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Nu (Burmese: ဦးနု; pronounced [ʔú nṵ]; 25 May 1907 – 14 February 1995), commonly known as U Nu and also by the honorific name Thakin Nu, was a prominent Burmese statesman and the first Prime Minister of Union of Burma. He was educated at Rangoon University, where he developed his political ideas and became actively involved in the student movement. Nu's involvement in the nationalist movement deepened during his university years, and he quickly emerged as a leading figure advocating for Burma's independence from British colonial rule.

He played a crucial role in the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL), the primary political organization leading the fight for independence. Following Burma's independence in 1948, Nu became the country's first Prime Minister under the provisions of the 1947 Constitution of the Union of Burma. His tenure was marked by efforts to rebuild the war-torn nation, establish democratic governance, and navigate the complexities of ethnic and political divisions within Burma. Nu's administration faced numerous challenges, including economic difficulties, internal insurgencies, and the task of unifying a diverse population.

During his time in office, Nu implemented several significant reforms, including land redistribution policies and initiatives to promote education and healthcare. He also pursued a policy of neutrality in foreign affairs, aligning Burma with neither the Western bloc nor the Soviet Union during the Cold War. However, his government struggled with internal dissent and regional insurgencies, leading to political instability.

Nu's first term as Prime Minister ended in 1958, but he briefly returned to power in 1960. However, his second tenure was cut short by a military coup in 1962, led by General Ne Win. Following the coup, Nu was placed under house arrest and later allowed to go into exile. He continued to be an influential political figure and an advocate for democracy until his death on 14 February 1995. Nu's legacy is remembered for his dedication to Burma's independence, his efforts to establish democratic governance, and his complex role in the nation's turbulent political history.

Biography

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Nu was born to U San Tun and Daw Saw Khin of Wakema, Myaungmya District, British Burma. He attended Myoma High School in Yangon, and received a B.A. from Rangoon University in 1929.[1] In 1935 he married Mya Yi while studying for a Bachelor of Laws.

Political career

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Struggle for independence

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Nu's political life started as president of the Rangoon University Students Union (RUSU) with M. A. Rashid as vice-president and U Thi Han as the general secretary. Aung San was editor and publicity officer. Nu and Aung San were both expelled from the university after an article, Hell Hound at Large, appeared in the union magazine, which was obviously about the rector.[2] Their expulsion sparked off the second university students' strike in February 1936. Aung San and Nu became members of the nationalist Dobama Asiayone (Our Burma Association) which had been formed in 1930 and henceforth gained the prefix Thakin ('Master'), proclaiming they were the true masters of their own land. For a few years after independence in 1948 Nu retained the prefix 'Thakin', but around 1952 he announced that since Burma was already independent the prefix of 'Thakin' was no longer needed and henceforth he would be known as U ('Mr') Nu. In 1937 he co-founded with Thakin Than Tun the Nagani (Red Dragon) Book Club which for the first time widely circulated Burmese-language translations of the Marxist classics. He also became a leader and co-founder of the People's Revolutionary Party (PRP), which later became the Socialist Party, and the umbrella organisation the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL), which advocated Burmese independence from both Japanese and British control during the 1940s. He was detained by the colonial government in 1940 along with Thakin Soe, Thakin Than Tun, Kyaw Nyein, U Măd, and Ba Maw. The prison holding Nu was largely abandoned by the British in the course of the rapid Japanese advance.[3]

From August 1943, when the Japanese declared nominal independence for Burma under a regime led by Ba Maw, Nu was appointed foreign minister. In 1944 he was appointed minister of information until the open rebellion by the AFPFL against the Japanese military in March 1945. Though aware of the resistance and in contact with its leaders, Nu did not actively participate in the underground activities of the AFPFL up to the rebellion, and unlike its leading figure Aung San, did not join the rebellion and move to areas under Allied control.[4] Instead, Nu retreated with the Japanese and Ba Maw in late April, 1945.[5] Nu was nearly killed on August 12, 1945, when Allied pilots strafed and destroyed the house Ba Maw had been given by the retreating Japanese, but both escaped the residence during the attack. Following Japanese surrender, Nu retired from politics for a time, writing his memoirs of the war years, Burma Under the Japanese and tracts on Marxism. As a popular figure with early connections to Aung San and other nationalists from their student days, however, Nu was drawn back into the politics of the AFPFL where he initially struggled to keep its Communist contingent within the party.[6]

Mahatma Gandhi with Thakin Nu, Premier of Burma, at Birla House, Delhi, December 4, 1947

After the assassination of its political and military leader Aung San along with his cabinet ministers on 19 July 1947, U Nu led the AFPFL and signed an independence agreement (the Nu-Attlee Treaty) with the British Premier Clement Attlee in October 1947.[7]

Parliamentary era

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U Nu with Moshe Dayan during his visit to Israel in 1955
U Nu with Soviet leaders Nikita Khrushchev (far left with floral lei) and Nikolai Bulganin (right with floral lei) in Rangoon, December 1955

Burma gained independence from Britain on 4 January 1948. U Nu became the chairman of the Old Myoma Students Association in Yangon. He became the first Prime Minister of independent Burma, and he had to deal with armed rebellion. The rebels included various ethnic groups, White Flag and Red Flag communist factions, and some regiments in the Army. Yet another challenge was the exiled Kuomintang (KMT). After being chased out of (Mainland) China by the victorious Communists, they had established bases in eastern Burma, and it took several years in the early 1950s to drive them out. A democratic system was instituted and parliamentary elections were held several times. Throughout the 1950s, U Nu oversaw the implementation of the Pyidawtha Plan, a national economic development plan to establish an industrial welfare state in Burma.

