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Condorcet method
Condorcet method
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Example Condorcet method voting ballot. Blank votes are equivalent to ranking that candidate last.

A Condorcet method (English: /kɒndɔːrˈs/; French: [kɔ̃dɔʁsɛ]) is an election method that elects the candidate who wins a majority of the vote in every head-to-head election against each of the other candidates, whenever there is such a candidate. A candidate with this property, the pairwise champion or beats-all winner, is formally called the Condorcet winner[1] or Pairwise Majority Rule Winner (PMRW).[2][3] The head-to-head elections need not be done separately; a voter's choice within any given pair can be determined from the ranking.[4][5]

Some elections may not yield a Condorcet winner because voter preferences may be cyclic—that is, it is possible that every candidate has an opponent that defeats them in a two-candidate contest.[6] The possibility of such cyclic preferences is known as the Condorcet paradox. However, a smallest group of candidates that beat all candidates not in the group, known as the Smith set, always exists. The Smith set is guaranteed to have the Condorcet winner in it should one exist. Many Condorcet methods elect a candidate who is in the Smith set absent a Condorcet winner, and are thus said to be "Smith-efficient".[7]

Condorcet voting methods are named for the 18th-century French mathematician and philosopher Marie Jean Antoine Nicolas Caritat, the Marquis de Condorcet, who championed such systems. However, Ramon Llull devised the earliest known Condorcet method in 1299.[8] It was equivalent to Copeland's method in cases with no pairwise ties.[9]

Condorcet methods may use preferential ranked, rated vote ballots, or explicit votes between all pairs of candidates. Most Condorcet methods employ a single round of preferential voting, in which each voter ranks the candidates from most (marked as number 1) to least preferred (marked with a higher number). A voter's ranking is often called their order of preference. Votes can be tallied in many ways to find a winner. All Condorcet methods will elect the Condorcet winner if there is one. If there is no Condorcet winner different Condorcet-compliant methods may elect different winners in the case of a cycle—Condorcet methods differ on which other criteria they satisfy.

The procedure given in Robert's Rules of Order for voting on motions and amendments is also a Condorcet method, even though the voters do not vote by expressing their orders of preference.[10] There are multiple rounds of voting, and in each round the vote is between two of the alternatives. The loser (by majority rule) of a pairing is eliminated, and the winner of a pairing survives to be paired in a later round against another alternative. Eventually, only one alternative remains, and it is the winner. This is analogous to a single-winner or round-robin tournament; the total number of pairings is one less than the number of alternatives. Since a Condorcet winner will win by majority rule in each of its pairings, it will never be eliminated by Robert's Rules. But this method cannot reveal a voting paradox in which there is no Condorcet winner and a majority prefer an early loser over the eventual winner (though it will always elect someone in the Smith set). A considerable portion of the literature on social choice theory is about the properties of this method since it is widely used and is used by important organizations (legislatures, councils, committees, etc.). It is not practical for use in public elections, however, since its multiple rounds of voting would be very expensive for voters, for candidates, and for governments to administer.

Condorcet methods are recommended by the Equal Vote Coalition under the name Ranked Robin.[11][12]

Summary

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In a contest between candidates A, B and C using the preferential-vote form of Condorcet method, a head-to-head race is conducted between each pair of candidates. A and B, B and C, and C and A. If one candidate is preferred over all others, they are the Condorcet Winner and winner of the election.

Because of the possibility of the Condorcet paradox, it is possible, but unlikely,[13] that a Condorcet winner may not exist in a specific election. This is sometimes called a Condorcet cycle or just cycle and can be thought of as Rock beating Scissors, Scissors beating Paper, and Paper beating Rock. Various Condorcet methods differ in how they resolve such a cycle. (Most elections do not have cycles. See Condorcet paradox#Likelihood for estimates.) If there is no cycle, all Condorcet methods elect the same candidate and are operationally equivalent.

  • Each voter ranks the candidates in order of preference (top-to-bottom, or best-to-worst, or 1st, 2nd, 3rd, etc.). The voter may be allowed to rank candidates as equals and to express indifference (no preference) between them. Candidates omitted by a voter may be treated as if the voter ranked them at the bottom.[14]
  • For each pairing of candidates (as in a round-robin tournament) count how many votes rank each candidate over the other candidate. Thus each pairing will have two totals: the size of its majority and the size of its minority[citation needed][15] (or there will be a tie).

For most Condorcet methods, those counts usually suffice to determine the complete order of finish (i.e. who won, who came in 2nd place, etc.). They always suffice to determine whether there is a Condorcet winner.

Additional information may be needed in the event of ties. Ties can be pairings that have no majority, or they can be majorities that are the same size. Such ties will be rare when there are many voters. Some Condorcet methods may have other kinds of ties. For example, with Copeland's method, it would not be rare for two or more candidates to win the same number of pairings, when there is no Condorcet winner.[citation needed]

Definition

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A Condorcet method is a voting system that will always elect the Condorcet winner (if there is one); this is the candidate whom voters prefer to each other candidate, when compared to them one at a time. This candidate can be found (if they exist; see next paragraph) by checking if there is a candidate who beats all other candidates; this can be done by using Copeland's method and then checking if the Copeland winner has the highest possible Copeland score. They can also be found by conducting a series of pairwise comparisons, using the procedure given in Robert's Rules of Order described above. For N candidates, this requires N − 1 pairwise hypothetical elections. For example, with 5 candidates there are 4 pairwise comparisons to be made, since after each comparison, a candidate is eliminated, and after 4 eliminations, only one of the original 5 candidates will remain.

To confirm that a Condorcet winner exists in a given election, first do the Robert's Rules of Order procedure, declare the final remaining candidate the procedure's winner, and then do at most an additional N − 2 pairwise comparisons between the procedure's winner and any candidates they have not been compared against yet (including all previously eliminated candidates). If the procedure's winner does not win all pairwise matchups, then no Condorcet winner exists in the election (and thus the Smith set has multiple candidates in it).

