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Varina Davis
Varina Davis
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Varina Anne Banks Davis (née Howell; May 7, 1826 – October 16, 1906) was the only First Lady of the Confederate States of America, and the longtime second wife of President Jefferson Davis.[1] She moved to the presidential mansion in Richmond, Virginia, in mid-1861, and lived there for the remainder of the Civil War. Born and raised in the Southern United States and educated in Philadelphia, she had family on both sides of the conflict and unconventional views for a woman in her public role. She did not support the Confederacy's position on slavery, and was ambivalent about the war.

Key Information

Davis became a writer after the war, completing her husband's memoir. She was recruited by Kate (Davis) Pulitzer, a purportedly distant cousin of Varina’s husband and wife of publisher Joseph Pulitzer, to write articles and eventually a regular column for the New York World. Widowed in 1889, Davis moved to New York with her youngest daughter Winnie in 1891 to work at writing. She enjoyed urban life. In her old age, she attempted to reconcile prominent figures of the North and South.

Early life and education

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Varina Anne Banks Howell was born in 1826 at Natchez, Mississippi, the daughter of William Burr Howell and Margaret Louisa Kempe. Her father was from a distinguished family in New Jersey: His father, Richard Howell, served several terms as governor of New Jersey and died when William was a boy. William inherited little money and used family connections to become a clerk in the Bank of the United States.[citation needed]

William Howell relocated to Mississippi, when new cotton plantations were being rapidly developed. There he met and married Margaret Louisa Kempe (1806–1867), born in Prince William County, Virginia. Her wealthy planter family had moved to Mississippi before 1816.[2] She was the daughter of Colonel James Kempe (sometimes spelled Kemp), a Scots-Irish immigrant from Ulster who became a successful planter and major landowner in Virginia and Mississippi, and Margaret Graham, born in Prince William County. Margaret Graham was illegitimate as her parents, George Graham, a Scots immigrant, and Susanna McAllister (1783–1816) of Virginia, never officially married.[3][4]

After moving his family from Virginia to Mississippi, James Kempe also bought land in Louisiana, continuing to increase his holdings and productive capacity. When his daughter married Howell, he gave her a dowry of 60 slaves and 2,000 acres (8.1 km2) of land in Mississippi.[5] William Howell worked as a planter, merchant, politician, postmaster, cotton broker, banker, and military commissary manager, but never secured long-term financial success. He lost the majority of Margaret's sizable dowry and inheritance through bad investments and their expensive lifestyle. They suffered intermittent serious financial problems throughout their lives.[6]

Varina was born in Natchez, Mississippi, as the second Howell child of eleven, seven of whom survived to adulthood. She was later described as tall and thin, with an olive complexion attributed to Welsh ancestors.[7] Later, when she was living in Richmond as the unpopular First Lady of the Confederacy, critics described her as looking like a mulatto or Indian "squaw".[8]

The Briars in Natchez, Mississippi.

When Varina was thirteen, her father declared bankruptcy. The Howell family home, furnishings and slaves were seized by creditors to be sold at public auction.[9]

Her wealthy maternal relatives intervened to redeem the family's property. It was one of several sharp changes in fortune that Varina encountered in her life. She grew to adulthood in a house called The Briars, when Natchez was a thriving city, but she learned her family was dependent on the wealthy Kempe relatives of her mother's family to avoid poverty.[citation needed]

Varina Howell was sent to Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, for her education, where she studied at Madame Deborah Grelaud's French School, a prestigious academy for young ladies.[10] Grelaud, a Huguenot, was a refugee from the French Revolution and had founded her school in the 1790s.[10] One of Varina's classmates was Sarah Anne Ellis, later known as Sarah Anne Dorsey, the daughter of extremely wealthy Mississippi planters. (After the Civil War, Dorsey, by then a wealthy widow, provided financial support to the Davises.)[citation needed]

While at school in Philadelphia, Varina got to know many of her northern Howell relatives; she carried on a lifelong correspondence with some, and called herself a "half-breed" for her connections in both regions.[11] After a year, she returned to Natchez, where she was privately tutored by Judge George Winchester, a Harvard graduate and family friend. She was intelligent and better educated than many of her peers, which led to tensions with Southern expectations for women.[9] In her later years, Varina referred fondly to Madame Grelaud and Judge Winchester; she sacrificed to provide the highest quality of education for her two daughters in their turn.[citation needed]

In 1843, at age 17, Howell was invited to spend the Christmas season at Hurricane Plantation, the 5,000 acres (20 km2) property of family friends Joseph Emory Davis and Eliza Van Benthuysen Davis. Her parents had named their oldest child after Joseph Davis. Located at Davis Bend, Mississippi, Hurricane was 20 miles south of Vicksburg. Davis was planning a gala housewarming with many guests and entertainers to inaugurate his lavish new mansion on the cotton plantation. (Varina described the house in detail in her memoirs.) During her stay, she met her host's much younger brother Jefferson Davis. Then thirty-five years old, Davis was a West Point graduate, former Army officer, and widower. He worked as a planter, having developed Brierfield Plantation on land his brother allowed him to use, although Joseph Davis still retained possession of the land. [citation needed]

Marriage and family

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Wedding photograph of Jefferson Davis and Varina Howell, 1845

Jefferson Davis was a 35-year-old widower when he and Varina met. His first wife, Sarah Knox Taylor, daughter of his commanding officer Zachary Taylor while he was in the Army, had died of malaria three months after their wedding in 1835. Davis mourned her and had been reclusive in the ensuing eight years. He was beginning to be active in politics.

Shortly after first meeting him, Howell wrote to her mother:

I do not know whether this Mr. Jefferson Davis is young or old. He looks both at times; but I believe he is old, for from what I hear he is only two years younger than you are [the rumor was correct]. He impresses me as a remarkable kind of man, but of uncertain temper, and has a way of taking for granted that everybody agrees with him when he expresses an opinion, which offends me; yet he is most agreeable and has a peculiarly sweet voice and a winning manner of asserting himself. The fact is, he is the kind of person I should expect to rescue one from a mad dog at any risk, but to insist upon a stoical indifference to the fright afterward.[12]

In keeping with custom, Davis sought the permission of Howell's parents before beginning a formal courtship. They initially disapproved of him due to the many differences in background, age, and politics. Davis was a Democrat and the Howells, including Varina, were Whigs. In her memoir, Varina Howell Davis wrote that her mother was concerned about Jefferson Davis's excessive devotion to his relatives (particularly his older brother Joseph, who had largely raised him and upon whom he was financially dependent) and his near worship of his deceased first wife. The Howells ultimately consented to the courtship, and the couple became engaged shortly thereafter.[citation needed]

Their wedding was planned as a grand affair to be held at Hurricane Plantation during Christmas of 1844, but the wedding and engagement were cancelled shortly beforehand, for unknown reasons. In January 1845, while Howell was ill with a fever, Davis visited her frequently. They became engaged again. When they married on February 26, 1845, at her parents' house, a few relatives and friends of the bride attended, and none of the groom's family.

Their short honeymoon included a visit to Davis's aged mother, Jane Davis, and a visit to the grave of his first wife in Louisiana. The newlyweds took up residence at Brierfield, the plantation Davis had developed on 1,000 acres (4.0 km2) loaned to him for his use by his brother Joseph Davis. Their first residence was a two-room cottage on the property and they started construction of a main house. It became a source of contention.

