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2015 Baltimore protests
2015 Baltimore protests
2015 Baltimore protests
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2015 Baltimore protests
Part of the Black Lives Matter movement
and reactions to the Killing of Freddie Gray
Protesters demonstrating at the Baltimore Police Department's Western District building.
Location
Baltimore, Maryland, U.S.

39°17′27″N 76°36′40″W / 39.290860°N 76.611024°W / 39.290860; -76.611024
Caused byThe hospitalization[1][2] and death of Freddie Gray[3]
GoalsLegal prosecution of those allegedly responsible for Gray's death; an end to police brutality.
MethodsProtests, rioting, arson, vandalism
StatusEnded, movement still active.
Parties

New Jersey State Police

Pennsylvania State Police [6]
Lead figures

Unknown

Number
  • 1,000+ police
  • 2,500 National Guard
Injuries and arrests
Injuries113 police officers injured,[7] 2 people shot. One fire victim in critical condition.[8]
Arrested486[7]
ChargedGreg Bailey: charged with obstructing firefighting operations, malicious destruction of property and reckless endangerment.[9]
State of emergency declared effective on April 27; rescinded May 6.[10]
A mandatory curfew was ordered beginning April 28 and ended May 3.[11]

On April 12, 2015, Baltimore Police Department officers arrested Freddie Gray, a 25-year-old African American resident of Baltimore, Maryland. Gray's neck and spine were injured while he was in a police vehicle and he went into a coma. On April 18, protests occurred in front of the Western district police station.[1][2] Gray died on April 19.

Further protests were organized after Gray's death became public knowledge, amid the police department's continuing inability to adequately or consistently explain the events following the arrest and the injuries. Spontaneous protests started after the funeral service, although several included violent elements. Civil unrest continued with at least twenty police officers injured, at least 250 people arrested, 285 to 350 businesses damaged, 150 vehicle fires, 60 structure fires,[13] 27 drugstores looted,[14] thousands of police and Maryland National Guard troops deployed, and with a state of emergency declared in the city limits of Baltimore.[15][16] The state of emergency was lifted on May 6.[17] The series of protests took place against a historical backdrop of racial and poverty issues in Baltimore.[18][19]

On May 1, 2015, Gray's death was ruled by the medical examiner to be a homicide. Six officers were charged with various offenses, including second-degree murder, in connection with Gray's death.[20] Three officers were subsequently acquitted; in July 2016, following the acquittals, Baltimore City State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby dropped charges against the remaining three officers.[21]

Events

[edit]

April 12: Gray's arrest

[edit]

On April 12, 2015, Freddie Carlos Gray Jr., a 25-year-old African-American man, was arrested by the Baltimore City Police Department for possession of a “switchblade”, in the 1700 block of Presbury Street in the Sandtown-Winchester neighbourhood.[22][23] Two weeks later, State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby stated that Gray had been carrying a legal pocketknife, not an illegal switchblade as alleged by police.[24] However, court opinions later recognized the knife as being a spring-assisted knife and that the police officers correctly identified it as illegal under the Baltimore City Code, including in an officers' defamation suit filed against Mosby.[25] Gray was seen to be in good health at the time of the arrest.

While being transported in a police van, Gray sustained injuries to his neck, including his vocal box and spinal cord. He fell into a coma and was taken to a trauma center. The BCPD could not immediately account for the injuries and released contradictory and inconsistent information regarding the timeline of the arrest, transportation and whether Gray had received appropriately prompt medical treatment.[1][2] On May 23, 2016, officer Edward Nero was found not guilty of all charges against him in connection with the death of Freddie Gray.[26] Shortly after that, the remaining officers who had not yet stood trial had all charges against them dropped.[21]

April 18–24: Protests begin

[edit]

On April 18, 2015, immediately outside the Western District police station, hundreds of Baltimore citizens protested against the apparent mistreatment of Freddie Gray as well against inadequate and inconsistent information on police actions during the arrest and transport. Gray died at approximately 7am on April 19, 2015.[23] Later that day, in response to Gray's death, Baltimore City Police Commissioner, Anthony Batts said, "I extend my deepest sympathies to his family" while also saying, "All Lives Matter" in a nod to the "Black Lives Matter" mantra shouted at protests.[27]

Protests continued during six nights in Baltimore's streets. On April 21, 2015, the Baltimore City Police Department released the identities of the six officers involved in Gray's arrest.[23] That evening, protesters marched from the site of Gray's arrest to the Western District police station. On April 23, two people were arrested.[28] Tensions flared, but according to the Baltimore City Police Department, the remaining protesters that day were peaceful.[29] On April 24, a coalition of organizations including the ACLU, the NAACP, CASA de Maryland, and Leaders of a Beautiful Struggle requested Governor Larry Hogan to act and address issues of police brutality.[30]

April 25: Violence escalates

[edit]
Rioters breaking the windows of a McDonald's restaurant on the evening of April 25, 2015

On April 25, 2015, protests were organized in downtown Baltimore. Protesters marched from the Baltimore City Hall to the Inner Harbor. After the final stage of the official protest event, some people became violent, damaging at least five police vehicles and pelting police with rocks.[31] Near Oriole Park at Camden Yards, some groups of violent protesters also smashed storefronts and fought with baseball fans arriving at the stadium for a scheduled game between the Baltimore Orioles and the Boston Red Sox. As a result of the violence, those attending the baseball game were forced[32] to remain inside the stadium for their safety.[33] At least 34 people were arrested during the riots, and six police officers were injured.[34][35]

J.M. Giordano, a photographer for Baltimore City Paper, was taking pictures of the protest when he was "swarmed" and beaten by two police officers in riot gear.[36] Sait Serkan Gurbuz, a Reuters photographer with visible press credentials, who photographed the scuffle from a public sidewalk, was tackled, handcuffed and walked to the Western District station. He was cited for failure to obey and later released. Subsequently, City Paper published a video on its website documenting the violence.[36][37]

During a press conference, Baltimore mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake said, "most protesters were respectful but a small group of agitators intervened".[34] She also stated that "It's a very delicate balancing act. Because while we try to make sure that they were protected from the cars and other things that were going on, we also gave those who wished to destroy space to do that as well. And we worked very hard to keep that balance and to put ourselves in the best position to de-escalate."[38] The phrase "we also gave those who wished to destroy space to do that as well" was interpreted by some conservative-leaning news sources[39] as an indication that the mayor was giving permission to protesters to destroy property.

Two days later, the mayor's Director of Strategic Planning and Policy, Howard Libit, released a statement clarifying the mayor's remarks:

What she is saying within this statement was that there was an effort to give the peaceful demonstrators room to conduct their peaceful protests on Saturday. Unfortunately, as a result of providing the peaceful demonstrators with the space to share their message, that also meant that those seeking to incite violence also had the space to operate. The police sought to balance the rights of the peaceful demonstrators against the need to step in against those who were seeking to create violence. The mayor is not saying that she asked police to give space to people who sought to create violence. Any suggestion otherwise would be a misinterpretation of her statement.[40]

Documentaries
  • Part 1 of a documentary video of the protests produced for WEAA during the day of April 25, before rioting started
  • Part 2 of the WEAA documentary video
  • An independent documentary video of the protests during the day of April 25, before rioting started

April 27

[edit]

Funeral

[edit]

A funeral service was held for Freddie Gray at the New Shiloh Baptist Church on April 27 at , after a one-hour public viewing.[41] A large attendance included civil rights leaders, families of other people killed by police, and politicians including Congressman Elijah Cummings, Cabinet Secretary Broderick Johnson, White House adviser Heather Foster, and Elias Alcantara of the Office of Intergovernmental Affairs.[42]

Gray is buried at Woodlawn Cemetery in Baltimore County, Maryland.[43][44]

Preemptive actions

[edit]

