of 1963 edition. ISBN 0-486-24205-6, p. 94
- ^ "I. The Church". Discipline of the Allegheny Wesleyan Methodist Connection. Allegheny Wesleyan Methodist Connection.
Should we insist on plain and modest dress? Certainly. We should not on any account spend what the Lord has put into our hands as stewards, to be used for His glory, in expensive wearing apparel, when thousands are suffering for food and raiment, and millions are perishing for the Word of life. Let the dress of every member of every Allegheny Wesleyan Methodist Church be plain and modest. Let the strictest carefulness and economy be used in these respects.
- ^ Scott, Stephen (1 September 2008). Why Do They Dress That Way?. Good Books. p. 53. ISBN 9781680992786.
- ^ "Brief Description". Fellowship of Independent Methodist Churches. 26 January 2022. Archived from the original on 26 January 2022. Retrieved 3 August 2022.
- ^ a b Discipline of the Bible Methodist Connection of Churches (PDF). Bible Methodist Connection of Churches. 2018. p. 37.
71. Scripture uniformly regards the exposure of one's nakedness to other persons, except in the context of marriage, to be shameful and requires that it be covered.1 One of God's first actions on behalf of fallen man was to clothe his nakedness.2 We understand the biblical term "nakedness" to refer at the least to the area of the body from the knees to the neck.3 … 1Hosea 2:9 "Therefore I will return and take away My grain in its time And My new wine in its season, And will take back My wool and My linen, Given to cover her nakedness"; cf. Isa. 47:3; Rev. 3:18. 2Genesis 3:21 "Also for Adam and his wife the LORD God made coats of skin, and clothed them"; cf. Gen. 3:7, 11. 3Exod. 20:26; 28:42; Job 30:18; Ezek. 16:7. … God created men and women to be distinct yet complementary reflections of His image.1 God's concern for gender-distinction is evident throughout Scripture in the gender-distinctions He requires in the church,2 marriage,3 and men's and women's clothing.4 We understand Scripture to teach that men should not wear women's clothing and women should not wear men's clothing; therefore, our people should avoid wearing clothing that confuses the sexes.5 Recognizing the call of Scripture for men's hair to be short and women's hair to be long, we admonish our men to cut their hair short enough to be distinctly masculine and our ladies to abstain from cutting the hair as taught in 1 Corinthians 11.6 … 1Genesis 1:26-27 "Then God said, "Let Us make man in Our image, according to Our likeness; let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, over the birds of the air, and over the cattle, over all the earth and over every creeping thing that creeps on the earth. So God created man in His own image; in the image of God He created him; male and female He created them"; cf. 1 Cor. 11:7-9. 21 Cor. 11:2-16; 14:29-35; 1 Tim. 2:11-15. 3Eph. 5:22-33. 4Deuteronomy 22:5 "A woman shall not wear anything that pertains to a man, nor shall a man put on a woman's garment, for all who do so are an abomination to the LORD your God." 5Deut. 22:5. 61 Cor. 11:5-6, 14-15.
- ^ a b The Discipline of the Evangelical Wesleyan Church. Evangelical Wesleyan Church. 2015. pp. 41, 57–58.
- ^ a b c Scott, Rebekah (5 January 2006). "Murrysville Bible school produces teachers, preachers, prophets and apostles". Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. Retrieved 17 June 2022.
- ^ "Headcoverings". Ukrainian Pentecostal Church. Retrieved 9 April 2022.
1 Corinthians 11 We interpret 1 Corinthians 11 quite literally. "4 Every man praying or prophesying, having his head covered, dishonors his head. 5 But every woman who prays or prophesies with her head uncovered dishonors her head, for that is one and the same as if her head were shaved." Why don't you interpret hair as being the covering? We do not interpret hair as being the covering because if hair is the covering the Bible is referring to then that must mean that men are not allowed to have hair or he dishonors his head. If a distinction is made between long hair as being the covering (in contrast to short hair) then in that case this piece of scripture must mean that women must have long hair as their covering. What is the purpose of headcovering? Some believe that the headcovering is an extension of other modesty guidelines found in the Bible. We believe that wearing the headcovering is about more than just modesty for women. Women are to cover their heads for angel's sake (1 Corinthians 11:10). "Through head coverings our women show all present that their position as a woman is also redeemed. No longer are they at war usurping and longing for the man's position of authority (Gen 3:16). Instead they're content in the role God ordained for them in Genesis 2."
- ^ a b Dawn, Eden (20 March 2017). "One of Oregon's Most Successful Designers Makes Modesty Garb in La Grande". Portland Monthly. Retrieved 6 November 2020.
- ^ a b Miller, Emily McFarlan (9 September 2015). "What's an Apostolic Christian and why is Kim Davis' hair so long?". USA Today. Retrieved 6 November 2020.
- ^ Bendroth, Margaret Lamberts; Brereton, Virginia Lieson (2002). Women and Twentieth-century Protestantism. University of Illinois Press. p. 29. ISBN 978-0-252-06998-7.
- ^ Luke, Shelton (2016). "Statement of Apostolic Policy". The Church of the Lord Jesus Christ of the Apostolic Faith.
You are cordially invited to The Church of the Lord Jesus Christ of the Apostolic Faith regardless of race, creed, color or place of national origin. We ask however, that you abide by our Apostolic rules and the women have head covering and not wear pants.
- ^ Manual of Faith and Practice of Central Yearly Meeting of Friends. Central Yearly Meeting of Friends. 2018. pp. 107–110.
- ^ a b "Dress and Appearance", For the Strength of Youth.
- ^ The Brigham Young University Honor Code, which includes "Dress and Grooming Standards," agreement to which is required for application.
- ^ a b c Tarlo, Emma (1996). Clothing Matters: Dress and Identity in India. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 978-0226789767.
- ^ C. A. Bayly, D.H.A. Kolff, Two Colonial Empires: Comparative Essays on the History of India and Indonesia in the Nineteenth Century, Springer, ISBN 978-9024732746
- ^ Lesile, J. (Editor) (1992), Roles and Rituals for Hindu Women, Motilal Banarsidass Publications
- ^ Bernard Cohn (1987), An Anthropologist Among the Historians and Other Essays, Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0195618754
- ^ Robert Ross, Clothing: A Global History, Cambridge, ISBN 978-0-7456-3186-8
- ^ Tarlo 1996, p. 12–59.
- ^ see Bernard Cohn, "Cloth, Clothes and Colonialism: India in the 19th Century", and Susan Bean, "Gandhi and Khadi: The Fabric of Independence"; both in Weiner and Schneider (editors), Cloth and Human Experience, Smithsonian Institution Press (1989)
- ^ Nye, M. (1995). A Place for Our Gods: The Construction of an Edinburgh Hindu Temple Community (Vol. 8). Psychology Press
- ^ Rubinstein and Connor (1999), Staying Local in the Global Village: Bali in the Twentieth Century, University of Hawaii Press, ISBN 978-0824821173
- ^ Gupta, M. (1994). "Sexuality in the Indian subcontinent". Sexual and Marital Therapy, 9(1), pp 57–69
- ^ McConnachie, J. (2008), The Book of Love: The Story of the Kamasutra, Macmillan
- ^ Dwyer, R. (2000). "The erotics of the wet sari in Hindi films". South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies, 23(2), pp 143–160
- ^ Ichaporia, N. (1983). "Tourism at Khajuraho an Indian enigma?" Annals of Tourism Research, 10(1), 75–92
- ^ Culture and Religion Information Sheet: Hinduism Archived 2017-02-21 at the Wayback Machine Government of Western Australia (July 2012), page 7
- ^ Ali, Fatima (2016-06-10). "I used my religion as an excuse to hide my body – until now". The Tempest. Retrieved 2019-04-29.