Soon after their marriage, Davis's widowed and penniless sister, Amanda (Davis) Bradford, came to live on the Brierfield property along with her seven youngest children. Her brothers decided that she should share the large house which the Davises were building, but they had not consulted Varina Davis. It was an example of what she would later call interference from the Davis family in her life with her husband. Additionally, her brother-in-law Joseph Davis proved controlling, both of his brother, who was 23 years younger, and the even younger Varina – especially during her husband's absences. At the same time, her parents became more financially dependent on the Davises, to her embarrassment and resentment. Their youngest son, born after her own marriage, was named Jefferson Davis Howell in her husband's honor.

The couple had long periods of separation from early in their marriage, first as Jefferson Davis gave campaign speeches and "politicked" (or campaigned) for himself and for other Democratic candidates in the elections of 1846. He was also gone for extended periods during the Mexican War (1846–1848). Varina Davis was put under the guardianship of Joseph Davis, whom she had come to dislike intensely. Her correspondence with her husband during this time demonstrated her growing discontent, to which Jefferson was not particularly sympathetic.

Urban life in Washington, DC

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Davis in 1849, by John Wood Dodge

Jefferson Davis was elected in 1846 to the U.S. House of Representatives and Varina accompanied him to Washington, D.C., which she loved. She was stimulated by the social life with intelligent people and was known for making "unorthodox observations". Among them were that "slaves were human beings with their frailties" and that "everyone was a 'half breed' of one kind or another." She referred to herself as one because of her strong family connections in both North and South.[13] The Davises lived in Washington, DC, for most of the next fifteen years before the American Civil War, which gave Varina Howell Davis a broader outlook than many Southerners. It was her favorite place to live. But, as an example of their many differences, her husband preferred life on their Mississippi plantation.[14]

Soon he took leave from his Congressional position to serve as an officer in the Mexican–American War (1846–1848). Varina Davis returned for a time to Briarfield, where she chafed under the supervision of her brother-in-law, Joseph. The surviving correspondence between the Davises from this period expresses their difficulties and mutual resentments. After her husband's return from the war, Varina Davis did not immediately accompany him to Washington when the Mississippi legislature appointed him to fill a Senate seat.

Ultimately, the couple reconciled. She rejoined her husband in Washington. He had unusual visibility for a freshman senator because of his connections as the son-in-law (by his late wife) and former junior officer of President Zachary Taylor. Varina Davis enjoyed the social life of the capital and quickly established herself as one of the city's most popular (and, in her early 20s, one of the youngest) hostesses and party guests. The 1904 memoir of her contemporary, Virginia Clay-Clopton, described the lively parties of the Southern families in this period with other Congressional delegations, as well as international representatives of the diplomatic corps.[15][16]

After seven childless years, in 1852, Varina Davis gave birth to a son, Samuel. Her letters from this period express her happiness and portray Jefferson as a doting father. The couple had a total of six children:

  • Samuel Emory Davis, born July 30, 1852, named after his paternal grandfather; he died June 30, 1854, of an undiagnosed disease.[17]
  • Margaret Howell Davis, born February 25, 1855.[18] She married Joel Addison Hayes, Jr. (1848–1919), and they lived first in Memphis, Tennessee; later they moved to Colorado Springs, Colorado. They had five children, including a daughter named after her mother; Margaret was the only Davis child to marry and raise a family. She married Joel Addison Hayes in Memphis on New Year's Day, 1876. She, her husband, and family moved to Colorado Springs in 1885, where they soon became leading members of local society. Many of J. Addison and Margaret Hayes' descendants still reside in the area. She died on July 18, 1909, at the age of 54 and is buried with the Davis family at Hollywood Cemetery in Richmond, Virginia.[19]
  • Jefferson Davis, Jr., born January 16, 1857. He died in Memphis, Tennessee, of yellow fever at age 21 on October 16, 1878, during an epidemic in the Mississippi River Valley that caused 20,000 deaths.[20]
  • Joseph Evan Davis, born on April 18, 1859, died at the age of five due to an accidental fall on April 30, 1864.[21]
  • William Howell Davis, born on December 6, 1861, was named for Varina's father; he died of diphtheria on October 16, 1872.[22]
  • Varina Anne "Winnie" Davis was born on June 27, 1864, two months after Joseph's death. Known as the "Daughter of the Confederacy", she died at age 34 on September 18, 1898, of gastritis. After her parents had opposed her marriage in the late 1880s to a man from a Northern, abolitionist family, she never married.[23]

The Davises were devastated in 1854 when their first child died before the age of two. Varina Davis largely withdrew from social life for a time. In 1855, she gave birth to a healthy daughter, Margaret (1855–1909); followed by two sons, Jefferson, Jr., (1857–1878) and Joseph (1859–1864), during her husband's remaining tenure in Washington, D.C. The early losses of all four of their sons caused enormous grief to both the Davises.[citation needed]

During the Pierce Administration, Davis was appointed to the post of Secretary of War. He and President Franklin Pierce also formed a personal friendship that would last for the rest of Pierce's life. Their wives developed a strong respect, as well. The Pierces lost their last surviving child, Benny, shortly before his father's inauguration. They both suffered; Pierce became dependent on alcohol and Jane Appleton Pierce had health problems, including depression. At the request of the Pierces, the Davises, both individually and as a couple, often served as official hosts at White House functions in place of the President and his wife.

According to diarist Mary Boykin Chesnut, in 1860 Mrs. Davis "sadly" told a friend "The South will secede if Lincoln is made president. They will make Mr. Davis President of the Southern side. And the whole thing is bound to be a failure."[24]

Confederate First Lady

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Davis in 1862, depicted by Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper

Jefferson Davis resigned from the U.S. Senate in 1861 when Mississippi seceded. Varina Davis returned with their children to Brierfield, expecting him to be commissioned as a general in the Confederate army. He was elected as President of the Confederate States of America by the new Confederate Congress. She did not accompany him when he traveled to Montgomery, Alabama (then capital of the new country) to be inaugurated. A few weeks later, she followed and assumed official duties as the First Lady of the Confederacy.