He voluntarily relinquished the Prime Ministerial position in 1956. He was one of the leaders of the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) from 1942 to 1963. AFPFL member Ba Swe served as prime minister from June 1956 to June 1957. In 1955, the University of Belgrade (Yugoslavia) awarded him an honorary doctorate.[8]

On 26 September 1958, he asked the Army Chief of Staff General Ne Win to take over as a "caretaker government", and Ne Win was sworn in as prime minister on 27 October 1958. In the February 1960 general election, U Nu's Clean faction of the AFPFL won in a landslide victory over the Stable faction led by U Ba Swe and Kyaw Nyein. U Nu returned to power forming the Pyidaungzu (Union) government on 4 April 1960. The Clean AFPFL was subsequently renamed the Union Party.

U Thant had been Secretary to the Prime Minister U Nu before he was appointed Burmese Ambassador to the United Nations in 1957. U Thant became the third UN Secretary-General in 1961. U Nu participated in the 1st Summit of the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961 in Belgrade making Burma one of the founding members of the Non-Aligned Movement.

In 1961, U Nu briefly made Buddhism the state religion and caused dissent amongst Christian Kachin nationalists and was one of the main factors for the Kachin conflict.[9]

Military era

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U Nu in January 1962, less than 2 weeks before the second military coup

Less than two years after his election victory, U Nu was overthrown by a coup d'état led by General Ne Win on 2 March 1962. After the 1962 coup, U Nu was put in what was euphemistically called 'protective custody' in an army camp outside Rangoon. He was released more than four years later on 27 October 1966.[10] Among others, on the day of the military coup on 2 March 1962 President Mahn Win Maung as well as Chief Justice U Myint Thein (22 February 1900 – 3 October 1994) was also put in 'protective custody'. Win Maung was released from detention in October 1967 and Myint Thein not until 28 February 1968.

On 2 December 1968, Ne Win appointed U Nu to the 33-man Internal Unity Advisory Board to advise on suggestions for internal unity and political change. In February 1969, U Nu submitted a report recommending that power be handed back to him and that the Parliament abolished by Ne Win in March 1962 be reconvened to appoint Ne Win as president to remove the 'taint' of Ne Win's government being 'usurpers'.[11] Soon after submitting his report, U Nu, feigning illness, and under the pretext of a pilgrimage to India left Burma for India. When Ne Win made no response to his report, U Nu left India for London.[citation needed]

In a London press conference on 27 August 1969, U Nu announced that he was the 'legal Prime Minister' and pledged that he would not give up his struggle for democracy in Burma and that Burma was under the 'same kind of fascism' that General Aung San had fought.[citation needed] In November 1969, Ne Win formally rejected U Nu's proposal, saying that he took over power – and held on to it – not because he craved power but to uplift the welfare of the 'workers and peasants' and that U Nu's proposals amounted to 'turning back the wheel'.[citation needed]

U Nu then used former Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) official Bill Young to help him raise international funding for founding the United National Liberation Front (UNLF). By the end of 1970, they had garnered more than $2 million.[12]

U Nu later formed the Parliamentary Democracy Party (PDP) and led an armed resistance group. U Nu's 'resistance group' consisted of no more than several hundred or at most a few thousand at its peak and his avowal to fight and overthrow Ne Win from the Thai border met with abject failure. He subsequently accepted an offer of amnesty granted by Ne Win and returned to Burma on 29 July 1980.[13]

8888 Uprising

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Main article: 8888 Uprising

After keeping a low profile, teaching Buddhism in Burma and the United States – U Nu visited Northern Illinois University in the US to lecture on Buddhism in 1987 – U Nu became once again politically active during the 8888 Uprising forming the first new political party, the League for Democracy and Peace (LDP). Echoing his assertion that he was the 'legal Prime Minister' of August 1969 in London, U Nu reiterated on 9 September 1988 in Rangoon that he was still the 'legal Prime Minister'.

U Nu initiated to form an interim government and invited opposition leaders to join him. Indian Prime minister Rajiv Gandhi had already signaled his readiness to recognize the interim government and Burmese troops started to change sides with Burmese Navy almost totally siding with the opposition. However, Aung San Suu Kyi categorically rejected U Nu's plan by saying "the future of the opposition would be decided by masses of the people". Ex-Brigadier Aung Gyi, another opposition politician at the time of the 8888 crisis, followed and rejected the plan after Suu Kyi's refusal. Crucial months were passed on the street and the interim government was not internationally recognized due to lack of support from opposition. Political analyst Susanne Prager-Nyein described Aung San Suu Kyi's refusal as "a major strategic mistake".[14]

Nonetheless U Nu formed his own 'government' reappointing Mahn Win Maung who was overthrown in the 1962 coup as 'President'. After the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) took over power on 18 September 1988, the SLORC repeatedly asked U Nu to formally 'abolish' his 'interim government', but U Nu refused to do so. As a result, Nu was put under house arrest on 29 December 1989. SLORC spokesmen at that time stated that although U Nu could have been tried for 'treason', due to his advanced age and his contribution to the freedom struggle, he was not charged with that offence. He was released on 23 April 1992 the same day the SLORC Chairman Senior General Saw Maung was forced to relinquish power and replaced by military junta (officially named the State Peace and Development Council) chief Senior General Than Shwe.

Religious works

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U Nu paying obeisance to the Buddha in 1961 ceremonies marking Vesak.