A photograph of the April 25 protesters standing on a Baltimore police car was superimposed with the text "All HighSchools Monday @3 We Are Going To Purge From Mondawmin To The Ave, Back To Downtown #Fdl" ("Purge" being a reference to the film series)[45] and distributed on social media[46] and as flyers.[47] In response, Mondawmin Mall was closed at 2:15 p.m.[48] and police in riot gear were deployed to the area. In preparation for the 'purge' police shut down the Mondawmin metro stop and also blockaded many of the nearby streets.[49] As a result, students from Frederick Douglass High School, which is across the street from Mondawmin Mall, had considerable difficulty leaving the area via public transportation when their classes ended an hour after the "purge" began, and contributed to the swelling crowd.[49][50]

According to eyewitness reports,[49] expecting the "purge" to start at 3 p.m., Baltimore police pre-emptively de-boarded all buses going through the area, shut down the nearby Mondawmin Metro station and cordoned off the area around the mall. Eyewitnesses saw police detain students in that general area. The police, in full riot gear, detained the students for a full half-hour before the first brick was thrown. Meghann Harris, a teacher in the Baltimore school system, said on Facebook, "If I were a Douglass student that just got trapped in the middle of a minefield BY cops without any way to get home and completely in harm's way, I'd be ready to pop off, too."[51]

Other closings in preparation or response to the riot included the University of Maryland Baltimore, which closed its campus in downtown Baltimore at citing a police warning regarding "activities (that) may be potentially violent and UMB could be in the path of any violence",[52] Baltimore City Community College, Coppin State University, the Lexington Market, the National Aquarium, and the Enoch Pratt Free Library system.[48][53] The Baltimore Kinetic Sculpture Race was rescheduled from May 2 to June 14.[54] A Baltimore Orioles baseball game against the Chicago White Sox scheduled for the evening at Oriole Park at Camden Yards, and the first of a three-game series,[55] was also postponed due to the unrest.[56]

Spread of violence

[edit]

Initially 75–100 people who appeared to be high school students began throwing bricks and bottles at police near Mondawmin Mall[57] after police refused high school students access to their primary means of getting home (the transportation hub at Mondawmin Mall),[58] while ordering them to disperse and go home. The violence rapidly spread, and by later that day two patrol cars were destroyed and fifteen officers were injured.[52] A police cruiser was destroyed, and some officers suffered broken bones.[59][60] A CVS Pharmacy location in West Baltimore was looted and burned by rioters;[61] no one in the CVS was hurt because employees had been evacuated before the CVS was looted and burned.[62] In East Baltimore, the Mary Harvin Senior Center, an under-construction senior housing and services project, burned to the ground; it was rebuilt and opened in April 2016.[63]

April 28

[edit]

Morning

[edit]
A soldier from 1st Battalion, 175th Infantry Regiment keeps watch in front of Baltimore City Hall on April 28

At about , firefighters extinguished flames and helped residents cleaning up after the overnight rioting.[64] Soldiers from the 1st Battalion, 175th Infantry Regiment, Maryland Army National Guard arrived in Baltimore to provide security to vital infrastructure and to give additional support to police.[64] At about , the Baltimore mayor's office reported that there were 144 vehicle fires, 15 structural fires, and nearly 200 arrests.[64][65] One person had been badly hurt due to an arson.[65]

At , it was announced that Maryland Gov. Larry Hogan was temporarily moving his office from Annapolis to Baltimore and that Hogan would visit scenes around Baltimore.[64] At approximately 9:00 a.m., Hogan visited an intersection on West Baltimore that was heavily affected by the rioting with damaged vehicles and a looted convenience store, thanking those in the area for help cleaning up the streets.[64]

In one incident that went viral during the previous night, Baltimore mother, Toya Graham, repeatedly struck and berated her son on TV for throwing rocks at police. Graham stated that she didn't want her son to end up like Freddie Gray, but also that he shouldn't seek justice by rioting.[66][67][68] At on April 28, Baltimore Police Commissioner Anthony Batts praised Graham, stating, "I wish I had more parents that took charge of their kids out there."[66][69][70]

Baltimore County police spokesman Cpl. John Wachter also announced that Security Square Mall was going to be closed for the rest of the day following the spreading of rumours that planned actions were going to occur there. The Social Security Administration and the Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services also closed.[71]

Afternoon and evening

[edit]

At noon, in the area where Freddie Gray was arrested, hundreds of volunteers were seen cleaning up debris left from the rioting.[64] Police blocked off some of the area to assist with the clean up while hardware stores in the neighbourhood donated trash bags and brooms and city workers drove in trucks to carry away piles of trash and shattered glass.[64]

At , President Obama stated that there had been too many worrying interactions between police and black citizens, but said there was "no excuse" for the violence of rioters in Baltimore. At about 1:30 p.m., crowds gathered at a damaged drug store where Rev. Jesse Jackson was visiting, with Jackson saying, "It was painful because it destroyed a lot of neighbourhood businesses and hurt a lot of people, but the violence is driven by that alienation." At a speaking event by Capt. Eric Kowalczyk discussing incidents that occurred on April 27, demonstrators gathered peacefully, though one individual was arrested and pepper spray was used when some protesters became disorderly. At , Mayor Stephanie Rawlings-Blake took back comments calling rioters "thugs", saying that occasionally, "my little anger interpreter gets the best of me." Baltimore religious leaders announced that 14 churches throughout the city were open to give food to children that relied on schools to provide daily meals.[72]

At , the CEO of Baltimore City Public Schools, Gregory Thornton, announced that Baltimore City Public School classes and after-school events would occur on April 29. Just before , several hundred protesters gathered around the CVS store that was looted, with some individuals separating the protesters and police, while a local pastor told demonstrators over a loud speaker to respect the curfew, saying, "Let's show the world, because the eyes of the world are on Baltimore right now." A police spokesman, Captain Eric Kowalczyk, stated that authorities were attempting to inform Baltimore residents of the curfew in multiple ways, through police in patrol cars, sending messages through a police helicopter over the city and by calling residents through a Reverse 911 system.[72]

Baltimore riot police form a line to push back protesters and media members on April 28

At , hundreds of demonstrators, some throwing bottles at police, remained in the streets while police in riot gear began to move the crowds with speakers from helicopters overhead broadcasting, "You must go home. You cannot remain here. You will be subject to arrest." Tensions began to grow after individuals began to throw objects at police. Shortly after , smoke bombs or fireworks were thrown from the crowd and police equipped with riot shields began to slowly advance on the gathering with some people beginning to disperse. At , Baltimore Police tweeted that "Officers are now deploying pepper balls at the aggressive crowd". They then tweeted at "People who remain on the street – who do not meet the exceptions – are now in violation of the emergency curfew" with police moving across the intersection and the crowd dispersing down side streets away from the area. At , military vehicles were seen driving through the streets to disperse the remaining crowd numbered with dozens of people. At , the CVS intersection was clear except for police and media workers who were exempt from the curfew. At , Baltimore Police Commissioner Anthony Batts stated that the curfew seemed to work and that ten people were arrested; seven for violating the curfew, two people for looting and one for disorderly conduct.[72]

Between start of curfew and late night, 35 people, including one juvenile, had been arrested for violating the curfew.[73]

April 29 – May 3

[edit]

After the riots, many small business owners struggled to clean up.[74] Over 200 small businesses were unable to reopen by April 29.[75] Residents of all ages, genders, and races came together to help clean Baltimore's streets.[76][77] Eighteen were arrested for curfew violations on April 29.[78]

Protesters gathered in front of Baltimore City Hall on April 30
Still from FBI aerial surveillance footage of the April 29 protest

From April 29 to May 3, 2015, FBI surveillance aircraft used FLIR cameras to record video of civil unrest. In August 2016, 18 hours of footage was released following a FOIA request from the American Civil Liberties Union.[79][80]

By April 30, over forty Korean American-owned businesses had been damaged by the riots.[81] Chinese American and Arab American owned stores were also targeted, with looters directed by African American gangs towards those businesses.[82][83]

Forty people were arrested for such night violations on May 1.[84]