- ^ "Hadith 20 :: Modesty is from Faith". 40hadithnawawi.com. Archived from the original on 10 August 2015. Retrieved 27 July 2015.
- ^ "The modest fashion industry is on the rise - MediaCat UK". 2024-09-17. Retrieved 2025-05-12.
- ^ "Modesty: Not Only A Woman's Burden" Archived 2016-10-28 at the Wayback Machine, Patheos
- ^ The Laws of Jewish Modesty Archived May 10, 2015, at the Wayback Machine
Further reading
[edit]- Anderson, Cory A. (2013). The Ornament of a Spirit: Exploring the Reasons Covering Styles Change. Stoneboro: Ridgeway Publishing.
- Anderson, Cory; Anderson, Jennifer (2019). Fitted to Holiness: How Modesty is Achieved and Compromised among the Plain People. Millersburg: Acorn Publishing.
- Palacios, Ignacio (1998). Biblical Apparel: A historical, cultural and biblical study of the Doctrine of Christian Modesty. Salem: Allegheny Publications.
- Cope, Rosemary L. (2005). Glorifying God in Holy Living. Salem: Allegheny Publications.
External links
[edit]
Media related to Modesty at Wikimedia Commons- What the Early Christians Believed About Modest Dress & Cosmetics - Scroll Publishing Company
- You Need to be Ready to Let Go of What the Eye Sees - Ari Teperberg
Modesty
View on GrokipediaPsychological studies associate modesty with tangible benefits, including heightened emotional intelligence, self-esteem, subjective well-being, interpersonal harmony, and group efficacy, as it tempers self-enhancement biases that can provoke envy or discord.[5][6][7] Across historical and cultural landscapes, modesty has manifested prominently in religious doctrines—evident in Christian admonitions against vanity, Islamic prescriptions for haya (shamefacedness), and Jewish emphases on tzniut (hiddenness)—where it regulates attire and demeanor to prioritize inner virtue over external display and sustain communal stability.[8][9] In philosophical traditions, from Aristotelian temperance to contemporary virtue ethics, modesty counters vices like hubris, promoting realistic self-assessment amid achievements or talents.[10] Though modern individualistic paradigms often elevate self-promotion, potentially eroding modest practices, evidence underscores its role in mitigating relational strains and enhancing collective outcomes.[11][12]
Definitions and Conceptual Foundations
Etymology and Core Definitions
The term "modesty" entered the English language in the early 16th century, derived from the Latin modestia, signifying moderation, propriety, or keeping within measure, which itself stems from modus, denoting a standard, limit, or manner.[1] [2] The Oxford English Dictionary traces its earliest recorded use to 1531 in the works of Thomas Elyot, where it conveyed a sense of self-restraint and avoidance of excess, reflecting Roman virtues of temperance and decorum.[2] This etymological root emphasizes balance and proportion, contrasting with extremes of ostentation or self-abasement, and parallels usages in Middle French modestie as a borrowing that informed its adoption into English.[1] At its core, modesty denotes a disposition toward restraint and moderation in self-appraisal, behavior, and external presentation, encompassing both epistemic humility—avoiding inflated claims about one's talents or achievements—and behavioral propriety, such as in attire or deportment to avert undue attention.[13] Philosophically, it functions as a virtue allied with temperance, involving an accurate yet understated recognition of personal limits without systematic underestimation of merits, as undue self-effacement risks inverting into vice rather than genuine self-knowledge.[13] In ethical traditions, modesty historically manifests as the avoidance of conceit or vanity, promoting social harmony through courteous reserve, distinct from mere shyness or enforced conformity.[8] This multifaceted quality prioritizes measured conduct over exhibitionism, grounded in a realistic assessment of one's place amid others, rather than performative diminishment.[13]Philosophical and Ethical Dimensions
In classical Greek philosophy, Aristotle addressed modesty (aidemōn or related to shame) in the Nicomachean Ethics as a mean between shamelessness and excessive bashfulness, praising the modest individual for appropriately fearing disgrace in minor matters without elevating it to a full virtue, which he reserved for dispositions like magnanimity that involve confident self-knowledge of one's worth.[14][13] This view posits that true virtue demands accurate recognition of one's merits rather than understatement, as over-modesty could border on self-deception or pusillanimity, potentially undermining rational agency.[13] In medieval and Christian philosophical traditions, modesty evolved into a virtue intertwined with humility, as seen in Thomas Aquinas's synthesis of Aristotelian ethics and theology, where it regulates self-presentation to align with divine order and prevent pride, a capital vice that distorts ethical judgment by inflating the self above objective reality.[13] Ethically, this framework emphasizes modesty's role in fostering communal harmony, as excessive self-assertion disrupts social reciprocity, whereas calibrated restraint promotes virtues like justice by encouraging perspective-taking that acknowledges others' equal moral standing.[15] Contemporary virtue ethics debates modesty's epistemic status, distinguishing doxastic accounts—where the modest agent underestimates their talents to maintain low self-regard—from non-doxastic ones, which allow accurate self-knowledge but prioritize attentional deflection from personal excellence to relational equity.[13] Critics argue doxastic modesty risks irrationality or illusion, incompatible with truth-seeking cognition, while proponents like Emer O'Hagan defend it as an executive virtue enabling fair moral recognition amid social inequalities, countering arrogance's causal harm to cooperation without requiring false beliefs.[15][13] Empirically grounded analyses suggest modesty enhances ethical decision-making by mitigating hubris-driven errors, as overconfidence correlates with flawed judgments in domains like leadership and policy.[16]Evolutionary and Biological Underpinnings
Instinctual and Adaptive Origins
Modesty in its behavioral form manifests as deference or self-effacement, akin to submissive signals observed across social mammals, particularly primates, where such displays avert aggression and stabilize hierarchies. In chimpanzees and other non-human primates, subordinates employ gestures like lip-smacking, crouching, or genital presentation to signal non-threat, reducing the risk of injury from dominants while preserving access to group foraging and protection benefits.[17] These behaviors are instinctual, triggered by proximity to higher-status individuals, and confer adaptive value by minimizing energy expenditure on futile dominance challenges in species where dispersal or infanticide poses high costs to losers.[18] Empirical observations in wild baboon troops, for instance, show that frequent submissive signals correlate with longer tenure in natal groups and higher inclusive fitness for females avoiding eviction.[19] Human modesty likely evolved as an extension of these submission instincts, adapted for larger, more egalitarian coalitions where overt dominance invited counter-dominance from peers, as evidenced by archaeological and ethnographic data from hunter-gatherer societies spanning 50,000 years.[20] In ancestral environments of recurrent inter-group competition, downplaying personal prowess or resources signaled cooperative intent, deterring free-riding accusations and enabling stable reciprocity networks essential for hunting success rates exceeding 20% in ethnographic analogs like the Hadza.[21] Evolutionary game-theoretic simulations demonstrate that modest prosociality—concealing generous acts—outcompetes boastful strategies in iterated prisoner's dilemma scenarios by curbing envy and sustaining long-term alliances, with modest agents achieving 15-30% higher payoffs over 100 generations under realistic migration rates.[22] Shame serves as a proximate mechanism enforcing modesty, with phylogenetic roots in rank-sensitive emotions that predate human divergence from other apes around 6-7 million years ago. Cross-cultural experiments in small-scale societies reveal shame activates upon perceived status threats, prompting withdrawal or atonement to restore alliances, thereby enhancing survival odds in environments where social isolation halved foraging efficiency.[23] This instinctual response, distinct from guilt's focus on harm, adaptively curbs self-aggrandizement that could provoke coalitions against upstarts, as modeled in agent-based simulations where shame-prone individuals form 25% more enduring partnerships than pride-dominant counterparts.[21] While sexual modesty, particularly the systematic or cultural covering of breasts or genitals, lacks direct animal homologs—no non-human animals systematically or culturally cover breasts or genitals, with rare incidental actions like brief hand-covering in chimpanzees not being normative or modesty-driven; some animals hide mating behaviors in concealed locations to avoid competitors but do not hide organs themselves, and primates have breast structures similar to humans but do not cover them—its behavioral core aligns with broader adaptive deference reducing conflict costs estimated at 10-20% of daily caloric outlay in primate analogs.[24][25]Genetic and Cross-Cultural Evidence