A devout Theravada Buddhist, U Nu had long been popular with the Buddhist majority of the country. In 1950, with the Karen Uprising, the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League controlled Parliament launched a Peace Within One Year campaign, involving various military actions and governmental reforms. Amongst this backdrop, U Nu combined orders for military equipment from India with a request to receive Buddhist relics on loan. U Nu toured the relics around the country, reaching into the stable parts of the countryside were ethnic unrest was still present, hoping to inspire peace through the power of the Buddha.[15]

He had the Kaba Aye Pagoda and the Maha Pasana Guha (Great Cave) built in 1952 in preparation for the Sixth Buddhist Synod that he convened and hosted in 1954–1956 as prime minister. In a 1957 interview with American news broadcast See It Now, he stated that:[16]

Had it not been for my faith, I would have been finished in 1948, 1949, and 1950 when the insurrection was in its height.

He also stated that although he was born Buddhist, he was particularly attracted by the Kalama Sutta, a Buddhist doctrine that challenges believers to actively question their beliefs and views instead of passively accepting them:[16]

You must not believe anything which you cannot test yourself.

On 29 August 1961, Parliament passed the State Religion Promotion Act of 1961, initiated by U Nu himself.[17] This act made Buddhism the official state religion of the country, one of his election campaign promises as well as instated the Buddhist lunar calendar by official observance of the so-called Buddhist sabbath days, or Uposatha, in lieu of the Christian Sabbath day, Sunday. On Uposatha days, state broadcasting radio was required to dedicate its airtime to religious programs, while state schools and government offices were closed, and liquor was not allowed to be served in public spaces.[17] The act also required government schools to teach Buddhist students the Buddhist scriptures, banned the slaughtering of cattle (beef became known as todo tha (burmese:တိုးတိုးသား); lit. hush hush meat), and commuted death sentences for parolees.[18]

Beyond stately actions, U Nu also took to fulfil the Buddhist ideal of the Chakravartin by engaging in personal merit-making and increasingly strong vows of celibacy to atone for the sins of the nation and to bring stability to his rule through religious devotion.[19]

When General Ne Win took over in 1962, one of his first acts was to repeal the Buddhist acts that had passed under U Nu's administration, including the ban on cow slaughtering and declaration of Buddhism as the state religion, as they had alienated largely Christian ethnic minorities such as the Kachins and the Karens, and perhaps was symbolic of a personality clash between Nu and Ne Win.

Literary works

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U Nu authored several books some of which have been translated into English. Among his works are The People Win Through (1951), Burma under the Japanese (1954), An Asian Speaks (1955), and Burma Looks Ahead (1951). His autobiography (1907–1962) Ta-Tei Sanei Tha (Naughty Saturday-born) was published in India by Irrawaddy Publishing (U Maw Thiri) in 1975. An earlier version had been published in 1974; it was translated into English by U Law Yone, Editor of the (Rangoon) Nation till 1963 and who, like U Nu, was jailed by the Revolutionary Council in the 1960s. Before U Nu became prime minister, he had translated, in the late 1930s, Dale Carnegie's book, How to Win Friends and Influence People (Lupaw Luzaw Louknee in Burmese – in retranslation, it roughly meant 'How to Take Advantage of Man by Man'); later the translated name was changed to the more palatable 'Meikta Bala Htika' which can be retranslated as A Treatise on Friendly Social Contract. The translated work under the second title became a prescribed text in schools in the 1950s as was U Nu's original work in Burmese, The People Win Through or The Sound of the People Victorious (Ludu Aungthan). He organized a Burma Translation Society and first volume of Burmese Encyclopedia published in 1954. The Sarpay Beikhman continued those works.

Novelist and playwright

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Besides serving as prime minister, U Nu was also an accomplished novelist and playwright. In a work from the colonial period titled Yesset pabeikwe or It's So Cruel (Man, the Wolf of Man) U Nu describes how during the colonial period rich landlords were able to get away with just about any crime they wished to perpetrate.

The play The Sound of the People Victorious (Ludu Aungthan) that U Nu wrote while he was prime minister is about the havoc that Communist ideologies can wreak in a family. Strangely enough the first production of the play seems to have been in Pasadena, California. It later became a popular comic book in Burma, was translated into English, and made into a feature film at the height of the Cold War in the 1950s. The older generation in Burma can still remember having studied the play in their schooldays.

In the play Thaka Ala, published just before the 1962 coup, U Nu paints an extremely ugly picture of corruption both amongst the high-ranking politicians in power at the time as well as among the communist leaders who were gaining ascendancy. This is a play in the vernacular, a genre that hardly exists in Burmese literature. A translation into English was published in instalments in the Guardian newspaper. The play was critical of the current state of politics in Burma at the time (around 1960) and in this critical stance it resembles Thein Pe Myint's The Modern Monk (Tet Hpongyi in Burmese). Like The Modern Monk, it deals with scandalous sexual liaisons not much in keeping with traditional modes of Burmese behaviour.One of the greatest female writers of the Post-colonial period is Journalgyaw Ma Ma Lay. Khin Myo Chit was another important writer, who wrote, among her works, The 13-Carat Diamond (1955), which was translated into many languages. The journalist Ludu U Hla was the author of numerous volumes of ethnic minority folklore, novels about inmates in U Nu-era jails, and biographies of people working in different occupations. The Prime Minister U Nu himself wrote several politically oriented plays and novels.

Death

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Mya Yi, ca. 1955.

Nu died of natural causes on 14 February 1995 at his home in Yangon's Bahan Township at the age of 87, after his wife Mya Yi (1910–1993) died.[20] They had five children, San San (daughter), Thaung Htaik (son), Maung Aung (son), Than Than (daughter) and Cho Cho (daughter).