Computing all pairwise comparisons requires ½N(N−1) pairwise comparisons for N candidates. For 10 candidates, this means 0.5*10*9=45 comparisons, which can make elections with many candidates hard to count the votes for.[citation needed]

The family of Condorcet methods is also referred to collectively as Condorcet's method. A voting system that always elects the Condorcet winner when there is one is described by electoral scientists as a system that satisfies the Condorcet criterion.[16] Additionally, a voting system can be considered to have Condorcet consistency, or be Condorcet consistent, if it elects any Condorcet winner.[17]

In certain circumstances, an election has no Condorcet winner. This occurs as a result of a kind of tie known as a majority rule cycle, described by Condorcet's paradox. The manner in which a winner is then chosen varies from one Condorcet method to another. Some Condorcet methods involve the basic procedure described below, coupled with a Condorcet completion method, which is used to find a winner when there is no Condorcet winner. Other Condorcet methods involve an entirely different system of counting, but are classified as Condorcet methods, or Condorcet consistent, because they will still elect the Condorcet winner if there is one.[17]

Not all single winner, ranked voting systems are Condorcet methods. For example, instant-runoff voting and the Borda count are not Condorcet methods.[17][18]

Basic procedure

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Voting

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In a Condorcet election the voter ranks the list of candidates in order of preference. If a ranked ballot is used, the voter gives a "1" to their first preference, a "2" to their second preference, and so on. Some Condorcet methods allow voters to rank more than one candidate equally so that the voter might express two first preferences rather than just one.[19] If a scored ballot is used, voters rate or score the candidates on a scale, for example as is used in Score voting, with a higher rating indicating a greater preference.[20] When a voter does not give a full list of preferences, it is typically assumed that they prefer the candidates that they have ranked over all the candidates that were not ranked, and that there is no preference between candidates that were left unranked. Some Condorcet elections permit write-in candidates.

Finding the winner

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The count is conducted by pitting every candidate against every other candidate in a series of hypothetical one-on-one contests. The winner of each pairing is the candidate preferred by a majority of voters. Unless they tie, there is always a majority when there are only two choices. The candidate preferred by each voter is taken to be the one in the pair that the voter ranks (or rates) higher on their ballot paper. For example, if Alice is paired against Bob it is necessary to count both the number of voters who have ranked Alice higher than Bob, and the number who have ranked Bob higher than Alice. If Alice is preferred by more voters then she is the winner of that pairing. When all possible pairings of candidates have been considered, if one candidate beats every other candidate in these contests then they are declared the Condorcet winner. As noted above, if there is no Condorcet winner a further method must be used to find the winner of the election, and this mechanism varies from one Condorcet consistent method to another.[17] In any Condorcet method that passes Independence of Smith-dominated alternatives, it can sometimes help to identify the Smith set from the head-to-head matchups, and eliminate all candidates not in the set before doing the procedure for that Condorcet method.

Pairwise counting and matrices

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Condorcet methods use pairwise counting. For each possible pair of candidates, one pairwise count indicates how many voters prefer one of the paired candidates over the other candidate, and another pairwise count indicates how many voters have the opposite preference. The counts for all possible pairs of candidates summarize all the pairwise preferences of all the voters.

Pairwise counts are often displayed in a pairwise comparison matrix,[21] or outranking matrix,[22] such as those below. In these matrices, each row represents each candidate as a 'runner', while each column represents each candidate as an 'opponent'. The cells at the intersection of rows and columns each show the result of a particular pairwise comparison. Cells comparing a candidate to themselves are left blank.[23][24]

Imagine there is an election between four candidates: A, B, C, and D. The first matrix below records the preferences expressed on a single ballot paper, in which the voter's preferences are (B, C, A, D); that is, the voter ranked B first, C second, A third, and D fourth. In the matrix a '1' indicates that the runner is preferred over the 'opponent', while a '0' indicates that the runner is defeated.[23][21]

        Opponent
Runner
A B C D
A 0 0 1
B 1 1 1
C 1 0 1
D 0 0 0
A '1' indicates that the runner is preferred over the opponent; a '0' indicates that the runner is defeated.

Using a matrix like the one above, one can find the overall results of an election. Each ballot can be transformed into this style of matrix, and then added to all other ballot matrices using matrix addition. The sum of all ballots in an election is called the sum matrix. Suppose that in the imaginary election there are two other voters. Their preferences are (D, A, C, B) and (A, C, B, D). Added to the first voter, these ballots would give the following sum matrix:

        Opponent
Runner
A B C D
A 2 2 2
B 1 1 2
C 1 2 2
D 1 1 1

When the sum matrix is found, the contest between each pair of candidates is considered. The number of votes for runner over opponent (runner, opponent) is compared with the number of votes for opponent over runner (opponent, runner) to find the Condorcet winner. In the sum matrix above, A is the Condorcet winner because A beats every other candidate. When there is no Condorcet winner Condorcet completion methods, such as Ranked Pairs and the Schulze method, use the information contained in the sum matrix to choose a winner.

Cells marked '—' in the matrices above have a numerical value of '0', but a dash is used since candidates are never preferred to themselves. The first matrix, that represents a single ballot, is inversely symmetric: (runner, opponent) is ¬(opponent, runner). Or (runner, opponent) + (opponent, runner) = 1. The sum matrix has this property: (runner, opponent) + (opponent, runner) = N for N voters, if all runners were fully ranked by each voter.