Twin studies indicate that shame-proneness, a psychological mechanism closely linked to modesty in contexts such as sexual restraint and self-presentation, exhibits moderate heritability. A 2021 analysis of adolescent twins found shame to be heritable at approximately 30-40%, with the remainder attributed to nonshared environmental influences, suggesting genetic factors contribute to individual differences in experiencing shame that may underpin modest behaviors.[26] Related personality traits associated with modesty, including conscientiousness and agreeableness—which correlate with restraint in self-disclosure and achievement boasting—show heritability estimates of 40-50% across large-scale twin studies.[27] Direct genetic markers for modesty as a discrete trait remain unidentified, though these findings imply polygenic influences on underlying dispositions that manifest as modest conduct.[28] Cross-cultural anthropological surveys provide evidence for the widespread prevalence of modesty norms, particularly in sexual domains. A 1972 cross-cultural analysis of 75 societies documented near-universal practices of sexual modesty, including genital covering in clothing, privacy during intercourse, and restrictions on public sexual speech or display, with exceptions limited to isolated tribal groups where such norms still indirectly operated through kinship taboos.[29] These patterns hold across diverse ecological and subsistence types, from hunter-gatherers to pastoralists, indicating modesty transcends specific cultural inventions like formalized religion or agriculture. Self-presentational modesty—defined as understating personal merits in social interactions—likewise appears in both Western (e.g., Canadian) and Eastern (e.g., Chinese) samples, functioning as a relational strategy to maintain harmony and avoid envy, with behavioral manifestations consistent despite contextual variations.[30] The ubiquity of these norms, observed in ethnographic databases like the Human Relations Area Files covering over 300 societies, supports an adaptive, possibly innate foundation for modesty, potentially serving functions such as signaling mate fidelity or mitigating sexual jealousy in pair-bonding species like humans.[31] Variations exist—e.g., stricter veiling in Islamic contexts versus toplessness in some Polynesian groups—but core elements like post-pubertal genital concealment emerge independently worldwide, contrasting with the nudity of nonhuman primates and implying evolutionary pressures beyond mere thermoregulation.[32] Such evidence challenges purely cultural constructivist views, as the persistence across isolated populations points to shared human predispositions rather than diffusion or convergence from modern global influences.[33]Psychological and Social Mechanisms
Interpersonal Benefits and Empirical Studies
Modesty in interpersonal interactions fosters positive social evaluations, including perceptions of likability, honesty, and authenticity. In experimental evaluations of self-presentations, individuals employing balanced, accurate claims about their achievements—characteristic of modesty—were rated as more likable than those engaging in self-deprecation or self-enhancement.[34] Similarly, observers of videotaped conversations judged modest participants as possessing superior social skills and eliciting greater mutual liking compared to self-enhancers.[34] These findings, drawn from observer ratings in controlled settings, suggest modesty signals restraint and realism, enhancing relational appeal without overt promotion. In the context of mate selection, modesty and innocence in women are often perceived as attractive qualities, signaling genuineness, kindness, loyalty, and lower promiscuity. These traits suggest suitability for serious, long-term relationships and may render such women more approachable and less intimidating compared to more outgoing individuals. Empirical research further indicates that modesty promotes cooperation by countering the relational costs of status signaling. In Prisoner's Dilemma games and partner-selection scenarios, participants cooperated more with modest counterparts than with those displaying conspicuous status cues, inferring greater prosociality from the former.[35] Strategic avoidance of status signals to appear modest also increased cooperation rates, as individuals recognized modesty's relational advantages in interdependent tasks.[35] Trait modesty correlates with stable interpersonal relationships and positive social evaluations, potentially through reduced conflict and improved adjustment, as observed in neuroimaging studies linking modesty to brain regions associated with social cognition.[6] However, modesty can incur costs in close relationships when manifesting as non-disclosure of positive events to avoid seeming boastful. Across 11 studies involving vignettes, surveys, and experimental manipulations with samples of 100–325 participants, recipients learning of withheld successes indirectly reported heightened negative emotions, feelings of devaluation, and diminished relationship evaluations, particularly among those expecting high disclosure.[36] Modest individuals often underestimated these reactions, highlighting a potential mismatch between modesty's intent and relational outcomes in intimate contexts. These mixed findings underscore that while modesty generally yields interpersonal gains in broader or initial interactions, its benefits may diminish in settings demanding transparency.Relation to Humility, Pride, and Personality Traits
Modesty is conceptually linked to humility, though the two are distinct traits in psychological research. Humility involves an accurate self-assessment that acknowledges personal limitations and strengths without exaggeration, fostering teachability and interpersonal openness.[37] In contrast, modesty emphasizes understating one's achievements or abilities in social contexts to avoid self-aggrandizement, often serving as a behavioral expression of humility rather than its core.[13] Empirical studies differentiate them by showing modesty as more externally oriented and performative, while humility correlates with internal dispositions like reduced self-enhancement bias and greater objective self-evaluation.[38] For instance, relational humility—perceived through modest interactions—enhances social bonds, but excessive modesty without genuine humility can mask underlying arrogance.[39] Modesty inversely relates to pride, particularly its maladaptive forms, as it tempers displays of self-importance that signal dominance or superiority. Healthy pride, rooted in earned accomplishments, motivates achievement and status signaling, as evidenced by cross-cultural displays of erect posture and expanded gestures that elicit respect.[11] However, unchecked pride manifests as hubris or narcissism, correlating negatively with modesty; individuals high in narcissism exhibit immodest self-presentation, inflating abilities to secure social advantages.[40] Research on the "male hubris, female humility effect" reveals gender differences, with men overestimating intelligence more than women, a pattern moderated by traits like low modesty amplifying self-overestimation.[41] Balancing modesty and pride yields adaptive outcomes: modest underreporting of successes prevents alienation, while authentic pride sustains motivation without fostering resentment.[42] In personality frameworks like the Big Five, modesty aligns with low extraversion and high agreeableness, predicting subdued self-promotion and cooperative tendencies. Low extraversion emerges as the strongest predictor of modesty, alongside shyness, reflecting reticence in asserting dominance.[43] [44] Agreeableness facets, including modesty, facilitate social well-being by promoting trust and compliance, reducing conflict in groups.[45] Conversely, low modesty correlates with traits like intellectual arrogance, which hinders learning and openness, as seen in negative associations with anti-vaccination attitudes resistant to evidence.[46] These links underscore modesty's role in prosocial personality profiles, though cultural norms can inflate its expression without altering underlying traits.[47]Expressions in Personal Conduct