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

U Nu

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U Nu (25 May 1907 – 14 February 1995) was a Burmese statesman and the first of independent , serving from 1948 to 1958 and briefly from 1960 to 1962. Born in Wakema in the Delta to a shopkeeper family, he earned a from Rangoon University and joined the anti-colonial student movement, adopting the title Thakin Nu and facing imprisonment for from 1940 to 1942. As a close associate of , U Nu helped negotiate Burma's independence from Britain in 1947 and assumed the premiership after Aung San's , guiding the young nation through its formative democratic years amid persistent ethnic insurgencies from groups like the Karen and communists, as well as economic turmoil from post-war reconstruction. A devout , he prioritized moral governance and non-alignment in , fostering ties with both —via a 1954 border agreement—and the , while promoting Buddhist revivalism that included efforts to enshrine as the , exacerbating tensions with non-Buddhist minorities. His governments struggled with internal rebellions that controlled significant territory and fiscal instability, prompting a caretaker in 1958 that temporarily stabilized the country before his return via elections in 1960; however, policy disputes over and his religious initiatives contributed to his overthrow in General Ne Win's 1962 coup, after which U Nu was imprisoned until 1966 and later attempted an unsuccessful armed restoration of in 1969. Despite these failures, U Nu remains noted for establishing parliamentary institutions and authoring literary works reflecting his experiences, including a novel underscoring his commitment to over coercive power.

Early Life and Formation

Upbringing and Education

U Nu was born on May 25, 1907, in Wakema, a rural town in the Irrawaddy Delta of British Burma, to U San Tun, a small , and Daw Saw Khin. This modest family background immersed him in the agrarian economy and socioeconomic vulnerabilities typical of colonial-era Burmese villages, where shopkeeping offered limited stability amid fluctuating rice markets and British administrative oversight. His early years were shaped by the cultural norms of rural , including a traditional Buddhist environment that emphasized moral discipline and community interdependence, fostering personal values of resilience and ethical conduct. He received initial schooling locally before advancing to High School in Rangoon, where he honed foundational academic skills. In 1929, U Nu graduated from Rangoon University with a B.A. in , an experience that introduced him to Western intellectual traditions alongside the nationalist undercurrents prevalent among Burmese students. Post-graduation, he entered teaching, serving as a schoolteacher and headmaster, while initiating journalistic and literary endeavors that reflected his emerging analytical style without yet venturing into formal publications.

Initial Political Awakening

U Nu entered political activism in the mid-1930s amid rising Burmese nationalism against British colonial rule. In 1936, he joined the Dobama Asiayone, a pivotal anti-colonial organization founded in 1930 that promoted Burman self-assertion through the adoption of the honorific "Thakin," meaning "master," to challenge European superiority. As Thakin Nu, he aligned with fellow nationalists including , participating in rhetoric and activities aimed at Burmese independence and cultural revival. His political awakening intensified through student activism at Rangoon University, where he served in leadership roles. In February 1936, U Nu's expulsion alongside over disputes with university authorities triggered the second major student strike, protesting colonial control over education and broader demands for autonomy. This event radicalized youth involvement in , exposing Nu to organized resistance tactics and ideas from labor unions, which introduced socialist principles emphasizing worker rights and economic equity. These influences began shaping his eclectic ideology, merging anti-imperialist fervor with early socialist leanings tempered by Buddhist ethical frameworks drawn from traditional Burmese thought. British authorities arrested U Nu in 1940 on sedition charges for his nationalist writings and organizing, imprisoning him until the Japanese invasion in 1942 prompted his release. During , he collaborated with Japanese occupiers, serving as foreign minister in Ba Maw's puppet State of Burma from , viewing the alliance as a pragmatic step toward ousting the British. However, this partnership proved shortsighted, as imposed harsh exploitation and failed to deliver genuine sovereignty, exacerbating wartime devastation and sowing seeds for post-occupation insurgencies that hindered Burma's stabilization.

Independence Struggle

Collaboration with Aung San and Anti-Colonial Activities

U Nu emerged as a close political collaborator with in the nationalist movement, sharing expulsion from Rangoon University in 1936 amid a student strike against British colonial policies that highlighted their early anti-colonial stance. Both joined the Dobama Asiayone in the 1930s, adopting the "Thakin" title to assert Burmese sovereignty, and U Nu faced imprisonment in 1940 for seditious activities opposing British rule. Their partnership intensified during , with U Nu co-founding the (AFPFL) amid Japanese occupation, uniting Aung San's military forces from the Burma National Army with civilian nationalists to resist both imperial powers and coordinate post-war resistance efforts. A pivotal August 1944 meeting at U Nu's Yangon residence formalized the Anti-Fascist Organization, evolving into the AFPFL as a broad front for independence, where U Nu handled political coordination while Aung San directed armed resistance against Japanese forces and prepared negotiations with returning British authorities. This division of labor enabled the AFPFL to emerge as the dominant anti-colonial force by 1945, pressuring Britain through strikes, petitions, and alliances that culminated in the 1947 elections, where the league secured a landslide victory under Aung San's leadership. The assassination of and six cabinet members on July 19, 1947, by rivals including created an acute leadership vacuum, but U Nu, marked for death yet absent from the Secretariat attack, survived to assume interim control of the AFPFL and . In this role, he stabilized the transition by signing the Nu-Attlee on October 17, 1947, committing Britain to full sovereignty by January 4, 1948, without federal strings that might have fragmented the . Building on the February 12, 1947, Panglong Agreement—negotiated by Aung San to gain Chin, Kachin, and Shan support through promises of equality and autonomy—U Nu advocated a centralized parliamentary democracy in the constituent assembly, incorporating initial ethnic safeguards like equal representation but prioritizing national cohesion over expansive federal powers. This approach, while enabling rapid independence, empirically sowed seeds of discord by underdelivering on federalism, as evidenced by immediate post-sovereignty ethnic revolts that exposed implementation gaps in the 1947 Constitution drafted under his oversight.