After the largest peaceful rally on Saturday, May 2, 2015, 46 people were arrested during the night time curfew.[85]

One person arrested on May 2 was News2Share journalist Ford Fischer. He was handcuffed and initially charged with violating curfew, despite the police confirming that he was credentialed media. After confirming the charge as "curfew violation" to another journalist, the police changed it to a civil citation for "Disorderly Conduct." As of May 21, he still faces that citation.[86] This all came after the police department had confirmed that media are exempt from the curfew via Twitter.[87]

The night curfew on the city was lifted on May 3.[88] Meanwhile, all charges against violators were dropped. It was found that in section 14-107 of the state's public safety code, only the governor and not the mayor has the authority to issue a curfew. It was decided that the arrests of violators were punishment enough.[89] Those who committed violations of the law other than curfew violations have still been prosecuted.[90]

The Maryland National Guard withdrew completely from Baltimore on May 4.[91]

Result of investigation

[edit]

Initially, the Baltimore Police Department suspended six officers with pay pending an investigation of Gray's death.[92] The six officers involved in the arrest were identified as Lieutenant Brian Rice, Sergeant Alicia White, Officer William Porter, Officer Garrett Miller, Officer Edward Nero, and Officer Caesar Goodson.[93] On April 24, 2015, Police Commissioner Anthony Batts said, "We know our police employees failed to get him medical attention in a timely manner multiple times."[94] Batts also acknowledged police did not follow procedure when they failed to buckle Gray in the van while he was being transported to the police station. The U.S. Department of Justice also opened an investigation into the case.[95]

Charges filed, acquittals, and charges dropped

[edit]

On May 1, 2015, after receiving a medical examiner's report ruling Gray's death a homicide, state prosecutors said that they had probable cause to file criminal charges against the six officers involved. Mosby said that the Baltimore police had acted illegally and that "No crime had been committed [by Freddie Gray]".[96] Mosby said that Gray "suffered a critical neck injury as a result of being handcuffed, shackled by his feet and unrestrained inside the BPD wagon."[97][98] Mosby said officers had "failed to establish probable cause for Mr. Gray's arrest, as no crime had been committed",[99] and charged officers with false imprisonment, because Gray was carrying a pocket knife of legal size, and not the switchblade police claimed he had possessed at the time of his arrest.[24] All six officers were taken into custody and processed at Baltimore Central Booking and Intake Center.[100][101]

The trial of Officer William G. Porter, a black officer and the first of the six charged officers to go to trial, ended in a mistrial.[102] The Prosecution had intended to have Porter testify against both his supervisor on the day, Sgt. Alicia White, and the driver of the van, Officer Caesar Goodson Jr. The trials ran into significant delays due to multiple motions being filed by both sides in the cases. On May 23, 2016, Officer Edward Nero was found not guilty on all four counts he was charged with, including two counts of misconduct in office, misdemeanor reckless endangerment, and misdemeanor assault in the second degree.[103]

In addition to Nero, two others officers were subsequently acquitted. In July 2016, following the acquittals, Baltimore City State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby dropped charges against Porter and the remaining two officers.[21]

[edit]
Police surround protesters at East 19th Street in New York City

On April 29, 2015, protesters marched through New York City, blocking off traffic in key areas, including the Holland Tunnel and West Side Highway.[104] Carmen Perez, director of the criminal justice reform group Justice League, said, "It's all about solidarity, We're here to spread the message of peace from Baltimore's initial protests."[105] More than 100 people were arrested,[106] and the police did not allow the protest to take form before making arrests.[107]

Anti-police brutality protests were also held in Denver in solidarity with the Baltimore protests. Eleven people were arrested on April 29, 2015, following physical altercations in which police used pepper spray on protesters who rallied around Colfax Avenue and Broadway street. The confrontation occurred shortly after 7 p.m. when an officer was knocked off his motorcycle by a protester and assaulted by five others. Police reported force was used in response to the incident. By 7:40 p.m., Broadway street was cleared for traffic as protesters relocated to the 16th Street Mall.[108]

There were also solidarity protests in the cities of Ann Arbor,[109] Albuquerque,[110] Boston,[111] Cincinnati,[112] Minneapolis,[113] Oakland,[114] Philadelphia,[115] Seattle,[116] and Washington, D.C.[117]

Reactions

[edit]

Preventive actions

[edit]

Government actions

[edit]

At a press conference in the evening, the mayor announced there would be a citywide curfew of 10 p.m. to 5 a.m. starting April 28.[11][118][119] The Baltimore solicitor's office stated that a limitation of the curfew to only certain neighbourhood could potentially be viewed as racial discrimination.[89] neighbouring Anne Arundel and Baltimore Counties cancelled school field trips and activities scheduled in Baltimore City until May 3.[48][120] Officials also announced that Baltimore's city schools would be closed on Tuesday.[121]

Maryland Governor Larry Hogan declared a state of emergency and activated the Maryland National Guard.[10][122] Major General Linda Singh of the Maryland National Guard commented that there would be a "massive number" of soldiers in Maryland on the night of April 27, and that up to 5,000 soldiers could be deployed.[123] Maryland State Police activated 500 officers for duty in Baltimore, and requested an additional 5,000 state police officers from other states.[124]

Business owners in the city complained that the curfew required establishments with later hours to close their doors early, thereby costing them revenue from later hours customers and hurting their employees by forcing them to work fewer hours.[125][126] Some businesses complained that the curfew cost them as much as $50,000.[127] While those with night jobs were given an exemption to be allowed to travel to work, early closing hours continued to cost employees work hours.[73] Despite criticism of curfew enforcement, Mayor Rawlings-Blake stood by the curfew, saying it was necessary to maintain control.[90]

U.S. Attorney General Loretta Lynch requested an independent civil rights investigation into the Freddie Gray case in hopes of calming the violence in Baltimore.[128]

Sports actions

[edit]

The Baltimore Ravens had cancelled their NFL Draft party in response to the riots.[129][130]

After consulting with Major League Baseball, the Baltimore Orioles announced that their second game in a series against the Chicago White Sox would also be postponed, and that their game on April 29 would be played in the afternoon behind closed doors. This was believed to be the first behind closed doors game in Major League Baseball history (it is occasionally seen in soccer as punishment for spectator behaviour).[131][132] The attendance for the game was officially recorded as zero, thus breaking the previous record (of six, set in 1882) for the lowest attendance at a Major League Baseball game.[133] The two cancelled games were made up as a doubleheader on May 28. The team also moved its May 1–3 series against the Tampa Bay Rays from Camden Yards to Tropicana Field, but still played as the home team (despite the Rays hosting it).[55]

Gang involvement

[edit]

After Baltimore police determined there was a "credible threat" of gang violence against police officers across the country, many departments across the US heightened their security in response: for example the Los Angeles Police Department ordered their officers to ride in pairs.[134] Baltimore police claimed evidence to support the idea that the Black Guerrilla Family, the Bloods, and the Crips were "teaming up" to target police officers.[135] Later, however, leaders of both the Bloods and the Crips denied the allegations,[136] released a video statement asking for calm and peaceful protest in the area,[137] and joined with police and clergy to enforce the curfew.[138] At one occasion, gang members helped to prevent a riot at the Security Square Mall by dispersing would-be rioters.[139] On other occasions, rival gang members helped each other to protect black-owned businesses, black children, and reporters, diverting rioters to Korean-, Chinese-, and Arab-owned businesses instead.[140] On yet another occasion, the Bloods, the Crips, and the Nation of Islam were seen taking a picture together and working together to dispel violence while peacefully demonstrating.[141]

Critical opinions

[edit]