Example

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42% of voters
26% of voters
15% of voters
17% of voters
  1. Memphis
  2. Nashville
  3. Chattanooga
  4. Knoxville
  1. Nashville
  2. Chattanooga
  3. Knoxville
  4. Memphis
  1. Chattanooga
  2. Knoxville
  3. Nashville
  4. Memphis
  1. Knoxville
  2. Chattanooga
  3. Nashville
  4. Memphis
Tennessee and its four major cities: Memphis in the far west; Nashville in the center; Chattanooga in the east; and Knoxville in the far northeast

Suppose Tennessee is holding an election on the location of its capital. The population is split between four cities, and all the voters want the capital to be as close to them as possible. The options are:


To find the Condorcet winner every candidate must be matched against every other candidate in a series of imaginary one-on-one contests. In each pairing the winner is the candidate preferred by a majority of voters. When results for every possible pairing have been found they are as follows:

Pair Winner
Memphis (42%) vs. Nashville (58%) Nashville
Memphis (42%) vs. Chattanooga (58%) Chattanooga
Memphis (42%) vs. Knoxville (58%) Knoxville
Nashville (68%) vs. Chattanooga (32%) Nashville
Nashville (68%) vs. Knoxville (32%) Nashville
Chattanooga (83%) vs. Knoxville (17%) Chattanooga

The results can also be shown in the form of a matrix:

1st Nashville [N] 3 Wins ↓
2nd Chattanooga [C]
→ 1 Loss
↓ 2 Wins
[N] 68%
[C] 32%
3rd Knoxville [K]
→ 2 Losses
↓ 1 Win
[C] 83%
[K] 17%
[N] 68%
[K] 32%
4th Memphis [M] 3 Losses → [K] 58%
[M] 42%
[C] 58%
[M] 42%
[N] 58%
[M] 42%

As can be seen from both of the tables above, Nashville beats every other candidate. This means that Nashville is the Condorcet winner. Nashville will thus win an election held under any possible Condorcet method.

While any Condorcet method will elect Nashville as the winner, if instead an election based on the same votes were held using first-past-the-post or instant-runoff voting, these systems would select Memphis[footnotes 1] and Knoxville[footnotes 2] respectively. This would occur despite the fact that most people would have preferred Nashville to either of those "winners". Condorcet methods make these preferences obvious rather than ignoring or discarding them.

On the other hand, in this example Chattanooga also defeats Knoxville and Memphis when paired against those cities. If we changed the basis for defining preference and determined that Memphis voters preferred Chattanooga as a second choice rather than as a third choice, Chattanooga would be the Condorcet winner even though finishing in last place in a first-past-the-post election.

An alternative way of thinking about this example if a Smith-efficient Condorcet method that passes ISDA is used to determine the winner is that 58% of the voters, a mutual majority, ranked Memphis last (making Memphis the majority loser) and Nashville, Chattanooga, and Knoxville above Memphis, ruling Memphis out. At that point, the voters who preferred Memphis as their 1st choice could only help to choose a winner among Nashville, Chattanooga, and Knoxville, and because they all preferred Nashville as their 1st choice among those three, Nashville would have had a 68% majority of 1st choices among the remaining candidates and won as the majority's 1st choice.

Circular ambiguities

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As noted above, sometimes an election has no Condorcet winner because there is no candidate who is preferred by voters to all other candidates. When this occurs the situation is known as a 'Condorcet cycle', 'majority rule cycle', 'circular ambiguity', 'circular tie', 'Condorcet paradox', or simply a 'cycle'. This situation emerges when, once all votes have been tallied, the preferences of voters with respect to some candidates form a circle in which every candidate is beaten by at least one other candidate (Intransitivity).

For example, if there are three candidates, Candidate Rock, Candidate Scissors, and Candidate Paper, there will be no Condorcet winner if voters prefer Candidate Rock over Candidate Scissors and Scissors over Paper, but also Candidate Paper over Rock. Depending on the context in which elections are held, circular ambiguities may or may not be common, but there is no known case of a governmental election with ranked-choice voting in which a circular ambiguity is evident from the record of ranked ballots. Nonetheless, a cycle is always possible, and so every Condorcet method should be capable of determining a winner when this contingency occurs. A mechanism for resolving an ambiguity is known as ambiguity resolution, cycle resolution method, or Condorcet completion method.

Circular ambiguities arise as a result of the voting paradox—the result of an election can be intransitive (forming a cycle) even though all individual voters expressed a transitive preference. In a Condorcet election it is impossible for the preferences of a single voter to be cyclical, because a voter must rank all candidates in order, from top-choice to bottom-choice, and can only rank each candidate once, but the paradox of voting means that it is still possible for a circular ambiguity in voter tallies to emerge.

The idealized notion of a political spectrum is often used to describe political candidates and policies. Where this kind of spectrum exists, and voters prefer candidates who are closest to their own position on the spectrum, there is a Condorcet winner (Black's Single-Peakedness Theorem).

In Condorcet methods, as in most electoral systems, there is also the possibility of an ordinary tie. This occurs when two or more candidates tie with each other but defeat every other candidate. As in other systems this can be resolved by a random method such as the drawing of lots. Ties can also be settled through other methods like seeing which of the tied winners had the most first choice votes, but this and some other non-random methods may re-introduce a degree of tactical voting, especially if voters know the race will be close.

The method used to resolve circular ambiguities is the main difference between the various Condorcet methods. There are countless ways in which this can be done, but every Condorcet method involves ignoring the majorities expressed by voters in at least some pairwise matchings. Some cycle resolution methods are Smith-efficient, meaning that they pass the Smith criterion. This guarantees that when there is a cycle (and no pairwise ties), only the candidates in the cycle can win, and that if there is a mutual majority, one of their preferred candidates will win.

Condorcet methods fit within two categories:

  • Two-method systems, which use a separate method to handle cases in which there is no Condorcet winner
  • One-method systems, which use a single method that, without any special handling, always identifies the winner to be the Condorcet winner

Many one-method systems and some two-method systems will give the same result as each other if there are fewer than 4 candidates in the circular tie, and all voters separately rank at least two of those candidates. These include Smith-Minimax (Minimax but done only after all candidates not in the Smith set are eliminated), Ranked Pairs, and Schulze. For example, with three candidates in the Smith set in a Condorcet cycle, because Schulze and Ranked Pairs pass ISDA, all candidates not in the Smith set can be eliminated first, and then for Schulze, dropping the weakest defeat of the three allows the candidate who had that weakest defeat to be the only candidate who can beat or tie all other candidates, while with Ranked Pairs, once the first two strongest defeats are locked in, the weakest cannot, since it'd create a cycle, and so the candidate with the weakest defeat will have no defeats locked in against them).