Davis greeted the war with dread, supporting the Confederacy but not slavery. She was known to have said that:

the South did not have the material resources to win the war and white Southerners did not have the qualities necessary to win it; that her husband was unsuited for political life; that maybe women were not the inferior sex; and that perhaps it was a mistake to deny women the suffrage before the war.[13]

In the summer of 1861, Davis and her husband moved to Richmond, Virginia, the new capital of the Confederacy. They lived in a house which would come to be known as the White House of the Confederacy for the remainder of war (1861–1865). "She tried intermittently to do what was expected of her, but she never convinced people that her heart was in it, and her tenure as First Lady was for the most part a disaster," as the people picked up on her ambivalence.[25] White residents of Richmond criticized Varina Davis freely; some described her appearance as resembling "a mulatto or an Indian 'squaw'."[8]

In December 1861, she gave birth to their fifth child, William. Due to her husband's influence, her father William Howell received several low-level appointments in the Confederate bureaucracy which helped support him. The social turbulence of the war years reached the Presidential mansion; in 1864, several of the Davises' domestic slaves escaped. James Dennison and his wife, Betsey, who had served as Varina's maid, used saved back pay of 80 gold dollars to finance their escape. Henry, a butler, left one night after allegedly building a fire in the mansion's basement to divert attention.[citation needed]

In spring 1864, five-year-old Joseph Davis died in a fall from the porch at the Presidential mansion in Richmond. A few weeks later, Varina gave birth to their last child, a girl named Varina Anne Davis, who was called "Winnie". The girl became known to the public as "the Daughter of the Confederacy;" stories about and likenesses of her were distributed throughout the Confederacy during the last year of the war to raise morale. She retained the nickname for the rest of her life.[citation needed]

Postwar

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When the war ended, the Davises fled South seeking to escape to Europe. They were captured by federal troops and Jefferson Davis was imprisoned at Fort Monroe in Phoebus, Virginia, for two years. Left indigent, Varina Davis was restricted to residing in the state of Georgia, where her husband had been arrested. Fearing for the safety of their older children, she sent them to friends in Canada under the care of relatives and a family servant. Initially forbidden to have any contact with her husband, Davis worked tirelessly to secure his release. She tried to raise awareness of and sympathy for what she perceived as his unjust incarceration.

After a few months Varina Davis was allowed to correspond with him. Articles and a book on his confinement helped turn public opinion in his favor. Davis and young Winnie were allowed to join Jefferson in his prison cell. The family was eventually given a more comfortable apartment in the officers' quarters of the fort.

Jefferson and Varina photographed in Montreal, Canada, in 1869

Although released on bail and never tried for treason, Jefferson Davis had temporarily lost his home in Mississippi, most of his wealth, and his U.S. citizenship. In the late 20th century, his citizenship was posthumously restored by then President Carter. The small Davis family traveled constantly in Europe and Canada as he sought work to rebuild his fortunes.[citation needed] Davis accepted the presidency of an insurance agency headquartered in Memphis. The family began to regain some financial comfort until the Panic of 1873, when his company was one of many that went bankrupt. In 1872 their son William Davis died of typhoid fever, adding to their emotional burdens.[citation needed]

While visiting their daughters enrolled in boarding schools in Europe, Jefferson Davis received a commission as an agent for an English consortium seeking to purchase cotton from the southern United States. He returned to the US for this work. Varina Davis remained in England to visit her sister who had recently moved there, and stayed for several months. The surviving correspondence suggests her stay may have been prompted by renewed marital difficulties. Both the Davises suffered from depression due to the loss of their sons and their fortunes.[26]

She resented his attentions to other women, particularly Virginia Clay. Clay was the wife of their friend, former senator Clement Clay, a fellow political prisoner at Fort Monroe. During this period, Davis exchanged passionate letters with Virginia Clay for three years and is believed to have loved her. In 1871 Davis was reported as having been seen on a train "with a woman not his wife", and it made national newspapers.[26] Still in England, Varina was outraged.

For several years, the Davises lived apart far more than they lived together. Davis was unemployed for most of the years after the war. In 1877 he was ill and nearly bankrupt. Advised to take a home near the sea for his health, he accepted an invitation from Sarah Anne Ellis Dorsey, a widowed heiress, to visit her summer cottage Beauvoir on the Mississippi Sound in Biloxi. A classmate of Varina in Philadelphia, Dorsey had become a respected novelist and historian, and had traveled extensively. She arranged for Davis to use a cottage on the grounds of her plantation. There she helped him organize and write his memoir of the Confederacy, in part by her active encouragement. She also invited Varina Davis to stay with her.[27]

Davis and her eldest daughter, Margaret Howell Hayes, disapproved of her husband's friendship with Dorsey. After Varina Davis returned to the United States, she lived in Memphis with Margaret and her family for a time.[citation needed] Gradually she began a reconciliation with her husband. She was with him at Beauvoir in 1878 when they learned that their last surviving son, Jefferson Davis, Jr., had died during a yellow fever epidemic in Memphis. That year 20,000 people died throughout the South in the epidemic. During her grieving, Varina became friends again with Dorsey.[citation needed]

Sarah Dorsey was determined to help support the former president; she offered to sell him her house for a reasonable price. Learning she had breast cancer, Dorsey made over her will to leave Jefferson Davis free title to the home, as well as much of the remainder of her financial estate. Her Percy relatives were unsuccessful in challenging the will.[27]

The Davises and their servants in the mid-1880s

Her bequest provided Davis with enough financial security to provide for Varina and Winnie, and to enjoy some comfort with them in his final years.[27] When Winnie Davis completed her education, she joined her parents at Beauvoir. She had fallen in love when at college, but her parents disapproved. Her father objected to his being from "a prominent Yankee and abolitionist family" and her mother to his lack of money and being burdened by many debts. Forced to reject this man, Winnie never married.[28]

Dorsey's bequest made Winnie Davis the heiress after Jefferson Davis died in 1889. In 1891, Varina and Winnie moved to New York City. After Winnie died in 1898, she was buried next to her father in Richmond, Virginia. Varina Davis inherited Beauvoir.[29]

Widow

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After her husband died, Varina Howell Davis completed his autobiography, publishing it in 1890 as Jefferson Davis, A Memoir.[30] At first the book sold few copies, dashing her hopes of earning some income.

Kate Davis Pulitzer, a distant cousin of Jefferson Davis and the wife of Joseph Pulitzer, a major newspaper publisher in New York, had met Varina Davis during a visit to the South. She solicited short articles from her for her husband's newspaper, the New York World. In 1891 Varina Davis accepted the Pulitzers' offer to become a full-time columnist and moved to New York City with her daughter Winnie. They enjoyed the busy life of the city. White Southerners attacked Davis for this move to the North, as she was considered a public figure of the Confederacy whom they claimed for their own.[31]

As Davis and her daughter each worked at literary careers, they lived in a series of residential hotels in New York City. (Their longest residency was at the Hotel Gerard at 123 W. 44th Street.) Varina Davis wrote many articles for the newspaper, and Winnie Davis published several novels.[citation needed]

After Winnie died in 1898, Varina Davis inherited Beauvoir. In October 1902, she sold the plantation to the Mississippi Division of the Sons of Confederate Veterans for $10,000 (~$292,494 in 2024). She stipulated the facility was to be used as a Confederate veterans' home and later as a memorial to her husband. The SCV built barracks on the site, and housed thousands of veterans and their families. The plantation was used for years as a veterans' home.