On April 28, President Barack Obama strongly condemned the violence during a White House press conference, saying, "There's no excuse for the kind of violence that we saw yesterday. It is counterproductive. ... When individuals get crowbars and start prying open doors to loot, they're not protesting. They're not making a statement. They're stealing. When they burn down a building, they're committing arson. And they're destroying and undermining businesses and opportunities in their own communities. That robs jobs and opportunity from people in that area." Obama went on to applaud the actions of peaceful protesters who he felt were being undermined by the violence, and called upon the nation to take meaningful action to collectively solve poverty and law enforcement issues fueling what he described as "a crisis".[142]

On social media and elsewhere, Mayor Rawlings-Blake and President Obama were criticized for calling the rioters "thugs" on April 28.[143]

When asked about the postponement of the Baltimore Orioles game, the Orioles' chief operating officer, John P. Angelos, said:

My greater source of personal concern, outrage and sympathy ... is focused neither upon one night's property damage nor upon the acts, but is focused rather upon the past four-decade period during which an American political elite have shipped middle class and working class jobs away from Baltimore and cities and towns around the U.S. to third-world dictatorships ... plunged tens of millions of good hard working Americans into economic devastation and then followed that action around the nation by diminishing every American's civil rights protections in order to control an unfairly impoverished population living under an ever-declining standard of living and suffering at the butt end of an ever-more militarized and aggressive surveillance state. The innocent working families of all backgrounds whose lives and dreams have been cut short by excessive violence, surveillance, and other abuses of the Bill of Rights by government pay the true price, an ultimate price, and one that far exceeds the importance of any kids' game played tonight, or ever....[144]

Online reaction

[edit]

The protests were originally covered on social media with the hashtag #BaltimoreRiots. However, by April 28, the more popular hashtag to cover the protests became #BaltimoreUprising. The change may have occurred in response to a decline in violent actions, or may have been the promotion of a new political narrative by social media users.[145][146]

Dr. Denise Meringolo, an associate professor and public historian at the University of Maryland, Baltimore County,[147] and Joe Tropea, Curator of Films and Photographs at the Maryland Historical Society,[148] co-founded the Preserve the Baltimore Uprising digital archive to capture images and oral histories related to the protests directly from the local community.[149]

Increase in violence and decrease in policing

[edit]

Baltimore recorded 43 homicides in the month of May, the second deadliest month on record and the worst since December 1971 when 44 homicides were recorded. There have also been more than 100 non-fatal shootings in May 2015.[150] Police commissioner Anthony Batts blames looted drugs, stolen from 27 pharmacies and two methadone clinics, as well as street distribution and turf wars for the spike in crime.[151][152]

The increase in shootings has occurred along with a 50% decline in arrests since the charging of six officers in Gray's death in custody.[153] The heavy police presence in crime-ridden neighbourhoods is no longer apparent with one resident stating, "Before it was over-policing. Now there's no police."[153] One officer speaking anonymously stated, "After the protests, it seems like the citizens would appreciate a lack of police presence, and that's exactly what they're getting."[154] Batts stated that his officers are "not holding back" despite encountering hostility in the Western District whenever they make an arrest with "30 to 50 people surrounding them at any time;"[153] he also stated that his officers feel "confused and unsupported" in the wake of the charges. The president of the police union said his members are "afraid of going to jail for doing their jobs properly."[154]

According to media reports, looting at 27 drugstores and two methadone clinics resulted in an increase in black market access to opiates.[155][156]

See also

[edit]

References

[edit]

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia

2015 Baltimore protests

View on Grokipedia
from Grokipedia
The 2015 Baltimore protests were a series of demonstrations and riots in , , triggered by the death of Freddie Gray Jr., a 25-year-old man arrested by officers on April 12, 2015, for possession of a knife and who died on April 19, 2015, from a spinal injury sustained during transport in a police wagon. The unrest began with protests following the release of an arrest video and intensified after Gray's death, culminating in widespread rioting on that involved , , and clashes with law enforcement, causing approximately $9 million in damage to over 280 structures, injuring more than 100 police officers, and leading to hundreds of arrests over the ensuing weeks. In response to the violence, Governor requested and received federal approval to deploy thousands of troops starting , imposing a that lasted until May 4 to restore order. Six officers faced state charges related to Gray's death, but three were acquitted in bench trials, a mistrial occurred in one case, and all remaining charges were dropped in July 2016 due to insufficient evidence for ; a subsequent federal probe similarly declined civil rights prosecutions, citing lack of proof that officers intentionally violated Gray's rights. The events, while rooted in grievances over police practices, also revealed patterns of opportunistic criminality exploiting the chaos, amid broader scrutiny of Baltimore's high crime rates and departmental patterns documented in a 2016 U.S. Department of Justice report on excessive force and unconstitutional stops.

Background

Freddie Gray's Arrest and Death

On April 12, 2015, at approximately 8:40 a.m., Lieutenant Brian Rice, along with Officers William Porter and Edward Nero on bicycle patrol, observed 25-year-old Freddie Carlos Gray Jr. in the 1700 block of Presbury in 's Sandtown-Winchester neighborhood; Gray made eye contact with Rice and then fled on foot, prompting a pursuit. Officers apprehended Gray shortly after, placing him in handcuffs with his hands behind his back. During the , Officer Nero discovered a spring-assisted knife clipped to Gray's pants, which appeared to violate Baltimore City Code Article 19, Subtitle 25, Section 36(a) prohibiting concealed "dangerous or deadly weapons," thereby establishing for the on charges of possession of an illegal . Gray requested a but was initially denied; he was then hobbled with leg cuffs and placed prone in the compartmentalized rear of a police van without a seatbelt, a practice policy permitted for non-compliant detainees at the time. The van, driven by Officer Caesar Goodson Jr., made several stops en route to the Western District police station. At the first stop, officers shackled Gray's ankles to his wrists in a "three-point" restraint and placed him in a seated position; at the second stop, Porter found Gray lying face-down and complaining of leg pain, assisting him to a position without providing medical aid beyond inquiring about his condition. Between the second and sixth stops, Gray sustained a severe —a nearly complete transection of the between the C4 and C5 vertebrae—consistent with his head and torso forcefully striking the van's interior walls or floor, as determined by multiple medical experts reviewing the case, though the precise mechanism remained disputed due to lack of direct video evidence from inside the van. At the third stop, Porter discovered Gray unresponsive, unresponsive on the floor with his head and shoulders against the van's partition; officers propped him up but noted shallow breathing and no detectable pulse initially, yet failed to promptly call for medical assistance or seatbelt him per department procedures for distressed prisoners. The van continued to the fourth stop to pick up another detainee before arriving at the station at the sixth stop around 9:24 a.m., where Gray was found in cardiopulmonary arrest. Gray was rushed to Shock Trauma Center, where he lapsed into a and was placed on a ; he died on April 19, 2015, at 7:14 a.m. from medical complications arising from the spinal injury, including extensive spinal cord . The Office of the Chief , led by Dr. Carol Allan, conducted the and ruled the manner of death a , attributing it to a "high-energy" injury to the neck consistent with acceleration-deceleration trauma, exacerbated by the failure to seatbelt Gray or provide timely medical intervention during transport, though the examiner noted the injury could not have occurred solely from initial handcuffing or hobbling at the scene. No pre-existing spinal fractures were identified that could explain the acute transection, despite Gray's history of reported back issues; forensic pathologists later opined the trauma resembled that from a significant fall or vehicle crash impact. The U.S. Department of Justice investigation confirmed the injury occurred in the van but found insufficient evidence of intentional misconduct to support federal civil rights charges.