Negotiations and Path to Sovereignty

U Nu, serving as president of the and head of Burma's interim government following Aung San's in July 1947, led negotiations with British authorities to secure independence outside the framework. At the London Conference earlier in 1947, Burmese representatives, including U Nu, initially engaged on the terms of the British White Paper offering dominion status, but rejected it in favor of full sovereignty as a . This culminated in the Nu-Attlee Agreement signed on October 17, 1947, between U Nu and British Prime Minister , which formalized Burma's path to independence by January 4, 1948, without obligations to join the or maintain British military bases, though it included provisions for future defense cooperation if mutually agreed. The 1947 Constitution, drafted by the under U Nu's leadership and adopted on September 24, 1947, established a federal union incorporating territories from the , granting states like Karenni and Kachin nominal autonomy in internal affairs while vesting significant powers in the . Article 21 recognized Buddhism's "special position" as the faith of the majority, reflecting U Nu's emphasis on cultural unity, but without enforceable mechanisms for minority protections beyond vague assurances. These ambiguities—stemming from rushed drafting amid ethnic distrust and colonial-era divisions—facilitated later centralization, as the executive-dominated structure allowed dominance by Burman-majority interests, sowing seeds for insurgencies by undermining federal commitments. Independence on January 4, 1948, brought immediate instability, as the launched an armed rebellion in March 1948, capturing parts of central Burma and forcing U Nu's government into defensive operations that displaced communist forces from Rangoon by late March. Concurrently, Karen nationalist groups, initially allied against communists, escalated demands unmet by the constitution's federal provisions, leading to clashes by mid-1948 and full insurgency by 1949, exacerbated by colonial legacies of ethnic separatism and unintegrated frontier administration. These outbreaks, involving over 10,000 communist fighters and fragmented Karen militias, demonstrated how negotiated sovereignty overlooked causal ethnic fractures, prioritizing rapid separation from Britain over resolving internal power-sharing deficits.

Premiership Periods

First Term: Establishing Parliamentary Democracy (1948–1958)

U Nu assumed the office of on January 4, 1948, leading the (AFPFL) government in the newly independent Union of Burma, as established by the 1947 Constitution. The administration prioritized institutionalizing parliamentary democracy amid existential threats from multiple insurgencies that erupted shortly after independence, including the Communist Party of Burma's (CPB) armed rebellion on March 28, 1948, and the Karen National Union's (KNU) uprising in January 1949, which collectively controlled significant territory and disrupted governance. To restore stability, U Nu's government implemented amnesty programs offering land and reintegration incentives to defectors, with initiatives like the 1958 "Arms for Democracy" campaign resulting in around 38,000 insurgents from communist, Karen, and Mon groups surrendering weapons. These efforts relied heavily on the expanding Burma Army, commanded by General Ne Win from 1949, whose successes against rebels enhanced military cohesion and operational independence, laying groundwork for its later political prominence. Concurrently, the 1948 Land Nationalization Act sought to redistribute from absentee owners to tillers, aiming to bolster rural support for the regime; however, civil unrest limited redistribution to just 1.4 million acres by 1958, far short of the 10 million-acre target set for 1955. Economic conditions reflected these instabilities, with per capita output stagnating at approximately 80% of 1938–1939 pre-war levels through the decade, attributable to wartime devastation, persistent conflict diverting resources to defense, and uneven execution. Agricultural and extractive sectors, comprising two-thirds of gross domestic output, suffered production shortfalls, while inflationary pressures from import dependencies and fiscal deficits were contained through selective rather than unchecked escalation. On the international front, U Nu championed neutrality to safeguard sovereignty, personally attending the April 1955 as one of 29 Asian-African leaders, where Burma's co-sponsorship underscored commitments to non-interference and mutual respect amid tensions. This non-aligned posture facilitated balanced diplomacy, including hosting Soviet and Chinese delegations in late 1955, even as U.S. military assistance proved crucial for countering domestic communist threats.

Caretaker Government and Electoral Return (1958–1962)

Amid escalating political fragmentation within the ruling Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL), persistent ethnic insurgencies, and threats from communist rebels, Prime Minister U Nu invited General Ne Win to form a caretaker government on October 28, 1958, effectively handing over executive power to the military to restore order and suppress unrest. This voluntary transition, proposed by U Nu on September 26, 1958, and approved by parliament, marked the first instance of military intervention in Burmese governance with civilian consent, lasting approximately 17 months during which Ne Win's administration stabilized security, defeated key insurgent groups, and prepared for elections. General elections were held on February 6, 1960, to transition back to civilian rule, resulting in a for U Nu's newly formed Union Party, which secured over 80% of parliamentary seats, enabling him to resume the premiership on April 4, 1960. U Nu's campaign emphasized promoting as the , garnering support from the Buddhist clergy who had previously remained apolitical, though this pledge exacerbated tensions with minority ethnic and religious groups. The polls, conducted under military oversight from the caretaker period, proceeded without widespread documented fraud, reflecting public desire for U Nu's return despite underlying divisions. U Nu's second premiership quickly unraveled due to renewed instability, including demands for federalism from ethnic minorities and deteriorating economic conditions marked by inflation and agricultural stagnation. In response to ethnic pressures, U Nu received a Federal Amendment Proposal from minority leaders in January 1962, aiming to devolve powers to states, but implementation stalled amid opposition from centralist factions. Concurrently, his sponsorship of constitutional amendments to enshrine Buddhism's state religion status in 1961 alienated non-Buddhist communities, fueling separatist sentiments and undermining national unity. These efforts failed to constrain growing military influence, as prior concessions to the armed forces during the caretaker era empirically emboldened Ne Win, culminating in a bloodless coup on March 2, 1962, that ousted U Nu's government and established direct military rule.