Two-method systems

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One family of Condorcet methods consists of systems that first conduct a series of pairwise comparisons and then, if there is no Condorcet winner, fall back to an entirely different, non-Condorcet method to determine a winner. The simplest such fall-back methods involve entirely disregarding the results of the pairwise comparisons. For example, the Black method chooses the Condorcet winner if it exists, but uses the Borda count instead if there is a cycle (the method is named for Duncan Black).

A more sophisticated two-stage process is, in the event of a cycle, to use a separate voting system to find the winner but to restrict this second stage to a certain subset of candidates found by scrutinizing the results of the pairwise comparisons. Sets used for this purpose are defined so that they will always contain only the Condorcet winner if there is one, and will always, in any case, contain at least one candidate. Such sets include the

  • Smith set: The smallest non-empty set of candidates in a particular election such that every candidate in the set can beat all candidates outside the set. It is easily shown that there is only one possible Smith set for each election.
  • Schwartz set: This is the innermost unbeaten set, and is usually the same as the Smith set. It is defined as the union of all possible sets of candidates such that for every set:
    1. Every candidate inside the set is pairwise unbeatable by any other candidate outside the set (i.e., ties are allowed).
    2. No proper (smaller) subset of the set fulfills the first property.
  • Landau set or uncovered set or Fishburn set: the set of candidates, such that each member, for every other candidate (including those inside the set), either beats this candidate or beats a third candidate that itself beats the candidate that is unbeaten by the member.

One possible method is to apply instant-runoff voting in various ways, such as to the candidates of the Smith set. One variation of this method has been described as "Smith/IRV", with another being Tideman's alternative methods. It is also possible to do "Smith/Approval" by allowing voters to rank candidates, and indicate which candidates they approve, such that the candidate in the Smith set approved by the most voters wins; this is often done using an approval threshold (i.e. if voters approve their 3rd choices, those voters are automatically considered to approve their 1st and 2nd choices too). In Smith/Score, the candidate in the Smith set with the highest total score wins, with the pairwise comparisons done based on which candidates are scored higher than others.

Single-method systems

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Some Condorcet methods use a single procedure that inherently meets the Condorcet criteria and, without any extra procedure, also resolves circular ambiguities when they arise. In other words, these methods do not involve separate procedures for different situations. Typically these methods base their calculations on pairwise counts. These methods include:

  • Copeland's method: This simple method involves electing the candidate who wins the most pairwise matchings. However, it often produces a tie.
  • Kemeny method: This method ranks all the choices from most popular and second-most popular down to least popular.
  • Minimax: Also called Simpson, Simpson–Kramer, and Simple Condorcet, this method chooses the candidate whose worst pairwise defeat is better than that of all other candidates. A refinement of this method involves restricting it to choosing a winner from among the Smith set; this has been called Smith/Minimax.
  • Nanson's method and Baldwin's method combine Borda Count with an instant runoff procedure.
  • Dodgson's method extends the Condorcet method by swapping candidates until a Condorcet winner is found. The winner is the candidate which requires the minimum number of swaps.
  • Ranked pairs breaks each cycle in the pairwise preference graph by dropping the weakest majority in the cycle, thereby yielding a complete ranking of the candidates. This method is also known as Tideman, after its inventor Nicolaus Tideman.
  • Schulze method iteratively drops the weakest majority in the pairwise preference graph until the winner becomes well defined. This method is also known as Schwartz sequential dropping (SSD), cloneproof Schwartz sequential dropping (CSSD), beatpath method, beatpath winner, path voting, and path winner.
  • Smith Score is a rated voting method which elects the Score voting winner from the Smith set.[25]

Ranked Pairs and Schulze are procedurally in some sense opposite approaches (although they very frequently give the same results):

  • Ranked Pairs (and its variants) starts with the strongest defeats and uses as much information as it can without creating ambiguity.
  • Schulze repeatedly removes the weakest defeat until the ambiguity is removed.

Minimax could be considered as more "blunt" than either of these approaches, as instead of removing defeats it can be seen as immediately removing candidates by looking at the strongest defeats (although their victories are still considered for subsequent candidate eliminations). One way to think of it in terms of removing defeats is that Minimax removes each candidate's weakest defeats until some group of candidates with only pairwise ties between them have no defeats left, at which point the group ties to win.[citation needed]

Kemeny method

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The Kemeny method considers every possible sequence of choices in terms of which choice might be most popular, which choice might be second-most popular, and so on down to which choice might be least popular. Each such sequence is associated with a Kemeny score that is equal to the sum of the pairwise counts that apply to the specified sequence. The sequence with the highest score is identified as the overall ranking, from most popular to least popular.

When the pairwise counts are arranged in a matrix in which the choices appear in sequence from most popular (top and left) to least popular (bottom and right), the winning Kemeny score equals the sum of the counts in the upper-right, triangular half of the matrix (shown here in bold on a green background).

...over Nashville ...over Chattanooga ...over Knoxville ...over Memphis
Prefer Nashville... 68 68 58
Prefer Chattanooga... 32 83 58
Prefer Knoxville... 32 17 58
Prefer Memphis... 42 42 42

In this example, the Kemeny Score of the sequence Nashville > Chattanooga > Knoxville > Memphis would be 393.

Calculating every Kemeny score requires considerable computation time in cases that involve more than a few choices. However, fast calculation methods based on integer programming allow a computation time in seconds for some cases with as many as 40 choices.

Ranked pairs

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The order of finish is constructed a piece at a time by considering the (pairwise) majorities one at a time, from largest majority to smallest majority. For each majority, their higher-ranked candidate is placed ahead of their lower-ranked candidate in the (partially constructed) order of finish, except when their lower-ranked candidate has already been placed ahead of their higher-ranked candidate.