Pre-Existing Conditions in Baltimore

Baltimore's inner-city neighborhoods, including Sandtown-Winchester where Freddie Gray resided, exhibited severe socioeconomic challenges characterized by high and rates. Citywide, the poverty rate stood at approximately 23.5% in the years leading up to , with median household incomes in Sandtown-Winchester/Harlem Park at just $24,006, among the lowest in the city. Unemployment in Sandtown exceeded 50% for working-age residents (ages 16-64), far surpassing city averages, amid broader and that eroded economic opportunities. Violent crime plagued these areas, with Baltimore recording around 200 homicides annually from 2010 to 2014, yielding per capita rates exceeding 30 per 100,000 residents—among the highest . Neighborhoods like Sandtown experienced crime levels well above citywide figures, contributing to a cycle of fear and instability that strained community cohesion. Educational outcomes in reflected systemic underperformance, with high school dropout and withdrawal rates hovering around 3-4% annually in the early 2010s, though cumulative four-year adjusted cohort rates indicated broader attrition issues. Chronic absenteeism affected over 40% of high school students in 2011-2012, correlating with lower graduation rates that lagged state averages despite some improvements by 2014. Housing conditions deteriorated due to decades of , resulting in over 16,000 vacant and abandoned properties citywide by early 2015, with vacancy rates in inner-city areas like Sandtown reaching 20-30% in affected blocks. These blighted structures, stemming from population loss of over 100,000 residents since 1970, fostered environmental hazards and reduced property values, exacerbating neighborhood decline. Police-community relations were marked by mutual distrust, fueled by complaints of excessive force and unconstitutional stops, particularly in African American neighborhoods. The 's zero-tolerance enforcement strategies, including high arrest rates for low-level offenses, generated thousands of civilian complaints annually, though the Civilian Review Board proved largely ineffective in sustaining investigations or reforms prior to 2015 due to limited access to records and police cooperation. These patterns, documented through internal data and federal review, intensified perceptions of over-policing amid under-protection from rampant crime, setting a volatile backdrop for unrest.

Chronology of Protests and Violence

Initial Demonstrations (April 12–24)

On April 12, 2015, at approximately 8:40 a.m., Baltimore Police Department officers on bicycle patrol in the Gilmore Homes neighborhood observed 25-year-old Freddie Gray making eye contact before he fled on foot. Officers pursued and apprehended Gray, discovering a switchblade knife in his pocket, which violated Maryland law prohibiting concealed carry of such weapons. He was handcuffed, placed in a police transport van without a seatbelt, and during the ride—known later as involving multiple stops—sustained severe injuries including a nearly complete spinal cord severance at the C4-C5 level and a crushed larynx. Gray became unresponsive en route, received medical attention, and was hospitalized in a coma, where he died on April 19 at 7:39 a.m. from those injuries. The first organized demonstration occurred on outside the Western District police station, where Gray had been arrested, with hundreds of residents gathering peacefully, raising their hands in a "don't shoot" and turning their backs to officers in . These initial protests focused on demands for regarding Gray's treatment in custody, amid concerns over police practices in Baltimore's high-crime areas. Following Gray's death announcement on , spontaneous protests erupted outside the same station, drawing crowds calling for a full investigation and charges against the involved officers. Over the subsequent days through April 24, demonstrations grew in scale, with marches through west neighborhoods, to the , and rallies at sites like Gilmor Homes and City Hall, involving up to 1,000 participants on April 20. Activities remained largely non-violent, including chants, sit-ins, and blocking intersections to draw attention, though police made arrests for traffic obstructions and minor disturbances, such as on when two protesters were detained at the station. On April 23, protesters assembled at War Memorial Plaza near City Hall, where Baltimore Police Commissioner engaged with community leaders amid escalating calls for transparency in the investigation led by the state prosecutor's office. These early gatherings, organized by local activists and amplified by , highlighted longstanding tensions over policing in predominantly communities but stayed within legal bounds without widespread or clashes, setting the stage for intensified scrutiny before charges were filed on May 1.

Escalation to Disorder (April 25)

On April 25, 2015, protests over Freddie Gray's death, which occurred on April 19 following his arrest on April 12, drew thousands to downtown Baltimore. Demonstrators marched from City Hall through the Inner Harbor toward Camden Yards, coinciding with a Baltimore Orioles baseball game. Authorities anticipated up to 10,000 participants and deployed additional officers via mutual aid requests made earlier in the week. While many protests remained peaceful, with marchers chanting and carrying signs, a subset escalated into disorder. Protesters threw rocks, bricks, water bottles, and other debris at police, damaged five police vehicles on Howard Street, and smashed windows at businesses including a store, a Subway, and a . Skirmishes involved shoving matches near the ballpark, prompting police in riot gear to form lines and use metal barricades to contain the crowd. Police made 12 arrests in response to the violence, focusing on agitators after initial hesitation due to a "soft approach" policy that delayed full gear deployment and arrests. No injuries to officers or protesters were reported specifically for this day, though the incidents marked the onset of broader unrest. Mayor stated that 95% of demonstrators were respectful, attributing disruptions to a small group of agitators, while Gray's mother, Fredericka Gray, urged an end to violence, noting it contradicted her son's wishes. This escalation foreshadowed more intense clashes in subsequent days.

Funeral and Widespread Riots (April 27)

The funeral service for Freddie Gray was held on April 27, 2015, at New Shiloh Baptist Church in , beginning at 11:00 a.m. Eastern Time, with thousands of mourners in attendance following a public viewing. Eulogies by family members and clergy, including Rev. Jamal Bryant, highlighted Gray's life amid community grief, with Bryant urging attendees that "most of us are not out there destroying our city" while acknowledging widespread familiarity with cases like Gray's. The service occurred under heightened security due to a reported credible against , though no incidents disrupted the event itself. Following the funeral, spontaneous gatherings in the Penn North neighborhood escalated into widespread riots by early afternoon, marked by looting, arson, and clashes with police. Rioters targeted businesses such as a , which was looted and set ablaze, and vandalized police vehicles by setting at least six on fire while throwing bricks and bottles at officers in riot gear. Violence spread to downtown areas, resulting in at least 15 Baltimore police officers injured, including some with concussions and broken bones from projectiles. Authorities reported over 100 arrests by evening, with no civilian fatalities but significant property damage exceeding initial estimates in the affected corridors. In response to the unrest, Maryland Governor declared a around 5:00 p.m. and mobilized up to 5,000 troops to assist local , marking the first such activation in since 1968. Mayor condemned the violence as actions by "thugs" exploiting the situation, while emphasizing that the majority of protesters remained peaceful. The riots subsided later that evening with increased police presence, but the events underscored underlying tensions in the city's Sandtown-Winchester neighborhood, where Gray resided.

Continued Unrest and Containment (April 28–May 3)

On April 28, Maryland Governor Larry Hogan deployed approximately 2,000 Maryland National Guard troops to Baltimore to assist local police in containing unrest following the previous day's riots. A citywide curfew from 10:00 p.m. to 5:00 a.m. was imposed, applying to all residents except essential workers and first responders, as part of the state of emergency declared the prior evening. Scattered clashes occurred between protesters and law enforcement, with reports of objects thrown at officers, resulting in 20 additional police injuries by 11:00 p.m. Over the following days, enforcement of the and increased presence of and led to a marked reduction in violence. On , police in riot gear dispersed hundreds of defiant protesters after curfew, leading to at least 10 arrests, including seven for curfew violations in west Baltimore. Cumulative injuries to reached 98, with 43 officers hospitalized and 13 placed on medical leave. By April 30 and May 1, incidents of violence were minimal, with arrests primarily for curfew non-compliance and no major disorders reported. The announcement of criminal charges against six Baltimore police officers on May 1 in connection with Freddie Gray's death contributed to de-escalation, as protests remained largely peaceful. On May 2, 17 individuals were arrested for curfew violations amid otherwise orderly demonstrations. The curfew was lifted at 10:35 a.m. on May 3, coinciding with the start of National Guard withdrawal at 12:45 p.m., as unrest subsided. A peaceful rally occurred at Baltimore City Hall that day, marking a shift toward non-violent expression.