Governance Challenges

Economic Policies and Socialist Experiments

U Nu's government pursued a mixed socialist , emphasizing state-led planning and to achieve self-sufficiency and welfare goals. In 1949, the administration established the State Agricultural Marketing Board, effectively nationalizing and exports—Burma's primary revenue source, accounting for over 50% of in the early post-independence years—to enforce and direct surpluses toward development. This intervention aimed to stabilize rural incomes and fund industrialization but introduced rigid quotas and below-market prices, distorting incentives for farmers and fostering smuggling. The cornerstone of these efforts was the Pyidawtha Plan, launched in 1952 as an eight-year strategy to boost production by 50% by 1959–1960 through investments in import-substitution industries, , and , financed partly by revenues and foreign loans. U Nu framed it as a path to a "people's democratic ," blending with limited private enterprise, but implementation suffered from bureaucratic inefficiencies and overreliance on deficit financing via money printing, which eroded fiscal discipline. By the mid-, exports—peaking at around 2 million tons annually in the early 1950s—had declined sharply to under 1 million tons by 1960, reflecting production shortfalls from insurgencies, poor incentives, and global price drops, while mineral exports fell over 90% due to neglected extraction sectors. These policies deepened economic vulnerabilities, with scandals in state enterprises and exacerbating resource misallocation; for instance, black markets thrived as official prices lagged international rates, leading to rural discontent that intertwined with ethnic insurgencies. U Nu's administration turned to foreign aid from the U.S. (over $200 million in grants and loans by 1958) and to bridge gaps, yet anti-market distortions—such as controls and nationalized trade—hindered diversification, perpetuating dependence on amid post-colonial . Empirical outcomes underscored causal failures: initial post-independence surpluses gave way to chronic shortages, pressures from printed , and stalled growth, with GDP stagnating below pre-war levels by the late , highlighting how state monopolies undermined without commensurate welfare gains.

Ethnic Insurgencies and Federalism Attempts

Following independence in 1948, U Nu's government struggled with ethnic insurgencies rooted in the unfulfilled promises of the 1947 , which had assured Shan, Kachin, and representatives of autonomy and equal rights within a but was undermined by the 1947 constitution's centralist structure favoring Burman dominance. The launched a major rebellion in January 1949, capturing key territories including parts of and Insein, driven by exclusion from Panglong and fears of Burman hegemony, escalating into a protracted conflict that controlled significant rural areas. Shan and Kachin insurgencies followed in the early 1950s, with Kachin defections from the army joining Karen forces in 1949 and Shan revolts intensifying over unmet secession rights, collectively threatening central authority and prompting U Nu to expand the Burma Army from approximately 15,000 troops at independence to over 100,000 by the late 1950s through rapid recruitment and U.S. aid to counter multiple fronts. U Nu pursued debates amid these revolts, convening a Federal Seminar in the 1950s to discuss but facing resistance from Burman nationalists who viewed it as divisive, resulting in limited concessions like temporary ceasefires rather than structural reform. Efforts included the 1954 Mujahid pact with Muslim insurgents, offering and promises in exchange for disarmament, though implementation faltered due to central government distrust and ongoing skirmishes. His administration's centralist biases, emphasizing Burman and promotion, alienated non-Burman groups by prioritizing unitary control over power-sharing, as evidenced by arming Burman militias against Karen demands for a separate state. Empirically, the failure to devolve power perpetuated insurgencies, enabling the 's expansion as a stabilizer; by 1958, U Nu ceded control to General Ne Win's , which quelled revolts through decisive operations, establishing a precedent for armed forces intervention that culminated in the 1962 coup. This reliance on over federal accommodation highlighted causal weaknesses in U Nu's approach, where initial democratic fragility and ethnic grievances fostered authoritarian consolidation.

Religious Orientation

Personal Devotion and Promotion of Buddhism

U Nu exhibited profound personal piety toward Theravāda Buddhism, regularly engaging in practices amid his demanding role as . In 1949, he supported the establishment of Burma's largest meditation center under Mahāsī Sayādaw, fostering mass lay insight meditation (vipassanā) as a means to cultivate ethical discipline and mental clarity. He personally combined with duties, viewing it as essential for moral leadership and countering materialist ideologies like . A hallmark of his devotion was sponsoring the Sixth Buddhist Council from May 1954 to 1956 at the newly constructed Kaba Aye Cave in Rangoon (), where approximately 2,500 monks from eight Theravāda countries recited and preserved the Pāli Tipiṭaka over two years, marking the first such international gathering in a century. This initiative, funded by the government despite post-independence economic challenges, aimed to authenticate scriptures and revive doctrinal purity following colonial-era disruptions. U Nu also oversaw construction of the adjacent World Peace (Kaba Aye ) in the early and the Pitakataik to house synod texts, embedding Buddhist revival in national infrastructure projects. These efforts responded to perceived threats from Christian missionary activities during British rule, which had converted segments of ethnic minorities, though non-Buddhists comprised only about 10-15% of the population in the , primarily (around 6%) and (4%). Through these actions, U Nu integrated into public life, promoting precepts like non-stealing and among officials to foster , though empirical outcomes on reduction remained mixed amid ongoing insurgencies and fiscal pressures. His initiatives bolstered Buddhism's role in post-colonial identity, drawing over 89% of Burmese as adherents and countering foreign influences without formal state mandates.