For example, suppose the voters' orders of preference are such that 75% rank B over C, 65% rank A over B, and 60% rank C over A. (The three majorities are a rock paper scissors cycle.) Ranked pairs begins with the largest majority, who rank B over C, and places B ahead of C in the order of finish. Then it considers the second largest majority, who rank A over B, and places A ahead of B in the order of finish. At this point, it has been established that A finishes ahead of B and B finishes ahead of C, which implies A also finishes ahead of C. So when ranked pairs considers the third largest majority, who rank C over A, their lower-ranked candidate A has already been placed ahead of their higher-ranked candidate C, so C is not placed ahead of A. The order of finish is "A, B, C" and A is the winner.

An equivalent definition is to find the order of finish that minimizes the size of the largest reversed majority. (In the 'lexicographical order' sense. If the largest majority reversed in two orders of finish is the same, the two orders of finish are compared by their second largest reversed majorities, etc. See the discussion of MinMax, MinLexMax and Ranked Pairs in the 'Motivation and uses' section of the Lexicographical Order article). (In the example, the order of finish "A, B, C" reverses the 60% who rank C over A. Any other order of finish would reverse a larger majority.) This definition is useful for simplifying some of the proofs of Ranked Pairs' properties, but the "constructive" definition executes much faster (small polynomial time).

Schulze method

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The Schulze method resolves votes as follows:

At each stage, we proceed as follows:
  1. For each pair of undropped candidates X and Y: If there is a directed path of undropped links from candidate X to candidate Y, then we write "X → Y"; otherwise we write "not X → Y".
  2. For each pair of undropped candidates V and W: If "V → W" and "not W → V", then candidate W is dropped and all links, that start or end in candidate W, are dropped.
  3. The weakest undropped link is dropped. If several undropped links tie as weakest, all of them are dropped.
The procedure ends when all links have been dropped. The winners are the undropped candidates.

In other words, this procedure repeatedly throws away the weakest pairwise defeat within the top set, until finally the number of votes left over produce an unambiguous decision.

Defeat strength

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Some pairwise methods—including minimax, Ranked Pairs, and the Schulze method—resolve circular ambiguities based on the relative strength of the defeats. There are different ways to measure the strength of each defeat, and these include considering "winning votes" and "margins":

  • Winning votes: The number of votes on the winning side of a defeat.
  • Margins: The number of votes on the winning side of the defeat, minus the number of votes on the losing side of the defeat.[26]

If voters do not rank their preferences for all of the candidates, these two approaches can yield different results. Consider, for example, the following election:

45 voters 11 voters 15 voters 29 voters
1. A 1. B 1. B 1. C
2. C 2. B

The pairwise defeats are as follows:

  • B beats A, 55 to 45 (55 winning votes, a margin of 10 votes)
  • A beats C, 45 to 44 (45 winning votes, a margin of 1 vote)
  • C beats B, 29 to 26 (29 winning votes, a margin of 3 votes)

Using the winning votes definition of defeat strength, the defeat of B by C is the weakest, and the defeat of A by B is the strongest. Using the margins definition of defeat strength, the defeat of C by A is the weakest, and the defeat of A by B is the strongest.

Using winning votes as the definition of defeat strength, candidate B would win under minimax, Ranked Pairs and the Schulze method, but, using margins as the definition of defeat strength, candidate C would win in the same methods.

If all voters give complete rankings of the candidates, then winning votes and margins will always produce the same result. The difference between them can only come into play when some voters declare equal preferences amongst candidates, as occurs implicitly if they do not rank all candidates, as in the example above.

The choice between margins and winning votes is the subject of scholarly debate. Because all Condorcet methods always choose the Condorcet winner when one exists, the difference between methods only appears when cyclic ambiguity resolution is required. The argument for using winning votes follows from this: Because cycle resolution involves disenfranchising a selection of votes, then the selection should disenfranchise the fewest possible number of votes. When margins are used, the difference between the number of two candidates' votes may be small, but the number of votes may be very large—or not. Only methods employing winning votes satisfy Woodall's plurality criterion.

An argument in favour of using margins is the fact that the result of a pairwise comparison is decided by the presence of more votes for one side than the other and thus that it follows naturally to assess the strength of a comparison by this "surplus" for the winning side. Otherwise, changing only a few votes from the winner to the loser could cause a sudden large change from a large score for one side to a large score for the other. In other words, one could consider losing votes being in fact disenfranchised when it comes to ambiguity resolution with winning votes. Also, using winning votes, a vote containing ties (possibly implicitly in the case of an incompletely ranked ballot) does not have the same effect as a number of equally weighted votes with total weight equaling one vote, such that the ties are broken in every possible way (a violation of Woodall's symmetric-completion criterion), as opposed to margins.[27]

Under winning votes, if two more of the "B" voters decided to vote "BC", the A->C arm of the cycle would be overturned and Condorcet would pick C instead of B. This is an example of "Unburying" or "Later does harm". The margin method would pick C anyway.

Under the margin method, if three more "BC" voters decided to "bury" C by just voting "B", the A->C arm of the cycle would be strengthened and the resolution strategies would end up breaking the C->B arm and giving the win to B. This is an example of "Burying". The winning votes method would pick B anyway.

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Other terms related to the Condorcet method are:

Condorcet loser
[citation needed] the candidate who is less preferred than every other candidate in a pairwise matchup (preferred by fewer voters than any other candidate).
Weak Condorcet winner
[citation needed] a candidate who beats or ties with every other candidate in a pairwise matchup (preferred by at least as many voters as any other candidate). There can be more than one weak Condorcet winner.[28]
Weak Condorcet loser
[citation needed] a candidate who is defeated by or ties with every other candidate in a pairwise matchup. Similarly, there can be more than one weak Condorcet loser.
Improved Condorcet winner
[citation needed] in improved condorcet methods, additional rules for pairwise comparisons are introduced to handle ballots where candidates are tied, so that pairwise wins can not be changed by those tied ballots switching to a specific preference order. A strong improved condorcet winner in an improved condorcet method must also be a strong condorcet winner, but the converse need not hold. In tied at the top methods, the number of ballots where the candidates are tied at the top of the ballot is subtracted from the victory margin between the two candidates. This has the effect of introducing more ties in the pairwise comparison graph, but allows the method to satisfy the favourite betrayal criterion.