State Investigation Findings

The completed its internal investigation into Freddie Gray's death on April 30, 2015, and formally delivered the findings to the office of Maryland State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby on May 1, 2015. Mosby's office conducted an independent review, incorporating witness interviews, video evidence, and the medical examiner's report, before announcing charges against six officers later that day. The investigation determined that Gray's arrest on April 12, , lacked , as officers observed no illegal activity beyond possession of a folding knife that did not violate state law or ordinances. Officers then placed Gray into a transport van without securing him with a seatbelt, in violation of department policy, and made three stops during the 45-minute journey without providing medical assistance despite his audible distress and requests for help. The city's chief ruled Gray's death a , attributing it to a severe spinal —comparable to those from diving accidents or trauma—sustained while unrestrained in the van, exacerbated by officers' failure to follow procedures for prisoner safety and care. However, the police investigation's findings diverged from Mosby's public characterization on key points, including the legality of Gray's , which department policy classified as illegal due to its spring-assisted opening mechanism, providing arguable for the . Internal police analysis also indicated insufficient linking specific officer actions directly to the spinal injury, with the later testifying in trials that the injury's mechanism was undetermined and not conclusively tied to a "rough ride" or direct force. These initial state findings supported charges ranging from second-degree murder to and against the officers, but three acquittals in bench trials and evidentiary challenges led Mosby to drop all remaining charges on July 28, 2016, citing an inability to secure convictions beyond a .

Charges Against Officers

On May 1, 2015, State's Attorney Marilyn J. Mosby announced the filing of criminal charges against six officers implicated in the arrest and transport of Freddie Gray, whose death on April 19, 2015, was ruled a by the . The charges alleged failures to provide medical aid, improper restraint in the police van, and an illegal arrest after Gray fled officers upon making eye contact on April 12, 2015; the switchblade knife found on Gray was determined to be legal under law. The most serious charge, second-degree depraved-heart murder, carried a maximum penalty of 30 years and was filed solely against van driver Officer Caesar R. Goodson Jr. Involuntary manslaughter charges, punishable by up to 10 years, were brought against Goodson, Officer William G. Porter, Lieutenant Brian W. Rice, and Sergeant Alicia D. White. Second-degree assault charges, with a maximum of 15 years, were leveled against all six officers, often in multiple counts. Additional charges included misconduct in office (up to 5 years per count), false imprisonment (up to 3 years), and manslaughter by vehicle.
OfficerPrimary RoleKey Charges Filed (Maximum Penalties)
Caesar R. Goodson Jr.Van driverSecond-degree (30 years); involuntary (10 years); second-degree (15 years); manslaughter by vehicle, (10 years); manslaughter by vehicle, (3 years); misconduct in office (5 years)
William G. PorterAccompanied Gray in vanInvoluntary (10 years); second-degree (15 years); misconduct in office (5 years)
Brian W. Rice (Lt.)Supervised arrest and vanInvoluntary (10 years); two counts second-degree (15 years each); two counts misconduct in office (5 years each); (3 years)
Edward M. NeroAssisted in arrestTwo counts second-degree (15 years each); two counts misconduct in office (5 years each); (3 years)
Garrett E. MillerAssisted in arrestTwo counts second-degree (15 years each); two counts misconduct in office (5 years each); (3 years)
Alicia D. White (Sgt.)Supervised second van stopInvoluntary (10 years); second-degree (15 years); misconduct in office (5 years)
Warrants were issued immediately following the announcement, leading to the officers' suspensions without pay and public surrender to authorities. A later reviewed the case on May 21, 2015, upholding most charges but dropping and some assault counts against certain officers.

Trial Outcomes and Dismissals

The trials of the six Baltimore Police Department officers charged in connection with Freddie Gray's death—Caesar Goodson, William Porter, Garrett Miller, Edward Nero, Alicia White, and Brian Rice—culminated in no criminal convictions. Charges were filed by Baltimore State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby on May 1, 2015, alleging manslaughter, assault, and misconduct related to Gray's arrest, transport, and medical care. Four officers proceeded to trial before Circuit Court Judge Barry Williams, who acquitted three in bench trials, while Porter's jury trial ended in a mistrial; charges against all remaining officers were dropped on July 27, 2016, after prosecutors cited insufficient evidence to meet the burden of proof despite their belief in the officers' responsibility. Officer William Porter, charged with manslaughter, second-degree assault, and reckless endangerment, faced the first trial starting December 2, 2015; the jury deadlocked on December 16, 2015, resulting in a mistrial, as jurors could not reach consensus on whether Porter acted with in failing to secure Gray with a seatbelt or promptly seek medical aid. Porter testified in subsequent trials but did not face retrial after charges were dropped in July 2016. Edward Nero, charged with , reckless endangerment, and in office for aiding Gray's without and failing to secure him, was acquitted on all counts in a on May 23, 2016; Judge Williams ruled the prosecution failed to prove Nero acted illegally or with criminal intent, noting Gray's actions initiated the chase and . Caesar Goodson, the van driver charged with second-degree , , , and for the rough ride and lack of medical attention, was acquitted on all charges on June 23, 2016, following a ; the judge found insufficient evidence that Goodson's actions directly caused Gray's spinal injury, emphasizing the prosecution's inability to establish foreseeability or causation beyond . Lieutenant Brian , charged with , , and for supervising the and , was acquitted on July 18, 2016, in a ; Williams determined the state did not prove Rice's orders or oversight constituted , as Gray's condition deteriorated unpredictably during . Garrett Miller and Alicia White, charged with , , and reckless endangerment for their roles in the and van stops, had all charges dropped on , 2016, without proceeding to ; prosecutors stated they could no longer sustain convictions after the acquittals exposed evidentiary weaknesses, including unreliable witness testimony and forensic disputes over injury timing. The U.S. Department of Justice declined federal civil rights charges against the officers in September 2017, citing insufficient proof of deliberate indifference.
OfficerKey ChargesOutcomeDate
William Porter, , reckless endangermentMistrial; charges droppedDec. 16, 2015; July 27, 2016
Edward Nero, reckless endangerment, misconductAcquitted ()May 23, 2016
Caesar Goodson, , Acquitted ()June 23, 2016
Brian Rice, , misconductAcquitted ()July 18, 2016
Garrett Miller, misconduct, reckless endangermentCharges droppedJuly 27, 2016
Alicia White, misconduct, reckless endangermentCharges droppedJuly 27, 2016

Immediate Responses

Government and Police Measures

Following the outbreak of riots on April 27, 2015, officers donned riot gear and deployed in lines to contain crowds in West , where protesters threw rocks, bottles, and other objects, injuring at least seven officers. Police used non-lethal munitions, including canisters and pepper balls, against groups of up to 200 protesters who refused dispersal orders. Initial policies lacked clear guidance, leading to varied enforcement during the unrest. That evening, Governor declared a and activated up to 5,000 personnel to address the escalating violence, with approximately 2,000 troops mobilized by April 28 to support local . The Guard's deployment focused on protecting infrastructure and assisting police in maintaining order, arriving in on April 28 amid ongoing and . On April 28, Baltimore Mayor imposed a citywide from 10:00 p.m. to 5:00 a.m., enforced by police and units, to reduce nighttime violence and gatherings that had fueled prior riots. The remained in effect until May 3, 2015, with exemptions for essential workers, and was credited by police with contributing to a decline in overnight incidents.

Community and Private Sector Reactions

Local and community leaders responded to the unrest by organizing peaceful marches and issuing public calls for non-violence. On April 26, 2015, following initial and clashes, Baltimore's faith leaders released a joint statement urging demonstrators to maintain order and focus on constructive dialogue rather than destruction. Dozens of pastors, including Rev. Jamal Bryant, who delivered Freddie Gray's , marched through affected neighborhoods on April 27, locking arms and kneeling in prayer to separate protesters from police lines and de-escalate tensions. United Methodist positioned themselves between rock-throwing youth and riot-geared officers, aiming to prevent further violence amid the April 27 riots. Residents and former gang members also intervened directly to curb disorder. On , groups of locals formed human barriers to protect police from thrown objects and to shield businesses from looters in Sandtown-Winchester, with some residents shouting at rioters to stop damaging their own community. Rev. Warren Savage, a former gang affiliate, worked streetside to redirect gang members' energies toward non-violent , emphasizing progress over retaliation. These grassroots efforts contrasted with sporadic violence, as community figures like pastors highlighted that destruction exacerbated underlying issues like rather than resolving grievances over Gray's death. Private sector entities faced immediate disruptions, with widespread closures and prompting defensive measures. On , businesses near Mondawmin Mall, including CVS and a , were looted and set ablaze, leading to temporary shutdowns across West as owners boarded up storefronts amid fears of further . Retail chains like reported significant losses from theft, contributing to an estimated $9 million in insured damages wide, though uninsured small es absorbed heavier uncompensated hits. In response, local business owners criticized inadequate police protection and later pursued legal action, culminating in a $3.5 million settlement in March 2022 for affected properties. Some enterprises, such as those in the , launched informal recovery drives, but broader private investment awaited post-unrest stabilization efforts.