Behavioral Modesty Across Cultures
Behavioral modesty refers to observable actions that minimize self-promotion, such as downplaying personal achievements, attributing success to external factors or luck, praising others, and avoiding behaviors that draw undue attention, often to preserve interpersonal harmony and group cohesion.[30] Cross-cultural research operationalizes these through scales like the Modest Behavior Scale, which identifies core factors including self-effacement (e.g., understating abilities), other-enhancement (e.g., highlighting others' contributions), and avoidance of attention-seeking (e.g., refraining from boasting).[30] These behaviors correlate with cultural values: interdependent self-construals and traditionality predict stronger endorsement in collectivist contexts, while individualistic orientations temper such expressions.[30] In East Asian cultures, particularly among Chinese populations in Mainland China, Hong Kong, and Beijing, modest behaviors are more prevalent and intensely socialized, serving as a self-presentation strategy to signal competence without threatening group dynamics.[30] For instance, Chinese participants consistently report higher engagement in self-effacement and other-enhancement compared to Western counterparts, with regional variations within China showing Beijing samples emphasizing modesty more than Hong Kong ones due to differing exposures to modernity.[30] Developmental studies indicate that Chinese adolescents and adults judge truthful acceptance of credit for prosocial acts (e.g., admitting to donating money to a friend) less favorably than immodest denial via white lies (e.g., falsely claiming "I didn't do it"), especially in public scenarios, with this preference strengthening after age 13 through cultural reinforcement of harmony.[48] Western cultures, exemplified by European Canadians and Americans, exhibit comparatively lower emphasis on these behaviors, prioritizing self-enhancement to assert individuality amid independent self-construals.[49] Experimental and survey data from Vancouver-based comparisons reveal Canadians score lower on Modest Behavior Scale factors, interpreting modesty less as obligatory deference and more as optional humility, leading to greater tolerance for overt self-acknowledgment.[30] Among bicultural East Asian Canadians, modest behaviors fall between monocultural East Asians and European Canadians, modulated by acculturation, with informant reports (parents, friends) showing discrepancies in perceived self-effacement—self-reports underrate it relative to observers.[49] Predictive analyses across these groups demonstrate that social axioms (beliefs about social realities, e.g., cynicism or reward for application) explain additional variance in modest behaviors beyond self-views like efficacy or trait modesty, underscoring worldview's role in channeling cultural norms into action.[49] Self-effacement and other-enhancement vary most across perspectives and ethnicities, while avoidance of attention-seeking remains consistent, suggesting a universal baseline tempered by cultural intensity.[50] These patterns hold in multi-method studies using self- and informant data, affirming modesty's adaptive function in navigating status hierarchies without disruption.[30]Modesty in Communication and Self-Presentation
Modesty in communication entails the restrained expression of personal achievements, abilities, or qualities, often employing understatement, deflection of praise, or avoidance of self-aggrandizement to minimize perceived offense to others.[51] This approach contrasts with boastful or enhancing self-presentation, which amplifies positive attributes without corroboration. Empirical research indicates that modest communicators foster more favorable social perceptions, as balanced self-descriptions—neither overly enhancing nor excessively deprecating—are rated higher in honesty, self-knowledge, authenticity, and likability than unbalanced extremes.[12] Such modesty signals restraint and interpersonal sensitivity, reducing envy and promoting cooperation in group settings.[52] In professional contexts, modest self-presentation correlates with enhanced team outcomes; for example, leaders exhibiting humble behaviors, including modest communication about their expertise, improve team creativity by elevating communication quality and psychological safety among members.[53] However, excessive modesty can incur costs in close relationships, where understating accomplishments may signal emotional distance or invite misattribution of incompetence, violating expectations of openness.[36] Studies further reveal that self-presentations to familiar audiences, such as friends, are systematically more modest than those to strangers, reflecting heightened concern for relational harmony over impression management.[54] Cultural norms profoundly shape modest communication practices. In East Asian societies, such as China, modesty manifests as reflexive denial of compliments or self-effacement to preserve group harmony and avoid disrupting social balance, a pattern less pronounced in individualistic North American contexts where direct acknowledgment of achievements is more tolerated.[48] [55] Cross-cultural experiments demonstrate that these differences influence self-positivity; modesty norms in collectivist cultures attenuate explicit self-enhancement biases observed in Western samples, yielding perceptions of higher-quality self-esteem.[56] Gender interacts with these norms: research on attractiveness perceptions finds modesty more advantageous for women than men, potentially due to evolved signaling of deference and reduced intrasexual competition.[57] Comparisons of understatement versus boasting underscore modesty's relational benefits. Boastful communication, even in word-of-mouth contexts, often elicits negative social perceptions by provoking reactance or inferiority feelings, whereas understated praise maintains persuasion without alienating recipients.[58] Modest strategies mitigate interpersonal risks, safeguard others' self-esteem, and sustain egalitarian dynamics, though they may correlate with context-specific downsides like reduced task performance visibility or enabling unethical behaviors under organizational loyalty pressures.[4] Overall, empirical evidence affirms modesty's adaptive value in communication for building trust and cooperation, tempered by audience familiarity and cultural contingencies.[34]Modesty in Attire and Physical Appearance
Historical Evolution of Dress Norms
![1868 skirt lengths for girls by age from Harper's Bazar][float-right] In ancient civilizations, dress norms emphasized coverage influenced by climate, labor, and emerging social hierarchies rather than uniform modesty standards. In Mesopotamia around 3000 BCE, both men and women wore draped garments like kaunakes wool wraps covering from shoulders to ankles, providing practical protection while signaling status through quality. Egyptian attire from the Old Kingdom (c. 2686–2181 BCE) featured linen kilts for men reaching mid-thigh and sheath dresses for women extending to ankles, with modesty enforced more for women through full-body coverage to denote propriety in a hierarchical society. Greek and Roman tunics, adopted widely by 500 BCE, covered men to the knees and women to the feet, reflecting civic decorum where exposure was linked to slaves or athletes, though elite women occasionally bared arms or shoulders in statuary ideals. Medieval European norms, shaped by Christian doctrine from the 5th century onward, prioritized modesty to curb lust, mandating long tunics and gowns reaching the floor for women, often with veils or wimples covering hair and neck as per ecclesiastical sumptuary laws like those in 13th-century England limiting fabrics to enforce humility.[59] Men's attire included hose and doublets, but church synods such as the Council of Lyons in 1274 condemned excessive tightness or shortness as immodest, tying coverage to moral order amid feudal structures.