State Religion Efforts and Political Integration

In the lead-up to the general elections, U Nu campaigned on promises to elevate 's status, appealing to the Burman Buddhist majority that constituted over 80% of the population, which helped secure his with the Union Party. Following this mandate, on August 1, 1961, two bills were introduced to amend the 1947 constitution: one to declare the and another for its promotion, culminating in the passage of the on August 26, 1961, and the State Religion Promotion Act in September. These measures enshrined 's special position under Article 199(A), mandating state support for its propagation while nominally protecting other faiths, but they effectively prioritized the majority religion in governance and education. U Nu integrated these religious provisions with his doctrine of "," articulated in works like Towards a (1958), which fused Marxist with Buddhist precepts of ethical conduct, , and communal welfare to foster a morally grounded distinct from materialist . This synthesis aimed to legitimize socialist reforms—such as nationalizations and cooperatives—through religious sanction, positioning the state as a guardian of dharma-infused equity, but it compromised the secular outlined in the of 1947, which had promised equitable treatment to non-Burman groups in exchange for union participation. The amendments provoked immediate protests in Rangoon and dissent from non-Buddhist minorities, including Christian Kachins who saw them as eroding their cultural autonomy and fueling demands for secession, empirically correlating with intensified activities post-1961. Muslim communities in Arakan and other regions, viewing the favoritism as a dilution of minority protections, registered formal opposition through petitions and political channels, heightening sectarian frictions that causal analysis links to broader insurgent mobilizations and weakened national cohesion. Though the acts were short-lived—repealed after Ne Win's 1962 coup—their passage underscored how religious constitutionalization, intended to consolidate Burman-centric unity, instead amplified ethnic divisions by signaling state bias.

Ousting, Imprisonment, and Later Opposition

Military Coup and Incarceration

On March 2, 1962, General Ne Win led a bloodless military coup d'état that overthrew the civilian government of Prime Minister U Nu, arresting him along with key cabinet members and dissolving the parliament. Ne Win justified the takeover by citing pervasive political instability, ethnic insurgencies threatening national disintegration, and the perceived weakness of U Nu's administration in addressing minority demands for federalism. The coup marked the military's permanent entrenchment in power, facilitated by the army's prior expansion under U Nu's earlier invitations for military caretaker rule in 1958, which had institutionalized its political influence. The 1947 Constitution was immediately abrogated, eliminating parliamentary institutions and establishing the Union Revolutionary Council under Ne Win's chairmanship to govern by decree. This shift initiated the "," an isolationist doctrine emphasizing and one-party military dominance, diverging from U Nu's democratic framework. Following his , U Nu was placed under from 1962 to 1966, during which the regime purged allies of the (AFPFL), arresting numerous former government officials and suppressing opposition networks. U Nu was released in 1966 as part of a broader , though his political activities remained severely restricted under military oversight. He faced re-arrest in 1972, enduring until 1974 amid the regime's consolidation of the 1974 Constitution, which enshrined socialist principles while maintaining military supremacy. These detentions underscored the causal linkage between U Nu's past reliance on military intervention for stability and the subsequent irreversible empowerment of the , which prioritized regime security over democratic restoration.

Symbolic Role in Democratic Resistance and 8888 Uprising

U Nu's return from in 1980 positioned him as a venerated elder statesman opposed to Ne Win's one-party rule, though his activities remained circumscribed under the (BSPP) regime. In the lead-up to the , he advocated restoration of parliamentary democracy under the 1947 Constitution, but recurrent surveillance and restrictions, including intermittent house arrests in the mid-1980s, curtailed organized mobilization. The 8888 Uprising erupted on August 8, 1988, triggered by student protests in Yangon over economic grievances and university fee hikes, rapidly escalating into nationwide demonstrations involving millions of participants across major cities, including monks, workers, and civilians demanding an end to BSPP dominance and free elections. U Nu, aged 81, endorsed the movement by proclaiming himself the constitutional prime minister on August 29, 1988, and founding the League for Democracy and Peace as the first opposition party in 26 years, pledging elections within one month to restore civilian rule. His declaration drew limited support from some student factions seeking a transitional authority, yet fragmented the pro-democracy coalition amid competing figures like retired generals and emerging leaders. On September 10, 1988, U Nu escalated by announcing a and cabinet, positioning himself as a bridge to pre-1962 democratic , though this was dismissed by the as illegitimate. The uprising's scale—hundreds of thousands marching daily in by mid-August—faced brutal suppression by security forces, with death toll estimates ranging from 3,000 to 10,000, primarily from shootings and beatings, alongside thousands arrested. U Nu's symbolic authority evoked for independent Burma's parliamentary era but proved ineffective against military cohesion; his isolation, advanced age, and lack of armed backing underscored the institutional weaknesses inherited from unstable post-independence foundations, enabling the State Law and Order Restoration Council's seizure of power on September 18, 1988. Subsequent from December 1989 to April 1992 further neutralized U Nu's influence, as the junta ignored opposition calls and rigged the 1990 elections it had promised under duress. His 1988 initiatives, while galvanizing democratic aspirations, highlighted causal vulnerabilities in Myanmar's political order: fragmented civilian resistance against a unified apparatus, perpetuating authoritarian entrenchment despite .

Intellectual and Cultural Contributions

Literary Output as Novelist and Playwright

U Nu authored a limited body of and amid his political career, with works that often incorporated themes of national struggle, ethical conduct, and post-colonial societal challenges. His output as a included a single known novel, Man, the Wolf of Man, composed during his incarceration in by British authorities from 1940 to 1942. Set against the backdrop of Burma's independence movement, the novel portrays interpersonal conflicts and the harsh realities of colonial , drawing on U Nu's firsthand experiences to critique exploitation and advocate resilience. In playwriting, U Nu produced The People Win Through in 1951, a drama reflecting Burma's nascent sovereignty following independence in 1948. The play articulates historical determination through narrative forged from early nation-building events, emphasizing collective triumph over adversity and moral leadership in governance. Earlier pre-World War II fiction, such as Ganda-layit, evoked travels to —referred to classically in Burmese as Ganda-layit—and explored broader Asian contexts relevant to Burmese nationalism. These literary efforts, politically inflected and aligned with U Nu's advocacy for socialist principles tempered by , gained traction among urban Burman intellectuals during his premiership but faced restricted dissemination post-1962 military coup due to state censorship. Their influence persisted in fostering cultural narratives of ethical , though critical reception emphasized didactic value over stylistic innovation.