Gang Truces and Local Dynamics

Amid the unrest following Freddie Gray's death on April 19, 2015, members of rival Baltimore gangs including the , and announced a truce on April 27, emphasizing community protection over inter-gang violence or targeting law enforcement. Gang representatives publicly stated the alliance aimed to safeguard local residents and businesses from and further disorder, with one member declaring, "We don't want nobody to get hurt," while denying any intent to harm police officers. This development echoed temporary gang ceasefires during the , where rival factions similarly paused hostilities amid widespread . Baltimore Police Commissioner Anthony W. Batts initially warned on April 27 that intelligence indicated the truce was a pact among gangs to "take out" officers, prompting heightened alerts. However, gang members refuted this characterization in interviews, asserting their focus was de-escalation; for instance, Crips and Bloods affiliates collaborated with community activists to disperse crowds near police lines during the April 29 curfew enforcement, preventing mass confrontations. Local pastors and gang leaders also convened joint meetings, such as in a Sandtown-Winchester storefront, where participants in colored bandannas discussed frustrations with policing and explored non-violent solutions, fostering temporary unity across divides. In neighborhood dynamics, the truce manifested in practical actions like gangs patrolling areas to deter and escorting students to on , the first day classes resumed post-riot, amid National Guard presence. This intervention complemented efforts by and residents to contain unrest in high-crime areas like Sandtown-Winchester, where Freddie Gray resided, though skeptics noted the fragility of such alliances given Baltimore's entrenched gang rivalries, which contributed to over 200 homicides annually pre-unrest. By early May, reports indicated the pact had helped reduce immediate flare-ups, with gang members crediting it for inspiring longer-term violence reduction initiatives, though sustained impact remained limited amid rising citywide crime post-protests.

Long-Term Impacts

Property Damage and Economic Costs

The April 27, 2015, unrest caused extensive property damage in West Baltimore's Sandtown-Winchester neighborhood, where rioters looted, vandalized, and set fire to over 200 businesses, including a that was looted and burned, along with liquor stores, check-cashing outlets, and senior living facilities. Private commercial property damage was estimated at $9 million by city officials, encompassing losses from , breakage, and that affected primarily small, minority-owned enterprises already operating in economically distressed areas. Insurance payouts for riot-related claims totaled $12.9 million by August 2015, including $11.6 million for commercial properties and $1.3 million for noncommercial claims such as vehicles and residences. Overall economic costs to the city, incorporating police overtime, emergency response, cleanup, and repairs, reached an estimated $20 million, with broader regional impacts cited at $30.5 million in a request for federal disaster aid that was ultimately denied by FEMA. Long-term effects included prolonged business closures and relocations, contributing to at least $33.2 million in combined public and private costs when factoring in state emergency expenditures of $19.4 million; by November 2015, most affected businesses had reopened, but residual challenges persisted for owners navigating insurance disputes and reconstruction. In 2022, Baltimore settled lawsuits from damaged business owners for $3.5 million, acknowledging unresolved compensation issues from the events.

Spike in Violent Crime Rates

Following the April 2015 protests and riots sparked by Freddie Gray's death, Baltimore experienced a sharp escalation in violent crime, with homicides surging from 211 in 2014 to 344 in 2015—a 63% increase—and remaining elevated at 318 in 2016. Non-fatal shootings also doubled in 2015 compared to the prior year, contributing to overall violent crime rates rising by approximately 58% citywide in the immediate aftermath of Gray's death on April 19. These figures marked Baltimore's highest homicide total since 1993, straining police resources and public safety amid ongoing unrest. The spike has been linked to a of reduced , often termed the "Freddie Gray effect," where officers, facing departmental scrutiny, federal investigations, and charges against colleagues in Gray's case, curtailed high-risk engagements like foot patrols and investigatory stops. Arrests for violent offenses dropped significantly post-April 2015, with police morale reportedly undermined by fears of prosecution and civil liability, enabling criminals to perceive diminished deterrence. Empirical analyses, including quasi-experimental studies, confirm this causal link, showing localized increases in violence correlating with areas of heaviest protest activity and subsequent police withdrawal.
YearHomicides% Change from Prior YearNon-Fatal Shootings
2014211-~500 (est.)
2015344+63%~1,000
2016318-8%~900 (est.)
This table summarizes key metrics from data, highlighting the post-2015 peak. The elevated rates persisted into subsequent years, with Baltimore's rate exceeding national averages by multiples, underscoring long-term disruptions to efficacy. While some academic sources downplay policing's role in favor of socioeconomic factors, direct temporal correlations and officer accounts provide stronger evidence for de-policing as a primary driver, unmitigated by alternative explanations like seasonal variations or drug market shifts.

Implementation of Police Reforms

In the aftermath of the 2015 protests, a U.S. Department of Justice investigation concluded in August 2016 that the engaged in patterns of excessive force, unconstitutional stops and arrests, and discriminatory policing targeting , prompting a federal agreed upon in January 2017 and court-approved on April 7, 2017. The decree mandated reforms across multiple areas, including revised use-of-force policies emphasizing , enhanced training for officers on and youth interactions, improved accountability mechanisms for investigating with consistent discipline, and protocols for constitutional stops, searches, and arrests to ensure equal protection. Additional requirements focused on community-oriented policing, coordination with school police, and responses to behavioral health crises, all overseen by an independent monitoring team that issues public progress reports. Implementation began with policy overhauls, such as equipping vehicles with safety features and data collection systems for detainee transport—directly addressing Freddie Gray's death—and providing officers with training on First Amendment rights, including allowances for public recording of police activities. By 2022, the department demonstrated full compliance in detainee transportation, leading to a 2024 DOJ milestone announcement, and reduced reported use-of-force incidents alongside better resolution of behavioral calls. Community engagement efforts included establishing a Civilian Review Board for oversight and initiatives to build trust through professional interactions, though annual monitoring reports noted ongoing needs for robust on biased policing. Progress accelerated in late 2024 with a joint DOJ-city motion seeking court approval for sustained compliance in First Amendment protections, community oversight, and school police coordination, citing no significant violations across thousands of public interactions and effective management of 2020 protests. In April 2025, a federal judge granted partial termination of the decree's sections on detainee transport and related accountability, marking a major milestone as affirmed by the DOJ, while approximately 30% of the decree's provisions neared potential termination pending one-year sustainment assessments. Despite these advances, monitoring dashboards and reports as of mid-2025 indicate incomplete implementation in areas like comprehensive bias-free policing data and full rollout, with the decree remaining active for core operational reforms.