Condorcet ranking methods

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Some Condorcet methods produce not just a single winner, but a ranking of all candidates from first to last place. A Condorcet ranking is a list of candidates with the property that the Condorcet winner (if one exists) comes first and the Condorcet loser (if one exists) comes last, and this holds recursively for the candidates ranked between them.

Single winner methods that satisfy this property include:

Proportional forms which satisfy this property include:

Though there will not always be a Condorcet winner or Condorcet loser, there is always a Smith set and "Smith loser set" (smallest group of candidates who lose to all candidates not in the set in head-to-head elections). Some voting methods produce rankings that sort all candidates in the Smith set above all others, and all candidates in the Smith loser set below all others, with this holding recursively for all candidates ranked between them; in essence, this guarantees that when the candidates can be split into two groups, such that every candidate in the first group beats every candidate in the second group head-to-head, then all candidates in the first group are ranked higher than all candidates in the second group.[29] Because the Smith set and Smith loser set are equivalent to the Condorcet winner and Condorcet loser when they exist, methods that always produce Smith set rankings also always produce Condorcet rankings.

Comparison with instant runoff and first-past-the-post (plurality)

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One claim of some instant-runoff voting (IRV) proponents is that if a voter's first choice does not win, then their vote will transfer to their second choice; if their second choice does not win, their vote will transfer to their third choice, etc. In practice, it is not true for every voter with IRV. If someone voted for a strong candidate, and their 2nd and 3rd choices are eliminated before their first choice is eliminated, IRV transfers their vote to their 4th choice candidate, not their 2nd choice. Condorcet voting takes all rankings into account simultaneously, but at the expense of violating the later-no-harm criterion and the later-no-help criterion. With IRV, indicating a second choice will never affect your first choice. With Condorcet voting, it is possible that indicating a second choice will cause your first choice to lose.

Plurality voting is simple, and theoretically provides incentives for voters to compromise for centrist candidates rather than throw away their votes on candidates who cannot win. Opponents to plurality voting point out that voters often vote for the lesser of evils because they heard on the news that those two are the only two with a chance of winning, not necessarily because those two are the two natural compromises. This gives the media significant election powers. And if voters do compromise according to the media, the post election counts will prove the media right for next time. Condorcet runs each candidate against the other head to head, so that voters elect the candidate who would win the most sincere runoffs, instead of the one they thought they had to vote for.

There are circumstances, as in the examples above, when both instant-runoff voting and the "first-past-the-post" plurality system will fail to pick the Condorcet winner. (In fact, FPTP can elect the Condorcet loser and IRV can elect the second-worst candidate, who would lose to every candidate except the Condorcet loser.[30]) In cases where there is a Condorcet Winner, and where IRV does not choose it, a majority would by definition prefer the Condorcet Winner to the IRV winner. Proponents of the Condorcet criterion see it as a principal issue in selecting an electoral system. They see the Condorcet criterion as a natural extension of majority rule. Condorcet methods tend to encourage the selection of centrist candidates who appeal to the median voter. Here is an example that is designed to support IRV at the expense of Condorcet:

499 voters 3 voters 498 voters
1. A 1. B 1. C
2. B 2. C 2. B
3. C 3. A 3. A

B is preferred by a 501–499 majority to A, and by a 502–498 majority to C. So, according to the Condorcet criterion, B should win, despite the fact that very few voters rank B in first place. By contrast, IRV elects C and plurality elects A. The goal of a ranked voting system is for voters to be able to vote sincerely and trust the system to protect their intent. Plurality voting forces voters to do all their tactics before they vote, so that the system does not need to figure out their intent.

The significance of this scenario, of two parties with strong support, and the one with weak support being the Condorcet winner, may be misleading, though, as it is a common mode in plurality voting systems (see Duverger's law), but much less likely to occur in Condorcet or IRV elections, which unlike Plurality voting, punish candidates who alienate a significant block of voters.

Here is an example that is designed to support Condorcet at the expense of IRV:

33 voters 16 voters 16 voters 35 voters
1. A 1. B 1. B 1. C
2. B 2. A 2. C 2. B
3. C 3. C 3. A 3. A

B would win against either A or C by more than a 65–35 margin in a one-on-one election, but IRV eliminates B first, leaving a contest between the more "polar" candidates, A and C. Proponents of plurality voting state that their system is simpler than any other and more easily understood.

All three systems are susceptible to tactical voting, but the types of tactics used and the frequency of strategic incentive differ in each method.

Potential for tactical voting

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Like all voting methods,[31] Condorcet methods are vulnerable to compromising. That is, voters can help avoid the election of a less-preferred candidate by insincerely raising the position of a more-preferred candidate on their ballot. However, Condorcet methods are only vulnerable to compromising when there is a majority rule cycle, or when one can be created.[32]

Condorcet methods are vulnerable to burying. In some elections, voters can help a more-preferred candidate by insincerely lowering the position of a less-preferred candidate on their ballot. For example, in an election with three candidates, voters may be able to falsify their second choice to help their preferred candidate win.

Example with the Schulze method:

46 voters 44 voters 10 voters
1. A 1. B 1. C
2. B 2. A 2. B
3. C 3. C 3. A
  • B is the sincere Condorcet winner. But since A has the most votes and almost has a majority, with A and B forming a mutual majority of 90% of the voters, A can win by publicly instructing A voters to bury B with C (see * below), using B-top voters' 2nd choice support to win the election. If B, after hearing the public instructions, reciprocates by burying A with C, C will be elected, and this threat may be enough to keep A from pushing for his tactic. B's other possible recourse would be to attack A's ethics in proposing the tactic and call for all voters to vote sincerely. This is an example of the chicken dilemma.
46 voters 44 voters 10 voters
1. A 1. B 1. C
2. C* 2. A 2. B
3. B* 3. C 3. A
  • B beats A by 8 as before, and A beats C by 82 as before, but now C beats B by 12, forming a Smith set greater than one. Even the Schulze method elects A: The path strength of A beats B is the lesser of 82 and 12, so 12. The path strength of B beats A is only 8, which is less than 12, so A wins. B voters are powerless to do anything about the public announcement by A, and C voters just hope B reciprocates, or maybe consider compromise voting for B if they dislike A enough.