Since 1953 the house has been operated as a museum to Davis. Beauvoir has been designated a National Historic Landmark. The main house has been restored and a museum built there, housing the Jefferson Davis Presidential Library.[citation needed]

Varina Howell Davis was one of numerous influential Southerners who moved to the North for work after the war; they were nicknamed "Confederate carpetbaggers".[citation needed]

In the postwar years of reconciliation, Davis became friends with Julia Dent Grant, the widow of former general and president Ulysses S. Grant, who had been among the most hated men in the South. She attended a reception where she met Booker T. Washington, head of the Tuskegee Institute, then a black college. In her old age, Davis published some of her observations and "declared in print that the right side had won the Civil War."[13]

Later years

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Although saddened by the death of her daughter Winnie in 1898[32] (the fifth and last of her six children to predecease her), Davis continued to write for the World. She enjoyed a daily ride in a carriage through Central Park. [citation needed]

She was active socially until poor health in her final years forced her retirement from work and any sort of public life.[citation needed] Davis died at age 80 of double pneumonia in her room at the Hotel Majestic on October 16, 1906. She was survived by her daughter Margaret Davis Hayes and several grandchildren and great-grandchildren.[33]

Legacy and honors

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Grave of Varina Davis (right) at Hollywood Cemetery, Richmond

Varina Howell Davis received a funeral procession through the streets of New York City. Her coffin was taken by train to Richmond, accompanied by the Reverend Nathan A. Seagle, Rector of Saint Stephen's Protestant Episcopal Church, New York City which Davis attended. She was interred with full honors by Confederate veterans at Hollywood Cemetery and was buried adjacent to the tombs of her husband and their daughter Winnie.[34]

A portrait of Mrs. Davis, titled the Widow of the Confederacy (1895), was painted by the Swiss-born American artist Adolfo Müller-Ury (1862–1947). It is held at the museum at Beauvoir. In 1918 Müller-Ury donated his profile portrait of her daughter, Winnie Davis, painted in 1897–1898, to the Museum of the Confederacy in Richmond, Virginia.

On August 29, 2005, Hurricane Katrina caused extensive wind and water damage to Beauvoir, which houses the Jefferson Davis Presidential Library. The home was restored and reopened on June 3, 2008. Varina Howell Davis's diamond and emerald wedding ring, one of the few valuable possessions she was able to retain through years of poverty, was held by the Museum at Beauvoir and lost during the destruction of Hurricane Katrina. It was discovered on the grounds a few months later and returned to the museum.[35]

Representation in other media

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See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Varina Anne Banks Howell Davis (May 7, 1826 – October 16, 1906) was the second wife of Jefferson Davis, president of the Confederate States of America, and consequently the only First Lady of the Confederacy during the American Civil War from 1861 to 1865. Born near Natchez to William B. Howell, a War of 1812 veteran and merchant with family ties spanning North and South, she received a classical education that included studies in Philadelphia.
She met the widowed Jefferson Davis, then a Mississippi planter and U.S. senator, at a gathering in 1843 and married him on February 26, 1845, at her family home "The Briars," overcoming initial opposition due to their eighteen-year age gap and his background. The couple had six children, though only one daughter, , outlived Varina, with tragedies including the death of young son Joseph in a accident in 1864. As in Richmond, she managed the Confederate , hosting levees and dinners that followed antebellum Washington protocols to foster Southern unity, while visiting hospitals and aiding relief efforts amid food shortages and social scrutiny over her Northern-influenced wit and independence. Following the Confederacy's collapse, Varina endured her husband's imprisonment from 1865 to 1867, then resided with him in exile in Canada, Europe, and Memphis before settling at Beauvoir, Mississippi. After Jefferson's death in 1889, she relocated to New York City, where she supported herself through journalism for outlets like The New York World, authored a two-volume memoir of her husband in 1890, and cultivated friendships across sectional lines, including with Julia Grant. She died of pneumonia in New York and was buried beside her husband in Richmond's Hollywood Cemetery.

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Childhood

Varina Anne Banks Howell was born on May 7, 1826, near , while her parents were visiting relatives, though the family maintained their primary residence in the Natchez area. Her father, William Burr Howell, originated from a prominent family—his own father, Richard Howell, had served as governor—and had relocated to Natchez after participating in the as a naval officer, where he pursued mercantile and speculative ventures rather than large-scale planting. Her mother, Margaret Louisa Kempe, came from a Virginia-born family of planters who had established themselves in Natchez; her father, James Kempe, an immigrant from , amassed wealth through planting and granted Margaret a including enslaved people and land upon her 1823 marriage to William Howell. The Howells resided at The Briars, a home near Natchez associated with Margaret's family, where they owned several house slaves but did not operate a full themselves, reflecting William's focus on over . Varina's early years involved exposure to the social and economic structures of antebellum Natchez society, including reliance on enslaved labor, through her mother's planter connections and the local planter elite. This environment contrasted with her father's Northern roots, which Varina later described as making her a "half-breed" in Southern eyes. William Howell's speculative investments faltered amid the , leading to around 1839 when Varina was thirteen; creditors seized the family home, furnishings, and enslaved people, forcing reliance on support from Margaret's wealthy Natchez relatives for housing and sustenance. The loss underscored the precariousness of Southern economic life dependent on credit, trade, and , shaping Varina's childhood amid reduced circumstances in the Natchez vicinity without permanent relocation.

Education and Formative Influences

Varina Howell attended Madame Deborah Grelaud's French School for Young Ladies in Philadelphia beginning at age ten in 1836, an elite academy known for its rigorous curriculum in languages, literature, and etiquette. This Northern boarding school immersed her in an intellectual environment distinct from Southern plantation life, where she studied French, classical subjects, and refined social graces under the guidance of European-trained instructors. The school's emphasis on critical reading and debate fostered her articulate style, evident in her lifelong correspondence and writings. Philadelphia's proximity to Quaker and reformist circles exposed Howell to diverse viewpoints, including the growing abolitionist movement active in the city during the 1830s, though her personal engagement with these ideas remained tempered by her Southern heritage. Her education emphasized constitutional principles and legal frameworks, reinforcing her view of as an established institution under the U.S. Constitution rather than a moral absolute to be challenged. This classical training did not diminish her regional loyalties but equipped her with tools to defend Southern customs intellectually against external critiques. In 1841, at age fifteen, Howell returned to due to her family's financial strains, which had relied on relatives to fund her tuition. Supplemented by private tutoring in Latin and French from family friend Judge George Winchester, a Harvard-educated Whig, her experience blended Northern polish with Southern values. This formative synthesis later manifested in her poised navigation of elite society and her written advocacy for the constitutionality of Southern institutions amid national debates.

Marriage and Family

Courtship and Union with Jefferson Davis

Varina Banks Howell first encountered Jefferson Davis in the summer of 1843 at Hurricane Plantation in Warren County, Mississippi, during a visit facilitated by mutual family and social connections in the Natchez area. At the time, Howell was a 17-year-old with a classical education from Philadelphia schools, while Davis, aged 35 and a widower since the death of his first wife Sarah Knox Taylor in 1835, was establishing himself as a planter and former U.S. Army officer. The 18-year age disparity drew initial scrutiny, as did Davis's Democratic politics contrasting with the Howell family's Whig leanings, yet their meeting sparked an immediate intellectual rapport, with Howell later recalling Davis's commanding presence and depth of knowledge. Their courtship unfolded through exchanged letters that highlighted complementary temperaments: Howell's vivacious wit and literary interests balanced Davis's more austere, introspective reserve, fostering mutual admiration for each other's intellect despite the social hurdles of class expectations and his prior romantic history. Davis proposed by late 1844, emphasizing in correspondence a vision of partnership rooted in shared values rather than mere convention, which appealed to Howell's independent streak amid limited matrimonial options due to her family's financial strains. Margaret Howell initially opposed the union, citing the age gap and political mismatch as risks to her daughter's future, but relented after observing their compatibility during Davis's visits to the Howell home at The Briars plantation near Natchez. The couple wed on February 26, 1845, in an Episcopal ceremony at The Briars, marking the formation of a alliance where Howell's social graces and conversational prowess would later ease Davis's navigation of political circles, compensating for his personal reticence. This early dynamic underscored a resilient personal bond, sustained by intellectual respect amid external reservations. ![Jefferson and Varina Davis portrait][float-right]