[60] Variations existed; northern climates favored layered woolens for warmth, while Byzantine influences introduced silks with opaque veiling for women, blending religious piety with imperial prestige. By the 19th century, Victorian-era standards in Britain and America codified peak modesty, with women's day dresses from 1837–1901 featuring high necklines, long sleeves to wrists, and skirts trailing the floor to conceal ankles, as etiquette guides like Mrs. Beeton's 1861 Book of Household Management prescribed to uphold domestic virtue.[61] Skirt lengths for girls were strictly graduated by age, as illustrated in an 1868 Harper's Bazar chart recommending hems at mid-calf for preteens and full length by 16, reflecting fears of precocious sensuality.[62] Men's frock coats and trousers maintained opacity, influenced by evangelical movements emphasizing restraint post-Industrial Revolution urbanization. The 20th century marked a reversal in Western norms, driven by women's suffrage, wartime mobility, and cultural shifts. Edwardian fashions around 1900 retained floor-length skirts but introduced lighter fabrics; by 1926, Coco Chanel's designs shortened hems to mid-knee for flappers, correlating with a 300% rise in hemlines per economic analyses of the Jazz Age. Post-1945, bikini introductions in 1946 and 1960s miniskirts reduced coverage, with surveys showing U.S. women's average dress length dropping from 40 inches in 1920 to 14 inches by 1965, amid sexual liberation movements challenging prior religious and social constraints.[63] This evolution reflected causal factors like mass media, feminism, and consumerism over traditional modesty imperatives.Gender Differences and Biological Rationales
Cross-cultural observations indicate that modesty norms in attire consistently impose stricter coverage requirements on women than on men, with women expected to conceal more of the body, including breasts, thighs, and sometimes hair, while men face fewer restrictions on exposing the upper torso or limbs. This asymmetry appears in diverse societies, from indigenous groups where men may go shirtless but women cover the chest, to urban settings enforcing differential standards for public decency.[64][65] From an evolutionary standpoint, these gender differences stem from asymmetries in reproductive biology and parental investment. Females incur higher costs in gestation, lactation, and offspring care, rendering male provisioning crucial yet vulnerable to paternity uncertainty due to internal fertilization and concealed ovulation. Consequently, male mate-guarding strategies, including cultural enforcement of female modesty, promote paternity assurance by signaling chastity and reduced promiscuity—traits men value more highly in long-term partners than women value analogous traits in men.[66][67] Cross-cultural mate preference data from 37 societies confirm men prioritize sexual restraint in mates to an average of 2.35 times greater degree than women, aligning with modesty as a fidelity cue rather than a universal display of humility.[66] Males, facing lower per-offspring investment, evolved toward intrasexual competition via status displays, tolerating greater bodily exposure in attire to signal physical prowess or resources without equivalent chastity signaling. Hormonal influences reinforce this: higher testosterone in males correlates with riskier, display-oriented behaviors, while estrogen-progesterone cycles in females prompt cyclical shifts toward revealing attire during peak fertility for short-term mating cues, counterbalanced by societal modesty norms favoring long-term pair-bonding stability. Empirical studies link such ovulatory shifts to preferences for form-fitting or skin-exposing clothing, underscoring biological drivers modulated by cultural overlays.[68][69] These rationales do not imply determinism but highlight causal pressures: deviations from modesty norms historically risked social sanctions more severely for women, reflecting adaptive responses to sex-specific selection pressures rather than arbitrary convention. Peer-reviewed analyses in evolutionary psychology attribute persistent gender disparities in attire to these origins, distinguishing them from modern egalitarian ideals that often overlook underlying reproductive asymmetries.[66][70]Contemporary Western and Global Standards
In Western societies as of 2025, modesty standards in attire prioritize individual expression and comfort, permitting extensive skin exposure in everyday and recreational contexts without legal prohibition beyond basic public indecency laws. For example, in the United States, the average swimsuit coverage for women has remained minimal since the 1970s normalization of two-piece bikinis, with surveys indicating that 70% of American women aged 18-34 report wearing revealing beachwear regularly.[71] Similarly, in Europe, topless sunbathing persists on beaches in countries like France, Spain, and Germany, reflecting a cultural tolerance for nudity in designated areas dating to the 1960s sexual revolution, though urban professional attire often favors form-fitting clothing over loose coverings.[72] Public opinion polls reveal mixed perceptions: a 2019 UK survey found 55% of men associating revealing dress with heightened sexual assault risk, yet societal norms do not restrict such attire, contrasting with earlier eras' stricter expectations.[72] Despite permissive mainstream standards, modest fashion has surged in Western markets, driven by religious minorities, body positivity advocates, and sustainability concerns, with the U.S. segment valued at $65.8 billion in 2024 and Europe's at $72.5 billion, projected to grow annually by 5-6%.[73] This includes elongated hemlines, high necklines, and opaque fabrics marketed by brands like Nike and H&M, appealing to 25% of non-Muslim consumers per 2023 consumer reports, though it remains a niche amid dominant fast-fashion trends favoring brevity and skin exposure.[74] Institutional settings, such as schools and workplaces, enforce varying degrees of coverage—e.g., U.S. public schools prohibit "distracting" shorts shorter than mid-thigh in 40 states—but enforcement is inconsistent and often litigated under free expression claims.[75] Globally, modesty norms diverge sharply by region and governance, with enforcement ranging from mandatory coverings to cultural expectations. In Iran and Saudi Arabia, laws enacted post-1979 and 2019 respectively require women to wear hijabs and loose abayas in public, with non-compliance punishable by fines or imprisonment; violations led to over 3 million arrests in Iran alone between 2022 and 2024.[76] [77] Afghanistan under Taliban rule since 2021 mandates full-body coverings like burqas for women outside the home, reversing prior liberalization.[78] In contrast, secular nations like Japan maintain modest school uniforms—knee-length skirts and collared shirts—for students up to age 18, rooted in post-WWII educational reforms emphasizing discipline, while urban adults adopt Western-influenced casual wear.[79] In South Asia and Southeast Asia, norms blend tradition with modernization: Indian women commonly wear salwar kameez or sarees covering torso and legs in public, though urban youth increasingly opt for jeans and tops, per 2023 surveys showing 60% approval for such shifts among millennials.[80] African countries like Sudan enforce Sharia-based coverings, fining exposed ankles or hair, while sub-Saharan urban areas tolerate shorter dresses influenced by global media.[79] Pew Research data from 2020 indicates women in 56 countries faced harassment for attire deemed too secular (e.g., 86% in Tunisia) or too religious, underscoring causal tensions between local customs and globalization, with modest clothing markets expanding to $85.1 billion globally in 2025 amid e-commerce growth.[71] [74]Modesty in Religious Traditions
Abrahamic Faiths: Judaism, Christianity, and Islam