Supporters of Condorcet methods which exhibit this potential problem could rebut this concern by pointing out that pre-election polls are most necessary with plurality voting, and that voters, armed with ranked choice voting, could lie to pre-election pollsters, making it impossible for Candidate A to know whether or how to bury. It is also nearly impossible to predict ahead of time how many supporters of A would actually follow the instructions, and how many would be alienated by such an obvious attempt to manipulate the system.

33 voters 16 voters 16 voters 35 voters
1. A 1. B 1. B 1. C
2. B 2. A 2. C 2. B
3. C 3. C 3. A 3. A
  • In the above example, if C voters bury B with A, A will be elected instead of B. Since C voters prefer B to A, only they would be hurt by attempting the burying. Except for the first example where one candidate has the most votes and has a near majority, the Schulze method is very resistant to burying.

Evaluation by criteria

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Scholars of electoral systems often compare them using mathematically defined voting system criteria. The criteria which Condorcet methods satisfy vary from one Condorcet method to another. However, the Condorcet criterion is incompatible with the consistency, independence of irrelevant alternatives (though it implies a weaker analogous form of IIA: when there is a Condorcet winner, losing candidates can drop out of the election without changing the result),[33] later-no-harm, later-no-help, participation, and sincere favorite criteria.

Voting system
criterion

Condorcet
method
Monotonic Condorcet
loser
Clone
independence
Reversal
symmetry
Polynomial
time
Resolvable Local
independence
of irrelevant
alternatives
Schulze Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes No
Ranked Pairs Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes
Minimax Yes No No No Yes Yes No
Nanson No Yes No Yes Yes Unknown Unknown
Kemeny Yes Yes No Yes No Yes Yes
Dodgson No No No No No Unknown Unknown
Copeland Yes Yes No Yes Yes No No

Use of Condorcet voting

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sample ballot for Wikimedia's Board of Trustees elections

Condorcet methods are not known to be currently in use in government elections anywhere in the world, but a Condorcet method known as Nanson's method was used in city elections in the U.S. town of Marquette, Michigan in the 1920s,[34] and today Condorcet methods are used by a number of political parties and private organizations.

In Vermont, Bill H.424[35] would enable towns, cities, and villages to adopt a Condorcet-based voting system for single-seat office elections through a majority vote at a town meeting. The system first checks for a majority winner among first preferences. If none, pairwise Condorcet comparisons are counted and the Condorcet winner is elected. If none, it resorts to a first-past-the-post tiebreaker. Once adopted, the system remains in effect until the community decides to revert to a previous method or another system through a subsequent town meeting vote.

Organizations which currently use some variant of the Condorcet method are:

See also

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Footnotes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Condorcet method refers to a class of voting systems designed to select a winner who defeats every other candidate in pairwise comparisons of voter preferences, provided such a Condorcet winner exists. Named after the French mathematician and philosopher , who in 1785 articulated the underlying criterion amid his work on decision-making and social choice, the method relies on ranked ballots to construct head-to-head matchups between candidates. When a clear Condorcet winner emerges—beating all rivals by majority vote in every bilateral contest—the system elects that candidate, thereby satisfying the Condorcet criterion, which posits that any such pairwise-dominant option should prevail over alternatives like plurality or that may overlook it. In cases lacking a Condorcet winner, due to cyclic preferences known as the —where A beats B, B beats C, and C beats A—various completion procedures resolve the outcome, such as the using path strengths or focusing on the strongest loss. These extensions aim to approximate the Condorcet ideal while mitigating strategic vulnerabilities, though empirical analyses indicate Condorcet methods generally resist manipulation better than plurality or systems under certain voter behavior models. Proponents highlight its alignment with the electorate's median preference, potentially yielding more representative results in multi-candidate races, as evidenced by simulations showing higher satisfaction scores compared to non-Condorcet alternatives. Despite theoretical strengths, practical adoption remains limited owing to computational complexity in large electorates and the absence of a universal winner in up to 10-20% of realistic profiles, prompting debates over resolution mechanisms and vulnerability to no-show paradoxes in some variants. Scholarly work, including Nobel laureate Eric Maskin's advocacy for iterative runoff approaches, underscores its potential for enhancing democratic outcomes, yet real-world implementations, such as in certain academic societies or polls, reveal challenges in voter and design.

Core Concepts

Definition and Principle

The Condorcet method refers to a class of systems that identify a winner through pairwise comparisons of candidates based on voter preference rankings. In this approach, voters order candidates from most to least preferred, enabling the computation of preferences for every possible head-to-head matchup between candidates. A candidate who receives support against each opponent—known as the Condorcet winner—is selected as the victor, as this candidate demonstrably outperforms all rivals in direct contests. Named after the , who introduced the concept in his 1785 treatise Essai sur l'application de l'analyse à la probabilité des décisions rendues à la pluralité des voix, the method's principle centers on aggregating individual preferences to reveal the candidate most broadly acceptable to the electorate. By prioritizing pairwise majorities over simplistic first-choice tallies, it aims to align outcomes with the median voter's preferences, reducing the risk of electing candidates who lack majority support against key alternatives. This framework satisfies the Condorcet criterion, mandating the election of any existing pairwise-dominant candidate, and theoretically promotes by favoring positions that bridge voter divides rather than extremes. Empirical analyses of elections using ranked ballots, such as 183 out of 185 U.S. ranked-choice voting contests and 154 out of 155 elections, confirm the near-universal existence of a Condorcet winner in practice.