Children, Losses, and Domestic Life

Jefferson Davis and Varina Davis had six children: , Samuel Emory, Jefferson Jr., William Howell, Jeffrey Amherst, and Varina Anne (known as Winnie). Only Jefferson Jr. and Winnie reached adulthood. The first three children were born during the antebellum period: in 1849, on July 30, 1852, and Jefferson Jr. on January 16, 1857. These births occurred amid Jefferson Davis's frequent absences for military and political commitments, leaving Varina to manage family matters primarily alone. The family endured profound early losses, most notably the death of on June 30, 1854, at nearly two years old from an undiagnosed illness. This tragedy, compounded by the vulnerability of young children to disease in the mid-19th century, intensified emotional strains on Varina during her husband's extended absences from home. Varina bore primary responsibility for domestic life, overseeing household operations that included supervising approximately twenty workers—both white free laborers and enslaved Black individuals—in their residences, such as the Davis home in This role encompassed practical engagements with Southern and urban family structures, where enslaved staff performed essential tasks like cooking, cleaning, and childcare, reflecting the era's reliance on bound labor for affluent households.

Antebellum Washington Residence

Integration into Political Society

Upon her marriage in February 1845, Varina Davis accompanied to , where he began service in the U.S. , establishing their primary residence there for much of the next fifteen years amid his subsequent roles in the (1847–1851 and 1857–1861) and as Secretary of War (1853–1857). She adapted swiftly to the demands of elite political society, managing rented households and navigating the city's urban social rhythm, which contrasted with her Southern upbringing. Varina Davis hosted regular receptions, dinner parties, and informal gatherings that functioned as intellectual salons, featuring refined , her fashionable attire, and lively discourse on and culture, attracting bipartisan attendees from Southern and Northern backgrounds. These events bridged sectional divides by including figures such as and , fostering connections that extended Jefferson Davis's political reach through her reputed charm, conversational acuity, and organizational prowess. Her social circle encompassed cross-regional friendships, including with Northern families like the Blairs and Sewards, as well as ties to Northern relatives in and , which underscored her efforts to maintain national cohesion amid rising tensions. Observing the intensifying debates over and , she upheld the institution as constitutionally safeguarded while prioritizing Union preservation, opposing abolitionist encroachments and, in the 1860 election, favoring Constitutional Union candidate John Bell over secessionist alternatives.

Pre-Secession Views and Relationships

During the of 1860–1861, Varina Davis expressed deep alarm at the prospect of disunion, informing a friend in the summer of 1860 that was "bound to be a failure" due to the South's insufficient resources for sustained conflict. Despite her support for and the constitutional protection of —which she viewed as benefiting her family's holdings of over 70 enslaved people and opposed to abolitionist agitation—she favored resolving sectional tensions within the Union rather than through separation, believing Abraham Lincoln's alone did not justify dissolution. Her moderate proslavery stance, articulated as early as 1852 when she described enslaved individuals as "human beings, with their frailties," contrasted with more rigid views and reflected a preference for compromise over rupture, though she anticipated that would inevitably bring war and divide families and friends. Davis's extensive social network in antebellum , where the family resided from 1845 to 1860, fostered ambivalence toward disunion through close friendships with Northern figures, including the wife of and associates of , alongside visits to Howell relatives in . These ties, maintained amid bipartisan hosting at their home, reinforced her pro-Union inclinations—she likely would have supported Constitutional Union Party candidate John Bell in the 1860 election—and her reluctance to abandon the capital's political society even after Lincoln's victory, yet she remained steadfast in defending Southern institutions against perceived Northern aggressions like . In her husband's political sphere, Davis exerted discreet influence as a behind-the-scenes advisor, counseling in 1860 that lacked the compromise skills for executive leadership and was better suited to military roles, a perspective informed by her observations during his tenure and earlier service as of war. This counsel positioned her as a subtle asset in navigating Washington dynamics without public , though her reservations about his presidential prospects underscored her broader wariness of escalating sectional strife.

Role in the Confederacy

Duties as First Lady

Upon the relocation of the Confederate capital to , in May 1861, Varina Davis and her family moved into the White House of the Confederacy at 707 East Franklin Street in August 1861, where she assumed responsibility for managing the presidential household. She oversaw operations for a staff of approximately twenty workers, including both free and enslaved individuals, amid wartime constraints such as food shortages and supply disruptions caused by the Union naval blockade. became necessary as eroded and resources dwindled, requiring her to adapt domestic routines to limited provisions while maintaining functionality for official use. As , Davis organized and hosted social events at the residence, including dinners and receptions for Confederate officials and diplomats, to facilitate political networking in the absence of formal state protocols. These gatherings, often planned independently since participated minimally in social arrangements, served ceremonial purposes and helped sustain morale among government elites despite encroaching hardships. She upheld decorum during periods of strain, such as the influx of wounded from nearby battles, ensuring the household projected stability. Davis contributed to soldiers' welfare by knitting garments, repurposing fabrics into blankets and footwear, and conducting regular visits to Richmond hospitals to attend to the injured. These efforts aligned with broader Confederate women's initiatives to support the war machine through direct aid, compensating for material scarcities. Through her outgoing demeanor and hosting, Davis complemented her husband's reserved nature, fostering interpersonal connections that softened perceptions of his austerity and bolstered Confederate cohesion.

Wartime Challenges and Family Impacts

During the of spring 1862, as Union General George B. McClellan's army advanced toward Richmond, Varina Davis evacuated with her children to , for safety, reflecting the frequent relocations prompted by military threats to the Confederate capital. Similar precautionary moves occurred periodically, with children often sent to rural areas or farms near Richmond to shield them from urban dangers, disease outbreaks, and bombardment risks. The Union naval blockade exacerbated household privations in Richmond, limiting food, medicine, and goods, which Varina managed by supplies and organizing domestic efforts amid widespread reported in the by late 1864. She oversaw the Confederate with reduced staff and resources, adapting to shortages that affected daily life, including 1864 celebrations marked by defiance but evident want. Family health suffered severely; on April 30, 1864, five-year-old son Joseph Evan Davis died from injuries sustained in a fall from the second-story balcony of the , a that compounded the emotional toll of wartime losses. Varina endured her own physical strains, though specific ailments like persisted from pre-war years, amid the era's inadequate medical care. In correspondence, Varina demonstrated resilience, writing to her mother in June 1861 of her duty to support the cause despite the South's resource deficits, and to in July 1862 that a Union victory would align with divine will if it prevailed, underscoring her pragmatic endurance of foreseen hardships.