In Judaism, tzniut, or modesty, encompasses behavioral restraint, speech, and attire, derived from interpretations of Torah commandments such as those in Numbers 5:13-14 emphasizing concealment and privacy.[81] Orthodox Jewish women are required to cover their elbows, knees, and collarbone in public, with married women additionally covering their hair via wigs or scarves to maintain humility and avoid drawing undue attention.[82] Men observe modesty through reserved conduct and attire like trousers and shirts covering the torso, reflecting a broader ethic of inner dignity over external display.[83] These practices, while rooted in rabbinic literature rather than explicit biblical mandates, aim to foster spiritual focus and communal harmony, with stricter observance in Haredi communities. Christian teachings on modesty draw from New Testament exhortations, such as 1 Timothy 2:9, which instructs women to "adorn themselves in modest apparel, with shamefacedness and sobriety; not with broided hair, or gold, or pearls, or costly array."[84] This emphasizes inner character over ostentatious dress, paralleled in 1 Peter 3:3-4 prioritizing the "hidden person of the heart."[85] Deuteronomy 22:5 prohibits cross-dressing, stating "The woman shall not wear that which pertaineth unto a man, neither shall a man put on a woman's garment," interpreted as preserving gender distinctions.[86] Denominational variations exist; conservative groups like Amish enforce plain clothing to embody humility and separation from worldly vanity, while mainstream denominations interpret modesty more flexibly as avoiding provocative attire without uniform codes.[87] Islamic doctrine mandates modesty (haya) for both genders, with Quran 24:30 directing believing men to "lower their gaze and guard their private parts," followed by 24:31 instructing women similarly, adding that they "not display their adornments except that which normally appears" and to "draw their veils over their bosoms."[88] The concept of awrah defines covered areas: for men, from navel to knee in public; for women, the entire body except face and hands according to predominant Sunni views, requiring loose, non-transparent clothing to prevent temptation.[89] Head coverings like hijab fulfill the veiling command, with stricter forms such as niqab or burqa in conservative interpretations, emphasizing protection of chastity and societal order over individual expression.[90] These rules, uniformly applied in orthodox practice, underscore mutual responsibility in averting lust, differing from secular norms by prioritizing divine prescription.[91]Eastern Religions: Hinduism and Buddhism
In Hinduism, modesty manifests through the cultural and ethical concept of lajja, denoting bashfulness, shame, and propriety, particularly emphasized as a feminine virtue essential for social harmony and moral conduct.[92] This principle appears in traditional texts and iconography, such as the goddess Lajja Gauri, whose depictions from the 1st century CE onward combine fertility symbols with gestures of modesty, like covering the face or adopting a squatting pose, symbolizing the balance between sexuality and restraint.[93] Although core scriptures like the Vedas and major Dharma Shastras, such as the Manusmriti compiled around 200 BCE to 200 CE, lack explicit universal dress mandates, they advocate restraint in adornment and behavior to uphold dharma, influencing customary practices where women traditionally wear saris that drape over the torso for coverage.[94] Temple protocols, rooted in these traditions, require visitors to cover legs, shoulders, and midriffs, as enforced in sites like the Tirupati Temple since its codification in the 20th century, to preserve sanctity and prevent distraction.[95] Hindu ascetic orders, including sadhus and sannyasis, exemplify extreme modesty through minimal clothing or nudity in specific sects like the Naga Sadhus, justified by detachment from material vanities as described in texts like the Yoga Sutras of Patanjali (circa 400 CE), where physical form is transcended for spiritual focus.[96] Lay adherents are guided by varnashrama dharma to dress according to caste, age, and occasion, prioritizing simplicity over ostentation, as excessive display is critiqued in epics like the Mahabharata for fostering pride. In Buddhism, modesty is codified in the Vinaya Pitaka, the monastic code attributed to the Buddha around the 5th century BCE, which mandates bhikkhus (monks) and bhikkhunis (nuns) to wear plain, stitched robes in ochre or saffron hues, sewn from discarded cloth to embody humility and renunciation of sensual allure.[97] These pātimokkha rules, numbering 227 for monks and 311 for nuns, explicitly prohibit adornments like jewelry, cosmetics, perfumes, or elaborate hairstyles, viewing them as hindrances to mindfulness and potential incitements to lust, with violations ranging from minor dukkaṭa offenses to severe pācittiya infractions requiring confession.[98] Monastic conduct extends modesty to behavior, forbidding flirtatious speech, physical contact, or seclusion with the opposite sex to safeguard celibacy and communal harmony, as these precepts evolved from early incidents detailed in the Vinaya texts to address practical community issues.[99] For lay Buddhists, the Sigalovada Sutta in the Digha Nikaya advises modest attire as part of right livelihood, avoiding gaudy or revealing clothes that stir defilements, promoting simplicity as a lay ethic complementary to the Eightfold Path.[100] This extends to cultural practices in Theravada and Mahayana traditions, where nuns' humility is symbolized through subdued robes and demeanor, reinforcing detachment from ego-driven appearances across all levels of observance.[101]Indigenous and Other Cultural Practices
In indigenous spiritual traditions, modesty often emphasizes behavioral restraint and humility toward natural and ancestral forces rather than prescriptive dress codes. Among American Indian and Alaska Native communities, modesty involves measured speech and actions to avoid drawing undue attention, fostering harmony with communal and spiritual elders; this humility prioritizes listening over self-assertion, reflecting a worldview where individual prominence risks disrupting collective balance.[102][103] Similar protocols appear in Australian Aboriginal practices, where direct eye contact is avoided as intrusive, and social interactions prioritize indirect communication to honor relational hierarchies tied to Dreamtime lore.[104][105] Attire in these traditions typically aligned with environmental demands, featuring minimal coverage in tropical or arid settings without inherent shame attached to exposure. Pre-colonial Māori society, for example, maintained male modesty through practical items like penis cords rather than full garments, a norm upended by Christian missionaries arriving in 1814 who imposed European covering standards to align with biblical interpretations of propriety.[106] In Polynesian contexts such as Samoa, traditional barkcloth wraps offered basic functionality, but missionary influence from the 1830s onward standardized longer, opaque clothing to embody imported values of bodily concealment during rituals and daily life.[107] Indigenous African practices similarly featured loincloths or beaded aprons for men and minimal wraps for women in many Bantu and San groups, prioritizing mobility and adornment over total enclosure until colonial administrations enforced Victorian-era dress reforms in the late 19th century.[108] These shifts highlight how indigenous modesty—rooted in ecological pragmatism and spiritual deference—frequently yielded to exogenous Abrahamic frameworks, altering ceremonial and communal expressions. In contemporary revivals, some communities selectively reclaim pre-contact elements, such as Māori moko tattoos or Aboriginal body paints, as assertions of cultural autonomy while navigating hybrid norms.[109] However, empirical accounts from ethnographic records indicate that original practices rarely equated nudity with immorality, viewing the body as integral to nature rather than a site of inherent vice.[110]Institutional and Public Applications
Medical and Healthcare Settings
In medical and healthcare settings, preserving patient modesty entails minimizing unnecessary bodily exposure during examinations and procedures to safeguard dignity, alleviate anxiety, and foster trust between providers and patients. Standard protocols emphasize the use of examination gowns designed for partial coverage, allowing clinical access while concealing non-essential areas, alongside draping techniques that expose only the specific body region under assessment.[111][112] These practices align with professional guidelines recommending private undressing facilities, advance procedural explanations, and the presence of chaperones during intimate evaluations to prevent discomfort or perceived violations of privacy.[112][113] Empirical research documents widespread patient distress from exposure, particularly in pelvic and gynecological exams, where up to 70% of women report significant embarrassment and stress associated with speculum use, often exacerbating pain, fear, and reluctance to seek future care.[114][115] Factors intensifying such reactions include provider gender mismatch, unfamiliarity with the clinician, and abrupt physical contact, with studies showing embarrassment interferes with open communication and treatment adherence.[116][117] Providers are advised to individualize approaches, such as gradual exposure or verbal consent at each step, to mitigate these effects while ensuring diagnostic accuracy.[113] Cultural and religious considerations further necessitate tailored accommodations, such as assigning same-gender caregivers when staffing permits, offering modest gowns or shorts for procedures like colonoscopies, and implementing "knock and wait" entry policies to respect beliefs prioritizing bodily privacy.[118][119] Hospitals accredited by bodies like The Joint Commission must address these under patient rights frameworks, though implementation varies by facility resources and urgency of care.[120] In emergencies or understaffed environments, full compliance may yield to clinical imperatives, potentially heightening patient vulnerability without compromising essential interventions.[121]Legal and Public Decency Frameworks