Controversies and Analyses

Debates on Police Conduct Versus Riot Causation

The death of Freddie Gray on April 19, 2015, from injuries sustained during his and transport in a (BPD) van, became a focal point for debates over whether directly precipitated the subsequent unrest. An ruled the death a due to a high-level consistent with a "rough ride" in the unrestrained transport vehicle, prompting charges against six officers on May 1, 2015, ranging from second-degree murder and to misconduct in office and . However, trials resulted in three acquittals by July , with the remaining charges dropped by prosecutors citing insufficient evidence to secure convictions beyond a , including challenges in proving intent or causation amid Gray's documented resistance during and his history of 18 prior arrests primarily for drug-related offenses. Advocates for attributing the riots to police conduct argued that Gray's case exemplified systemic brutality, with a 2016 U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ) investigation revealing a pattern of excessive force by BPD, including unconstitutional stops, searches, and uses of force disproportionately affecting —such as officers striking individuals not posing imminent threats and retaliating against those complaining of mistreatment. Critics of this causal linkage contended that the riots, peaking on April 27, 2015, following Gray's funeral, were not organic extensions of grievances over police actions but opportunistic violence exploited by individuals unconnected to legitimate protest. Federal prosecutions of riot participants, such as a 2016 sentencing of five years for on a during the unrest, highlighted acts of destruction targeting local rather than police institutions, with no evidence linking core rioters to direct victims of BPD misconduct. A survey conducted shortly after the events found that while 60% of viewed police lack of as a major factor in the unrest, equal or greater shares attributed it to broader issues like racial tensions (72%) and community-police mistrust (58%), suggesting multifaceted causation rather than singular police precipitating events; moreover, the survey noted partisan divides, with Republicans more likely to emphasize rioters' personal responsibility over systemic police failures. Empirical analyses underscored the debate's complexity, as BPD's documented patterns of aggressive policing—such as 2,818 force incidents from 2010-2016 with inadequate oversight—coexisted with evidence that the April 27 violence involved looting and arson detached from Gray's specific case, harming black-owned businesses and exacerbating community vulnerabilities without advancing accountability. Pro-police misconduct perspectives, often amplified in media and activist narratives, framed the unrest as a predictable backlash to unaddressed brutality, yet trial outcomes and the absence of convictions indicated evidentiary gaps undermining claims of deliberate criminality by officers. In contrast, causal realism highlighted intervening factors like pre-existing high crime rates in affected neighborhoods and the rapid escalation from peaceful demonstrations to disorder, where unclear arrest policies during the unrest allowed opportunistic elements to dominate, as noted in post-event police reviews. These contending views persist, with the DOJ report's findings on systemic issues balanced against the failure to attribute Gray's death conclusively to officer malfeasance, illustrating how empirical data on patterns does not equate to proximate causation for the riots' destructive turn.

Media Portrayals and Narrative Biases

Mainstream media outlets initially framed the death of Freddie Gray on April 19, 2015, as a clear case of police misconduct emblematic of broader systemic racism in law enforcement, emphasizing charges filed by State's Attorney Marilyn Mosby on May 1, 2015, against six officers despite preliminary evidence suggesting Gray's spinal injury occurred during transport in a police van rather than during arrest. Coverage in outlets like The New York Times and CNN highlighted Gray's final moments and community outrage, often attributing the ensuing protests to entrenched racial disparities in Baltimore's policing, with less initial scrutiny of Gray's possession of an illegal switchblade knife or his act of fleeing officers, which initiated the encounter. This narrative aligned with emerging Black Lives Matter themes, portraying the events as a justified response to institutional bias, though subsequent forensic details indicated the injury likely resulted from Gray standing and falling unrestrained in the vehicle, not deliberate assault. As protests escalated into widespread violence on April 27, 2015—including of 144 vehicles, 15 structure fires, attacks on police with projectiles, and of businesses—media terminology varied significantly, with many major networks opting for "unrest" or "protests" over "riots" to maintain legitimacy for the underlying grievances, a pattern critiqued for minimizing the criminal elements such as opportunistic theft and property destruction exceeding $9 million in damages. CNN's live coverage drew accusations of for fixating on chaotic scenes, such as burning pharmacies and thrown rocks, while downplaying concurrent peaceful demonstrations elsewhere in the city; a survey found 44% of Americans believed news organizations overemphasized the violence relative to non-violent protests or root causes like and family structure breakdown. Conservative commentators, including those in , argued this framing ignored how decades of welfare policies had eroded community stability, enabling rioting as a symptom of cultural rather than solely racial factors, a view underrepresented in dominant coverage. The prevailing narrative positioned the unrest within a discourse of systemic , linking it to historical inequalities like and over-policing in black neighborhoods, with outlets like Al Jazeera critiquing media for a "tyranny of non-violence" that condemned property destruction while under-examining police restraint amid attacks that injured 20 officers. Academic analyses, such as those in the Journal of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics, documented a tendency for coverage of minority-led protests to employ fear- and anger-laden language evoking threat, potentially amplifying perceptions of disorder over contextual grievances, though this was often coupled with calls for reform without causal evidence tying Gray's death directly to discriminatory intent. Mainstream sources, prone to left-leaning institutional biases as evidenced in patterns from Ferguson coverage where debunked claims like "hands up, don't shoot" persisted, frequently attributed violence to external agitators or understandable frustration rather than internal community dynamics, including gang rivalries that briefly paused during the chaos but resumed amid a subsequent spike. Following the 2015-2016 trials—where one ended in mistrial, three officers were acquitted by judges citing insufficient of or , and remaining charges were dropped in July due to prosecutorial failures—media response largely sustained the original injustice framing, with limited retractions or emphasis on exonerations, instead pivoting to critiques of the justice system itself as rigged against accountability. and reported on the outcomes as highlighting prosecution limits rather than vindicating officers, perpetuating a that prioritized perceived biases in verdicts over like testimony on the van ride's mechanics, which undermined claims. This discrepancy reflects a broader pattern where activist-influenced reporting, amplified by outlets with documented ideological tilts, resisted updating narratives to align with empirical results, contributing to public skepticism about media objectivity as noted in Pew's findings of mixed ratings for coverage. Public perception surveys underscored these biases: While 40% of Democrats felt too little attention went to non-violent protests, overall respondents criticized overemphasis on spectacle, with younger Americans particularly dissatisfied for insufficient focus on underlying socioeconomic failures over episodic outrage. Such framings, while drawing attention to real policing disparities—Baltimore's arrest rates were 2.5 times higher than whites pre-2015—often elided verifiable data on crime drivers, like the city's 211 homicides in 2015 rising to 342 in 2015 post-unrest, linked by analysts to reduced rather than inherent alone.

Effects on Baltimore's Black Communities

The unrest following Freddie Gray's death inflicted direct economic harm on Baltimore's black neighborhoods, particularly Sandtown-Winchester, where and damaged or destroyed over 200 structures, including pharmacies, liquor stores, and check-cashing outlets that provided to low-income black residents. Many affected businesses were Asian-owned but served predominantly black clientele, leading to reduced access to goods and jobs in areas already plagued by rates exceeding 50%. The total exceeded $9 million in insured losses alone, with uninsured black-owned enterprises and vacant properties suffering further unquantified setbacks, compounding pre-existing disinvestment and depressing local housing values and employment opportunities for black workers. A more enduring consequence was the surge in violent crime, disproportionately victimizing black residents. Homicides in rose from 211 in 2014 to 344 in , with 93% of victims being black, primarily young males in black-majority neighborhoods. Shootings increased by over 80%, and non-fatal violent incidents followed suit, as police engagement declined amid heightened scrutiny and federal investigations, a pattern residents and analysts linked to reduced proactive patrols in high-crime black areas. This de-policing contributed to a feedback loop of retaliation and activity, elevating black-on-black rates to levels unseen in decades and fostering community-wide fear, with black Baltimoreans reporting diminished safety and . The spike persisted into subsequent years, with 318 homicides in 2016 and a peak of 342 in 2017, straining family structures and social services in black communities already facing high unemployment and educational disparities. While consent decrees aimed at police reform sought to address misconduct, the interim reduction in arrests—down significantly post-April 2015—correlated with unchecked criminality that claimed hundreds of additional black lives, underscoring how diminished law enforcement presence exacerbated intra-community violence rather than alleviating systemic pressures. Empirical analyses of arrest data and crime patterns indicate that this outcome stemmed from officers' heightened caution against litigation and public backlash, prioritizing avoidance of confrontations over deterrence in vulnerable black precincts.

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