Political Engagements and Resulting Criticisms

During the Civil War, Varina Davis offered her husband, Confederate President , informal advice on cabinet appointments and military strategy, informed by her social interactions in Richmond and correspondence with Southern elites. Her recommendations, such as supporting certain officials amid factional disputes, occasionally leaked through social circles, prompting accusations from hardline Confederates like Senator Louis T. Wigfall of Wigfall that she exerted improper influence over executive decisions. These claims portrayed her as encroaching on male-dominated governance, reflecting broader societal resistance to women's political involvement in the Confederacy, where traditional gender roles confined females to domestic support rather than advisory capacities. Varina's private expressions of doubt regarding Confederate prospects, rooted in the South's industrial and disadvantages compared to the North's vast resources—evident as early as July 1862 when she wrote to her that the Confederacy lacked the means for sustained victory—circulated via indiscreet conversations with friends and led to public charges of pessimism bordering on disloyalty. Critics, including Richmond diarist , amplified these views by depicting Varina as temperamentally unsuited to the cause, labeling her "gloomy" and overly influenced by her Northern family ties, despite her tangible contributions to wartime aid organizations. Such backlash persisted even as her organizational work, like coordinating supplies, demonstrated commitment, underscoring how her candid realism clashed with the era's demand for unwavering public . Perceived favoritism in social and administrative matters further fueled scandals, including rumors of preferential treatment for associates in resource distribution and appointments, which intersected with gender scrutiny in a society quick to question a first lady's proximity to power. Tensions with figures like cabinet wives, who viewed her interventions as meddlesome, highlighted patriarchal expectations that amplified minor disputes into broader narratives of impropriety, though no formal charges of misconduct materialized. These episodes, often leaked through anonymous press or diaries, exemplified how Varina's visibility invited disproportionate criticism compared to male influencers, prioritizing fidelity to spousal deference over empirical assessment of Confederate weaknesses.

Immediate Postwar Exile

Escape from Richmond and Aftermath

As Union armies closed in on Richmond in late March 1865, Varina Davis departed the Confederate capital on the evening of March 31 with her four surviving children—Jefferson Jr., , Varina Anne, and —and a modest entourage including servants and aides, boarding a train bound for , to evade the impending collapse. This preemptive flight, prompted by intelligence of General Robert E. Lee's deteriorating position, preceded the official government evacuation on April 2, when received Lee's dispatch indicating the could no longer hold its lines, leading to the burning of Richmond and the president's southward with cabinet members. Varina's group pressed on through the toward Georgia, often relying on sympathizers for food, shelter, and transportation amid disrupted rail lines and foraging Union detachments, while Jefferson followed a parallel route in hopes of linking up and reorganizing Confederate forces. The families briefly reunited in , where Varina urged her husband to disperse his escort for safety, but they soon separated again as federal pursuers intensified. On May 10, 1865, was apprehended by the 4th Cavalry near Irwinville, Georgia—about 10 miles from Varina's recent campsite—while attempting to rejoin her ; he was found in a rudimentary consisting of a over his attire, with aides carrying a small sum of from auctioned family valuables totaling $28,400. Varina, having advanced ahead with the children, received word of the within days through local networks. Continuing to , Varina sought refuge but encountered Union occupation under Major General ; she then relocated to Savannah, where federal authorities imposed on her and the children for several months as part of broader scrutiny of Confederate leadership families. Release came via after interventions from Southern contacts and northern intermediaries, enabling departure southward; this brief detention underscored the abrupt shift from flight to federal oversight, though Varina's composure and appeals facilitated leniency. Throughout, Confederate loyalists offered clandestine aid—such as provisions and intelligence—demonstrating persistent personal allegiance to the Davises amid widespread southern demoralization. Jefferson's subsequent imprisonment at , , beginning immediately after capture and lasting until May 1867 under harsh conditions including irons, plunged Varina into uncertainty; she prioritized correspondence advocating for his health and legal defense, including a detailed June 6, 1865, letter to outlining the capture circumstances to counter sensational Union reports of disguise and flight motives. This loyalty persisted despite the Confederacy's dissolution, marking the personal toll of defeat on the family as organized resistance ended with Joseph E. Johnston's surrender on April 26 near , .

Sojourns in Canada and Europe

Following the dispatch of her three youngest children to with her mother in mid-1865, Varina Davis received permission from federal authorities to join them there in the spring of 1866. The family resided modestly, drawing on aid from Confederate sympathizers and expatriates; notably, former Confederate Secretary of State forwarded $12,000 from to support their needs. Separated from Jefferson Davis, who remained imprisoned at Fortress Monroe until May 1867, Varina persisted in advocating for his release and pardon through personal correspondence with prominent Northern figures, including Postmaster General and editor . These efforts highlighted her endurance amid emotional strain and physical ailments, as she navigated life abroad while maintaining ties to Southern identity and avoiding deep integration into Canadian social circles. Upon Jefferson's bail in May 1867, the reunited family briefly extended their sojourn to Europe, visiting sites in London and Paris via networks of Confederate diaspora for transient support, before contemplating a return southward.

Reconstruction-Era Struggles

Return to the American South

Following the conclusion of their postwar travels in Canada and Europe, Jefferson Davis and his family resettled in the American South by moving to Memphis, Tennessee, in late 1869. This relocation marked a pragmatic effort to reestablish financial stability during Reconstruction, as Davis accepted the presidency of the Carolina Life Insurance Company, which offered him an annual salary of $12,000 and plans to relocate its headquarters to the city. Varina Davis and the surviving children joined him there by the end of November 1869, transitioning from exile to domestic life amid ongoing federal oversight in the region. The family's return coincided with resolution of Jefferson Davis's legal entanglements; U.S. charges against him for were formally dropped in February 1869, effectively granting him unrestricted residency in the restored Union without requiring a personal amnesty application, as he had been excluded from President Andrew Johnson's 1868 general proclamation. They also pursued property claims, filing suit to recover control of the in Warren County, Mississippi, from the heirs of Joseph E. Davis, reflecting adaptation to the altered legal framework under federal Reconstruction policies that had disrupted prewar land titles and ownership. Efforts to revive agricultural operations, including tenant-based farming on remaining holdings, proved limited by damage, market volatility, and contested titles, underscoring the economic constraints imposed by wartime devastation and . Despite these initiatives, the Davises encountered social ostracism from certain Confederate loyalists, stemming from lingering wartime criticisms of Varina Davis's perceived Northern sympathies, independent demeanor, and associations that clashed with rigid Southern orthodoxies. Varina's brief postwar stay at Brierfield had already highlighted tensions, as she resented oversight by her brother-in-law Joseph Davis, who controlled the property. Nevertheless, the family preserved a core Southern identity, with Jefferson Davis engaging in public correspondence defending Confederate motivations while avoiding direct political involvement under the era's restrictions. This period of resettlement emphasized survival through private enterprise rather than plantation revival, amid a landscape of federal governance and provisional state readmissions. Following Jefferson Davis's release from prison in May 1867 and the family's return to the American South, they encountered severe financial precarity due to the confiscation and destruction of their Mississippi plantations, Brierfield and Hurricane, during the Civil War, coupled with the invalidation of Confederate bonds and currency. These losses left the family reliant on sporadic income from Jefferson's writings, including his contributions to the New Orleans Daily Picayune in the early 1870s, which provided modest earnings but insufficient to offset debts exceeding tens of thousands of dollars. Failed investments, such as Jefferson's involvement in a struggling steamship company and cotton speculation amid postwar market volatility, exacerbated their poverty, forcing frequent relocations between Memphis, Tennessee, and Mississippi. In a letter to Varina dated September 7, 1873, Jefferson detailed these mounting personal and financial woes, underscoring the household's dependence on her management of limited resources. Varina played a central role in mitigating these hardships through collaborative writings that defended Jefferson's wartime leadership against lingering accusations of treason and disloyalty, even after formal charges were dropped. She assisted in preparing articles for periodicals and co-edited Jefferson's The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government (1881), a two-volume work arguing that was constitutional and refuting federal claims of rebellion as ; serialization in the generated some revenue, though sales were hampered by Northern boycotts. These efforts aimed to vindicate Jefferson's name post-indictment, particularly after the U.S. government entered a on February 3, 1869, dismissing charges without trial due to jurisdictional issues and debates under President . Varina's involvement extended to legal correspondence and public advocacy, including petitions that highlighted the family's destitution to pressure authorities for property restitution, though Confederate-era debts and claims against the estate yielded minimal recoveries. Family obligations intensified the strain, as Varina balanced de facto household leadership with arranging for their Varina Anne "Winnie" Davis abroad to shield her from Southern reconstruction turmoil and secure social prospects. Winnie attended schools in , including , from the late 1870s, incurring costs that depleted scant savings amid the family's $40,000 debt by the decade's end. Despite these pressures, Varina prioritized Winnie's continental schooling—emphasizing languages and refinement—for its potential long-term benefits, while managing domestic economies through frugal living and occasional aid from Confederate sympathizers. Jefferson's public lectures on constitutional in the , often scripted with Varina's input, provided intermittent funds but drew criticism for perpetuating sectional divides, further complicating financial rehabilitation.