Public decency laws worldwide generally prohibit nudity and lewd exposure in public spaces to preserve community standards of modesty and prevent offense to others. These frameworks derive from common law traditions emphasizing that attire must conform to prevailing norms of propriety, with violations often classified as misdemeanors carrying fines or imprisonment.[122] In practice, such laws require minimal coverage of genitals, anus, and typically female breasts, though definitions of "indecent" hinge on context and reasonable expectations of visibility.[123] In the United States, no overarching federal statute bans public nudity, but every state enforces indecent exposure prohibitions, defining it as the willful display of private body parts in locations where others may view them without consent.[124] For instance, under statutes like Colorado's, public indecency includes lewd exposure or sexual acts viewable by minors, punishable by up to 18 months in jail and fines exceeding $5,000 for repeat offenses.[123] Courts apply a "reasonable person" standard, considering factors like intent and location, as exposure in secluded areas may not qualify if not likely to alarm bystanders.[122] Federal obscenity laws, such as 18 U.S.C. § 1461, complement these by criminalizing the distribution of obscene materials but rarely extend to attire alone unless it constitutes overt lewdness.[125] Internationally, public decency regulations vary by cultural and legal context, with most nations mandating basic clothing to cover erogenous zones in shared spaces. In conservative states like Iran, women face compulsory hijab laws under Article 638 of the Islamic Penal Code, requiring head and body coverage, with penalties including lashes or imprisonment for non-compliance as of 2023 enforcement data.[76] Conversely, European countries like France prohibit full-face coverings in public under a 2010 law to promote secular visibility, though they permit toplessness on designated beaches while banning it in urban areas.[126] In Japan, public indecency under Penal Code Article 174 targets obscene acts or exposures likely to cause public alarm, enforced stringently in family-oriented venues.[127] These frameworks reflect causal links between attire visibility and social disruption, prioritizing empirical harms like distraction or victimization over individual expression.[128] Enforcement of these laws often intersects with institutional settings, such as schools or transit, where additional codes mandate coverage to foster focused environments, though challenges arise from free expression claims. Globally, no uniform treaty governs attire, leaving variations tied to national penal codes that balance modesty with liberty. Empirical data from legal reviews indicate stricter application in areas with high pedestrian traffic, underscoring the frameworks' role in causal deterrence of immodest displays that could escalate to broader disorder.[129]Representations in Arts, Media, and Culture
Historical Artistic Depictions
![Modesty sculpture by Jean-Louis Jaley][float-right] In ancient Greek sculpture, the concept of modesty was embodied in the Venus Pudica pose, first exemplified by Praxiteles' Aphrodite of Knidos around 350 BCE, where the goddess covers her pubis with one hand while reaching for drapery with the other, signaling chastity amid nudity.[130] This motif, absent in male figures, influenced numerous Roman copies, such as the Capitoline Venus from the 2nd century CE, which preserved the gesture as a symbol of pudicitia or moral restraint.[131][132] During the Renaissance, modesty reemerged in allegorical forms, as seen in Giovanni della Robbia's terracotta relief An Allegory of Modesty (ca. 1500–1510), featuring a veiled female figure holding symbols of virtue like a book or palm frond, reflecting humanist ideals of restrained femininity integrated with classical heritage.[133] Leon Battista Alberti's treatise On Painting (1435) emphasized modesty in narrative scenes (istoria), advocating figures that avoid ostentation by covering flaws and limiting prominence to foster dignified, self-effacing compositions.[134] In the Baroque and Rococo periods, sculptors like Antonio Corradini advanced veiled representations, with his marble Modesty (1752) depicting a translucent veil draping a nude female form, evoking chastity through the interplay of concealment and revelation in white Carrara marble.[135] This technique culminated in 19th-century neoclassical works, such as Jean-Louis Jaley's Modesty (1833), a marble statue portraying a bashful figure with downcast eyes and protective gesture, aligning with Romantic-era valorization of purity amid industrial-era moral anxieties.[136] These depictions consistently prioritized symbolic gestures of coverage—hands, veils, or drapery—over explicit exposure, underscoring modesty as a deliberate artistic virtue rather than mere prudery.Modern Media Influences and Fashion Dynamics
Modern media, encompassing television, advertising, and digital platforms, have predominantly promoted revealing attire in fashion depictions, fostering a cultural shift away from traditional modesty norms. Content analyses of fashion magazines indicate a marked increase in sexualized imagery of female models, with portrayals rising from approximately 44% of women's covers in the 1960s to 83% by the 2000s, reflecting broader media trends toward objectification for visual appeal and commercial gain.[137] Empirical meta-analyses of experimental studies demonstrate that short-term exposure to such sexualizing media—depicting women in low-coverage clothing—elevates self-objectification, body shame, and dissatisfaction among female viewers, as individuals internalize these portrayals as aspirational standards.[138][139] Social media platforms like Instagram and TikTok exacerbate these dynamics by prioritizing algorithmically favored content that garners high engagement through provocative visuals, influencing clothing choices toward tighter, shorter, or more exposing styles among youth and young adults. Surveys reveal that over 60% of respondents attribute shifts in their fashion sense to social media, with platforms accelerating trends like lingerie-as-outerwear or micro-trends emphasizing skin exposure for virality.[140] Experimental research on adolescent exposure to influencers in revealing outfits shows subsequent increases in self-sexualization and adoption of similar aesthetics, linking media consumption directly to behavioral emulation in wardrobe selections.[141] Fashion advertisements have paralleled this, with analyses documenting heightened sexuality in female model depictions from the 1990s to the 2020s, prioritizing allure over coverage to drive consumer desire.[142] Countercurrents exist within niche communities, where social media has bolstered modest fashion segments, such as hijab-influenced apparel, by enabling targeted promotion and community building among users valuing cultural or religious coverage standards; for instance, young Muslim women have propelled modest fashion market growth through influencer-driven content on platforms like TikTok.[143][144] Nonetheless, these efforts compete against dominant media economics that reward immodesty, as evidenced by studies on youth trends where social platforms predominantly disseminate expressive, body-revealing styles over restrained ones.[145] This interplay underscores fashion's responsiveness to media signals, where causal pathways from visual exposure to purchasing behavior perpetuate cycles of reduced modesty in mainstream dynamics.[146]Controversies and Critical Perspectives
Feminist Critiques of Modesty as Oppression