Religious Texts and Philosophical Writings

U Nu's philosophical writings on religion primarily sought to integrate Theravada Buddhist doctrines with political theory, emphasizing moral causality in governance and statecraft. In essays such as the pre-independence "Kyan-daw buthama," composed around 1935, he articulated early views on applying to leadership, portraying political authority as contingent on the ruler's adherence to precepts like non-violence and right intention to mitigate karmic repercussions in societal outcomes. This work reflected traditional Burmese interpretations of texts, where royal charisma derived from personal liberation efforts, extending to rationalizations of impermanent worldly power through ethical conduct. Central to U Nu's doctrinal output was "Buddhist socialism," a framework reconciling collectivist economics with Buddhist non-attachment by framing state intervention as a tool to eradicate greed—rooted in the Three Poisons—while subordinating materialist ideologies to spiritual ends. He critiqued Marxist materialism as empirically deficient, arguing its denial of karma and rebirth undermined causal explanations for social inequities, contrasting it with Buddhism's observed emphasis on volitional actions yielding verifiable moral consequences, as illustrated in the Buddha's Kalama Sutta advocacy for experiential verification over doctrinal authority. U Nu's essays, circulated among intellectuals in the 1950s, posited ahimsa-like non-violence as a practical antidote to ideological violence, drawing on Theravada vinaya precepts to advocate leaders' vows of ethical restraint for governance stability. These texts exerted doctrinal influence by framing politics as a sāsana-preserving endeavor, inspiring monastic endorsements of democratic processes aligned with dhamma, such as vows upholding Buddhist moral order against secular threats. However, their prioritization of Theravada exceptionalism over pluralistic tolerance exacerbated confessional frictions, as evidenced by elite pressures to elevate Buddhism doctrinally, fostering nationalist interpretations that privileged karmic causality in policy rationales at the expense of minority faiths.

Controversies and Assessments

Achievements in Nation-Building

U Nu oversaw the establishment of parliamentary democracy in after , conducting the nation's first post-colonial in 1952, where his (AFPFL) won a majority, solidifying his role as . This was followed by elections in and a for his faction in 1960, marking Burma as one of the earliest adopters of multi-party elections in post-colonial despite ongoing insurgencies that limited participation in some regions. These processes laid foundational institutions for representative governance, including a that emphasized to accommodate ethnic diversity, though implementation faced practical constraints from internal conflicts. In , U Nu maintained a strict non-alignment stance, enabling Burma to secure development assistance from both Western and Eastern blocs without formal alliances, which helped avert deeper entanglement in proxy dynamics and potential communist dominance amid domestic leftist insurgencies. This approach facilitated agreements such as the 1957 Soviet deal for constructing the Inya Lake Hotel, a technological institute in Rangoon, and medical facilities, contributing to urban infrastructure expansion. Similarly, U Nu's Pyidawtha Plan of the early outlined ambitious welfare-oriented economic goals, drawing international loans and technical aid to support nation-wide development initiatives, even as resource limitations tempered outcomes. U Nu promoted a cultural revival centered on to foster social cohesion among the Burman majority, sponsoring the Sixth Buddhist Council (1954–1956) that convened scholars from across to revise and propagate texts, thereby reinvigorating monastic education and national identity post-colonial disruption. This effort, while primarily benefiting the ethnic Burman core, provided a stabilizing ideological framework amid post-independence fragmentation, evidenced by increased participation in religious activities and the establishment of Buddhist universities. Such initiatives complemented political structures by embedding ethical principles from Buddhist doctrine into , aiming to mitigate social disarray from rapid .

Criticisms of Policy Failures and Religious Favoritism

U Nu's economic policies, characterized by extensive nationalizations and central planning under the Pyidawtha initiative launched in 1952, drew criticism for fostering stagnation rather than growth. Annual GDP growth in Burma during the averaged below 2%, hampered by state interventions that discouraged private investment, suppressed —particularly rice exports—and engendered widespread markets and chronic shortages. These measures, intended to build , instead created dependency on foreign aid, with critics attributing the inefficiencies to ideological rigidity over pragmatic market mechanisms, as internal AFPFL factionalism further eroded policy execution. Centralized governance under U Nu exacerbated ethnic tensions by prioritizing Burman-dominated administration and neglecting federalist promises from the 1947 , fueling insurgencies among groups like the Karen and Shan that persisted for over two decades. This approach, combined with the 1961 legislative push to designate as the and promote Burmese as the sole , alienated non-Burman and non-Buddhist minorities, who perceived it as institutionalizing and eroding the secular of 1947. Ethnic leaders argued that such favoritism normalized Burman supremacy, undermining democratic pluralism and provoking rational resistance through armed rebellion, which contributed to national instability culminating in the 1962 military coup. The allocation of state resources to Buddhist synods and institutions amid fiscal deficits exemplified under U Nu, with minority communities decrying it as discriminatory and conducive to later persecutions. Christian and Muslim groups, in particular, highlighted how these policies seeded perceptions of second-class status for non-Buddhists, prioritizing orthodoxy over equitable governance and thereby weakening national cohesion in a multi-ethnic state. Observers noted that this undemocratic tilt, lacking empirical justification for unifying the , instead amplified grievances that rational actors addressed through , underscoring a causal link between favoritism and protracted conflict.

Death

U Nu died on 14 February 1995 in , , at the age of 87. His family stated that he passed away peacefully at home after slipping into a , but did not disclose a specific cause of death. He was buried at Kyandaw Cemetery in .

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