Widowhood

Life Following Jefferson Davis's Death

Jefferson Davis died of acute bronchitis on December 6, 1889, in New Orleans, Louisiana, after which Varina Davis returned to their home at Beauvoir near , to oversee the management of his personal papers and effects. Amid her grief, she immediately began compiling biographical materials, drawing on Davis's correspondence and documents to draft initial sketches that would form the basis of her two-volume , Jefferson Davis, Ex-President of the Confederate States of America: A Memoir by His Wife, published in 1890. These efforts aimed to preserve his legacy and counter ongoing Northern portrayals that vilified him as a traitor, presenting instead a defense rooted in his personal writings and her firsthand accounts. Financial strains from maintaining Beauvoir, including taxes and repairs on the aging property, prompted Varina Davis to consider relocation options shortly after her husband's death, though she retained the home for over a decade. In 1891, she and her daughter Winnie moved temporarily to , seeking better opportunities amid dwindling resources, a decision that elicited mixed reactions in the South where some viewed her departure as disloyalty to Confederate memory. She preserved key artifacts, such as Davis's manuscripts and letters, transporting them northward to safeguard against loss or public appropriation. This period marked her deliberate steps to curate and protect materials essential for shaping a sympathetic historical of her husband's life and the Confederate cause. By the early , escalating upkeep costs—exacerbated by the property's isolation and need for constant —led Varina Davis to sell Beauvoir in October 1902 to the Mississippi Division of the for $10,000, stipulating its use as a home for aging veterans. This transaction reflected pragmatic necessity over sentimental attachment, as she prioritized while ensuring the site's Confederate association endured under new stewardship. Southern sentiments remained divided, with critics decrying her Northern ties as abandonment, yet her actions underscored a commitment to conserving Davis's intellectual legacy amid personal adversity.

Journalism Career in New York

Following Jefferson Davis's death in 1889, Varina Davis relocated to in 1891 with her youngest daughter, Varina Anne "Winnie" Davis, seeking a more salubrious climate and opportunities for literary work to secure financial stability. In the city, she established a professional writing career, contributing regular columns to under editor Charles A. Dana, who had led the paper since 1868 and valued diverse viewpoints. Her pieces often covered New York society events, historical reflections, and Southern cultural topics, infusing them with a perspective sympathetic to the postbellum South while navigating the Northern press landscape. A pivotal work in her journalistic output was the 1890 publication of her two-volume memoir, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America: A Memoir by His Wife, issued by Belford Company in New York. The book methodically defended her husband's presidential decisions, countering Northern portrayals of Confederate leadership failures and accusations of internal Southern disloyalty, drawing on personal correspondence and wartime records to assert strategic competence amid resource constraints. Though completed prior to her full relocation, its serialization elements and promotional ties to New York publishing facilitated her entry into the city's media circles. These endeavors yielded financial independence, enabling Davis to support Winnie's social engagements and education without reliance on Southern pensions or relatives, while her writings subtly highlighted perceived overreaches in Reconstruction policies through contrasts with prewar Southern governance. By the mid-1890s, her Sun contributions had solidified her as a bridge figure between regional narratives, though they drew occasional Southern criticism for her Northern residence.

Final Years and Death

Following the death of her daughter Varina Anne "Winnie" Davis on September 18, 1898, at age 34 from malarial gastritis contracted while attending a Confederate veterans' reunion, Varina experienced profound isolation, as Winnie had been her primary companion during their years in New York City. Only her eldest daughter, Margaret, survived her, but the two maintained limited contact amid Margaret's independent life in Colorado. Varina's health deteriorated in her final years, marked by increasing frailty that confined her to apartment-hotels in , where she had resided since 1890 to sustain herself through . In a key personal closure, she sold the Beauvoir estate in —her late husband's residence and writing retreat—to the and in early 1906 for $15,000, stipulating its use as a home for indigent veterans and a repository for Confederate artifacts and documents to preserve the historical record. On October 16, 1906, Varina died of double at age 80 in her room at the Hotel Majestic overlooking in . Her body was transported to , for burial in Hollywood Cemetery beside , with her tombstone inscribed "At Peace."

Core Beliefs and Intellectual Stance

Perspectives on Slavery and Racial Hierarchy

Varina Davis accepted as a foundational element of Southern economy and society, viewing it as constitutionally protected under the U.S. Constitution prior to . In managing household operations at plantations like Brierfield and during her time in Richmond, she directly oversaw enslaved laborers without recorded efforts to advocate for or reform the , consistent with her role in a slaveholding elite dependent on bound labor for agricultural output. Unlike her husband , who in public speeches analogized enslaved people to or without human frailties, Varina articulated a view of them as "human beings with their frailties" in an 1852 letter, acknowledging personal agency and moral complexity while upholding the system's legitimacy. This perspective aligned with her defense of against Northern critics, as seen in correspondence praising responses to antislavery arguments, yet it stopped short of endorsing equality or challenging racial hierarchies embedded in Southern life. Postwar, Davis maintained silence on demands for , prioritizing preservation of Southern social structures amid Reconstruction's upheavals rather than embracing Northern visions of integration. In a article for The Arena, she reiterated justifications for slavery's role, arguing the impossibility of civilizing absent such controls, reflecting enduring commitment to hierarchical dependencies over egalitarian reforms. Her writings and actions thus evidenced pragmatic acceptance of racial order as causally tied to regional stability, without concession to abolitionist ideals.