Feminist theorists have argued that norms of modesty function as instruments of patriarchal control, constraining women's bodily autonomy and reinforcing gender hierarchies by prioritizing male desires and social order over female agency. In this view, modesty requirements—such as restrictive clothing or behavioral codes—serve to regulate women's sexuality primarily for the benefit of men, positioning women as objects responsible for mitigating male impulses rather than as autonomous subjects.[147][148] Simone de Beauvoir, a foundational existentialist feminist, critiqued modesty and feminine adornment in her 1949 book The Second Sex as elements of the "feminine mystique" that trap women in immanence, compelling them to embody passivity and docility through dress and demeanor to appeal to male gazes while avoiding accusations of vulgarity. She contended that such practices demand women expend labor on appearance to navigate a precarious balance between allure and restraint, ultimately subordinating their existence to validation by the opposite sex.[149][150] Second-wave feminists in the 1960s and 1970s extended these ideas, framing modesty standards within broader assaults on beauty industries and dress codes as oppressive mechanisms that perpetuate women's economic and social dependence. Activists protested events like the 1968 Miss America pageant, decrying enforced modesty and sexualization alike as dual facets of the same patriarchal demand for women to conform to idealized, controllable femininity, which limited professional opportunities and self-expression.[151][152] In analyses of religious contexts, many contemporary feminists interpret modesty mandates—like Islamic veiling or Orthodox Jewish dress codes—as symbols of systemic female subjugation, where women's covered bodies signify erasure of individuality under male and communal authority, often equating such practices with broader gender oppression regardless of practitioners' stated agency. These critiques, prevalent in Western academic discourse since the post-9/11 era, posit that modesty veils (pun intended) internalized patriarchy, hindering women's liberation by associating visibility and self-display with empowerment.[153] However, sources advancing these interpretations frequently emanate from secular, liberal institutions prone to cultural bias, overlooking empirical instances where women report modesty as liberating from objectification, thus potentially projecting ideological assumptions onto diverse practices rather than engaging causal evidence of harm.[148][155]Empirical Evidence on Societal Impacts of Immodesty
Studies indicate that women wearing suggestive clothing experience more rapid and frequent approaches from men, who also perceive higher likelihoods of consensual sexual encounters compared to those in conservative attire. In a field experiment conducted in France, men approached women dressed suggestively after an average of 7.2 minutes, versus 13.7 minutes for conservatively dressed women, and rated their prospects for dating and sex significantly higher.[156] This behavioral response suggests that immodest attire signals greater sexual availability, potentially elevating risks of harassment or unwanted advances in public settings.[156] Revealing clothing has been empirically linked to increased objectification and dehumanization by observers, which in turn correlates with greater tolerance for sexual violence. Experimental research demonstrates that attire serving as an external cue of sexual availability prompts perceivers to view women as less human and more as objects, reducing empathy and moral concern; this effect persists across genders and is amplified in contexts emphasizing physical appearance.[157] Such perceptual shifts align with broader patterns where provocative dress is associated with heightened victim-blaming in assault scenarios, though direct causation to crime rates remains correlational and debated due to confounding factors like reporting biases.[158] Hypersexualization, often manifested through immodest media portrayals and social norms, contributes to adverse mental health outcomes among youth, particularly adolescent girls. A comprehensive review by the American Psychological Association found that exposure to sexualized images correlates with elevated rates of depression, eating disorders, low self-esteem, and body dissatisfaction, as girls internalize objectifying standards that prioritize appearance over intrinsic value.[159] Recent qualitative studies reinforce this, showing that social media's prevalence of revealing, sexualized content exacerbates identity conflicts, anxiety, and diminished well-being in girls navigating conflicting norms of empowerment and exploitation.[160] On a societal scale, the erosion of modesty norms following the sexual revolution of the 1960s-1970s coincided with measurable disruptions in family stability. Divorce rates in the United States surged from 2.2 per 1,000 population in 1960 to a peak of 5.3 in 1981, paralleling widespread adoption of premarital sex and relaxed sexual standards, which lowered barriers to casual relationships and reduced incentives for marital commitment.[161] Communities upholding modesty through religious frameworks exhibit lower divorce rates; for instance, women raised in religious households experience annual divorce risks around 2-3%, compared to 5% for those from nonreligious backgrounds, attributable in part to cultural emphases on restraint and family cohesion.[162] These patterns suggest immodesty facilitates relational instability, though economic and legal factors like no-fault divorce laws confound pure causal attribution.[162]Recent Developments and Trends
Modesty Revival in the 2020s
In the early 2020s, modest fashion experienced significant market expansion, driven by increasing consumer demand for clothing emphasizing coverage, comfort, and inclusivity. The global modest clothing market was valued at approximately $283 billion in recent estimates, with projections indicating growth to over $400 billion by the mid-decade, reflecting a compound annual growth rate influenced by diverse demographics including Muslim consumers and broader secular audiences seeking alternatives to revealing styles.[163] In the United States, the sector reached $65.8 billion in 2024, while Europe saw $72.5 billion, underscoring regional adoption amid rising online searches for "modest fashion," which increased by 90% in the preceding years.[73][164] This growth paralleled a shift in runway presentations, where designers favored longer silhouettes, softer fabrics, and covered shoulders over low-cut designs, as observed in major fashion weeks from 2022 onward.[73] Social media platforms amplified the trend through influencers promoting modest aesthetics, blending religious motivations with everyday styling. By 2025, platforms like Instagram hosted thousands of modest fashion creators, with top accounts amassing millions of followers by showcasing layered outfits, maxi dresses, and high-neck tops adapted to contemporary trends such as "clean girl" looks featuring long skirts and minimal skin exposure.[165][166] Prominent figures, including hijabi stylists and Christian modesty advocates, gained traction by styling modest garments for professional and casual settings, contributing to a perceived cultural pivot among younger demographics like Generation Z toward conservative alternatives to the hyper-visible body trends of the 2010s.[167][168] This influencer-driven visibility extended to niche communities, where modest dressing was framed as empowering against prior decades' emphasis on skin-baring apparel, though empirical data on attitudinal shifts remains tied primarily to sales metrics rather than comprehensive surveys.[169] The revival also manifested in alternative and subcultural fashion scenes, with 2025 styles appearing more restrained compared to early 2020s edgier expressions, incorporating baggy trousers, long skirts, and covered forms as mainstream "trendy" options.[170] Broader cultural discussions linked this to a backlash against hypersexualization in media and digital platforms, with some observers noting nostalgia for pre-2010s aesthetics amid economic and social uncertainties post-2020.[171] However, market analyses attribute sustained momentum to practical factors like versatility for diverse body types and climates, rather than uniform ideological drivers, as evidenced by brands integrating modest lines into high-street collections by 2024.[172] Projections forecast continued expansion, with the sector potentially reaching $430 billion globally by 2028, signaling modesty's integration into enduring fashion paradigms.[173]References
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