Positions on Secession, War, and Union

Varina Davis expressed opposition to during the crisis of 1860–1861, deeming Abraham Lincoln's election in November 1860 insufficient grounds for disunion given the Union's tangible benefits in and . She valued federal unity, influenced by family connections spanning sectional lines, and anticipated that disunion would inevitably provoke war while disrupting these ties. In private correspondence that summer, she confided to a friend that the movement was "bound to be a ," citing the South's relative to Northern industrial capacity. Following the Confederate firing on on April 12, 1861, Davis acquiesced to the invocation of , aligning with her husband's position that constitutional remedies had been exhausted, though she maintained private reservations about the endeavor's viability. She performed her public duties loyally amid the conflict but foresaw defeat due to the Confederacy's empirical disadvantages, including inferior manufacturing, transportation networks, and population—approximately 9 million Southerners, many enslaved, against 22 million in the Union. In a letter to her mother dated June 1861, she explicitly noted the South's lack of resources to sustain prolonged warfare against Northern advantages. Throughout the war, Davis critiqued Confederate administrative shortcomings, such as inadequate coordination and overreliance on agrarian strengths, without undermining or her spousal . She attributed potential loss to material gaps rather than divine disfavor or moral defects, as evidenced in a July 6, 1862, private letter underscoring resource deficiencies amid mounting Union blockades and invasions. This emphasis on causal factors like industrial disparity reflected her realism about the South's prewar economic vulnerabilities, including dependence on Northern goods and vulnerability to federal trade policies.

Postwar Advocacy for Southern Narrative

Following Jefferson Davis's death in 1889, Varina Davis published Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the , A in two volumes in 1890, drawing on her husband's correspondence and personal records to counter Northern portrayals of him as a traitor incompetent in . The work detailed his strategic decisions, such as resource allocation amid the that restricted Confederate imports by an estimated 95% after , emphasizing external logistical constraints over personal failings, while attributing internal discord to state-level rivalries that undermined unified command. She explicitly rebutted charges by recounting the lack of legal warrant for his 1865 imprisonment, arguing it stemmed from political expediency rather than evidence of disloyalty, as no formal proceeded despite two years of detention. In contemporaneous articles, Davis extended this defense by debunking claims of Confederate barbarism through firsthand accounts of Southern conduct, such as in her 1893 piece on Stonewall Jackson's widow, which highlighted disciplined military restraint and familial sacrifices without embellishment. A 1901 contribution to the focused on women's wartime endurance, privileging empirical testimonies of provisioning shortages—exacerbated by the blockade's interception of over 1,000 vessels—to underscore agency in adaptation rather than inevitable defeatism. These writings avoided romantic idealization of the "Lost Cause," instead attributing collapse to verifiable factors like industrial disparities (the North's output exceeding the South's by 10:1 in iron production by 1864) and gubernatorial obstructions to , preserving a of principled resistance grounded in operational realities. Davis balanced advocacy with pragmatic reconciliation, as in her April 21, 1901, article "The Humanity of Grant," where she acknowledged the Union's triumph—citing Grant's Appomattox terms as evidence of factual superiority—while insisting on the enduring validity of Southern constitutional interpretations of state sovereignty and as a reserved right under the . This approach resisted wholesale erasure of prewar arguments, framing reunion as a modified union rather than vindication of Northern absolutism, and promoted sectional healing through shared valor without conceding moral inferiority. Her efforts, though commercially modest (initial sales under 5,000 copies), influenced veteran commemorations by prioritizing documentary fidelity over myth.

Enduring Legacy

Scholarly Assessments and Debates

Historians have portrayed Varina Davis as a pragmatic whose Northern upbringing and Unionist inclinations positioned her as a potential bridge between sections, yet her public loyalty to the Confederacy masked private reservations about and the war's viability. In Joan Cashin's analysis, Davis exhibited pro-slavery views inherited from her planter family but harbored pro-Union sentiments that conflicted with her role as , leading to suppressed expressions of doubt amid wartime pressures. Confederate contemporaries criticized her for perceived , including letters documenting her early discouragement over military prospects and social strains in Richmond, which some viewed as disloyalty despite her adherence to wifely duties. Modern scholars debate Davis's agency, weighing evidence of her as an empowered advisor against constraints of and spousal hierarchy in the . Primary sources, including her extensive correspondence with , reveal active influence on administrative matters, such as advocating for cabinet appointments and policy counsel during the Confederacy's formation in 1861–1862. Cashin contends that while patriarchal norms limited overt power, Davis's intellectual engagement—evident in her reading of European philosophy and direct interventions—elevated her beyond a passive consort, though some interpretations emphasize her ultimate subordination to her husband's decisions. These assessments draw on archival letters, which empirically demonstrate her shaping of domestic and advisory spheres, countering narratives of mere constraint. Davis's postwar writings, particularly her 1890 memoir Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, serve as vital primary sources rebutting Reconstruction-era accusations of treason and incompetence against the Davis administration. Historians value these texts for preserving insider perspectives on Confederate governance, including defenses of fiscal policies and military strategies amid resource shortages, though critics note their selective emphasis on vindication over self-critique. Contemporary evaluations highlight biases in academic historiography, where left-leaning institutions may undervalue her role in sustaining Southern causal narratives against Union propaganda, privileging instead critiques of her insufficient opposition to slavery despite her explicit endorsements of racial hierarchy. This tension underscores ongoing debates over her legacy as a loyalist defender versus a moderate whose zeal fell short of abolitionist standards.

Cultural Representations and Memorials

Varina Davis has been the subject of biographical novels that depict her as a resilient enduring personal and political adversity during and after the Civil War. Charles Frazier's Varina (2018), a work of , presents her reflecting on her marriage to , her role in the Confederacy, and postwar , emphasizing themes of and amid defeat. She appears in cinematic depictions, often in supporting roles within Civil War-era narratives. In the satirical film C.S.A.: The Confederate States of America (2004), actress Lauralei Linzay portrays Davis as the wife of the Confederate president in an alternate-history context exploring Southern institutions. Other portrayals include minor appearances in documentaries and historical reenactments, such as those examining Confederate leadership. Commemorative sites preserve her image in Confederate heritage contexts. The Varina Banks Howell Davis Flower Garden and Memorial, located in , , honors her early life and connection to the region as the site of her birth at The Briars plantation in 1826. At Beauvoir, the Mississippi estate serving as Jefferson Davis's final home from 1877 until his death in 1889, preserved gardens and exhibits—including Varina's —commemorate her residency and contributions to the property's maintenance as a memorial site now operated as a dedicated to Confederate history. These elements have been maintained despite broader efforts to remove or contextualize Confederate symbols in public spaces. In , the Jefferson and Varina Davis Monument in Hollywood Cemetery marks their shared legacy, with inscriptions and design elements reflecting her role alongside her husband; the site includes a life-size of unveiled in 1899, arranged in part by Varina. Cultural treatments, including novels and site interpretations, frequently frame Davis as a figure of steadfast Southern , with some recent accounts noting her postwar —such as contributions to from 1886 onward—as an early assertion of female intellectual agency within unyielding Confederate sympathies. These portrayals sometimes incorporate interpretive lenses that align her experiences with contemporary views on gender roles, potentially diverging from primary accounts of her era.

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