Historical Development

The traces its origins to the , who in 1785 published Essai sur l'application de l'analyse à la probabilité des décisions rendues à la pluralité des voix, a applying to voting in juries and assemblies. In this 495-page work, Condorcet argued that the rationally superior decision is the option prevailing in every pairwise comparison against alternatives, emphasizing empirical aggregation of individual judgments over simple plurality. He demonstrated through examples that plurality could yield suboptimal outcomes, such as electing a candidate rejected by a in direct contests, and identified intransitive cycles in voter preferences—now termed the —where no pairwise-dominant option exists. Condorcet's ideas emerged from Enlightenment debates on rational governance, particularly his opposition to Jean-Charles de Borda's 1770 positional count method within the French Academy of Sciences, which weighted ranks by inverse order (e.g., first-place votes scoring highest). Condorcet critiqued Borda for undervaluing head-to-head majorities, insisting pairwise victories better reflect collective will, though he acknowledged probabilistic uncertainties in large electorates and proposed jury theorems linking voter competence to decision accuracy. His framework prioritized causal efficacy in preference revelation over arithmetic convenience, but practical implementation lagged amid the French Revolution, during which Condorcet perished in 1794. In the mid-19th century, British mathematician Charles Lutwidge Dodgson (pen name ) independently advanced Condorcet principles through pamphlets on and committee selection, notably his 1873 A Method of Apportioning Representation and 1876 A Method of Taking Account of "Sympathies" and of "Antipathies" between Members of Different Constituencies. Dodgson proposed resolving absent Condorcet winners by minimally altering voter rankings to create one, using a scoring metric for swaps, thus extending pairwise logic to cyclic scenarios while preserving pairwise beats where possible. These efforts, aimed at university and parliamentary reforms, highlighted computational challenges but influenced later positional adjustments in Condorcet variants. Twentieth-century formalization occurred via , with economists like Duncan Black rediscovering Condorcet criteria in 1948 analyses of single-peaked preferences, where dimension restrictions eliminate cycles. Kenneth Arrow's 1951 impossibility theorem underscored Condorcet methods' appeal despite non-existence risks, spurring variants like Copeland scoring (1876 onward, formalized later) that rank by pairwise victories. Empirical adoption remained niche, confined to organizations like the (testing in the 1970s) and software for preferential ballots, reflecting persistent cycle-handling barriers over plurality's simplicity.

Implementation Mechanics

Ballot Structure and Voter Preferences

In Condorcet methods, ballots require voters to rank candidates ordinally, typically from most preferred to least preferred, to derive pairwise preference counts. This ranked-choice format provides a complete or partial ordering that implies voter preferences in every head-to-head matchup: a voter prefers candidate A over B if A appears higher in their ranking than B. Voters may submit incomplete rankings by omitting some candidates, which implementations handle by assuming indifference or lower preference for unranked options relative to ranked ones, ensuring all pairwise comparisons can still be computed across the electorate. Ties between candidates can also be expressed on ballots, with such equal rankings treated as half-votes for each in pairwise tallies or excluded from strict preference counts, varying by method variant. Although direct pairwise ballots—requiring voters to select a preferred in each possible duo—avoid reliance on inferred transitivity and could reduce strategic incentives tied to full rankings, ranked ballots predominate for their efficiency in eliciting comprehensive preferences with fewer voter decisions. Ranked ballots thus form the standard structure, enabling the Condorcet criterion's focus on pairwise victories while accommodating real-world voting behaviors like abstentions from full rankings.

Pairwise Comparison Computation

The pairwise comparison computation forms the core of the Condorcet method, deriving direct preferences between candidates from ranked ballots. For every distinct pair of candidates AA and BB, the process tallies the number of voters who rank AA above BB, denoted as P(A>B)P(A > B), against those who rank BB above AA, denoted as P(B>A)P(B > A). A candidate AA defeats BB if P(A>B)>P(B>A)P(A > B) > P(B > A); the comparison results in a tie if P(A>B)=P(B>A)P(A > B) = P(B > A). Voters indifferent between AA and BB (e.g., via equal rankings, if permitted) or omitting one do not contribute to either tally, though strict rankings are standard to ensure completeness. This yields a set of pairwise outcomes for all (n2)\binom{n}{2} pairs among nn candidates, often aggregated into a matrix MM where MijM_{ij} records the net margin P(i>j)P(j>i)P(i > j) - P(j > i), with positive values indicating ii defeats jj. The matrix is antisymmetric (Mij=MjiM_{ij} = -M_{ji}) and reveals the structure of . Computationally, for mm voters, a straightforward iterates over each to compare relative positions of candidates in each pair, accumulating counts; this requires O(mn2)O(m n^2) operations before aggregation. To illustrate, consider three candidates AA, BB, and CC with hypothetical voter rankings from 5 ballots:
VoterRanking
1-2A > B > C
3B > C > A
4C > A > B
5A > C > B
For pair AA vs. BB: Voters 1-2 and 5 prefer A>BA > B (3 votes), voter 3 prefers B>AB > A (1 vote), so AA defeats BB by 2. For AA vs. CC: Voters 1-2, 4, and 5 prefer A>CA > C (4 votes), voter 3 prefers C>AC > A (1 vote), so AA defeats CC by 3. For BB vs. CC: Voters 1-3 and 5 prefer B>CB > C (4 votes), voter 4 prefers C>BC > B (1 vote), so BB defeats CC by 3. The resulting pairwise victories confirm AA as undefeated. In practice, implementations handle larger scales by precomputing rankings or using adjacency lists for the defeat graph, where directed edges represent victories. Margins may be absolute or normalized by total voters for tie-breaking in extensions, though pure Condorcet adheres to strict majorities. This pairwise foundation ensures the method captures transitive majorities without aggregating scores prematurely.

Winner Selection and Cycle Handling

The Condorcet winner is selected as the victor in elections employing the Condorcet method when such a candidate exists, defined as the one who prevails in every pairwise comparison against all other contenders based on aggregated voter s. Pairwise victories are tallied by counting, for each candidate pair, the number of voters one above the other; a candidate secures a win if supported by a strict in that matchup. This process constructs a complete preference graph where directed edges indicate preferences, and the Condorcet winner corresponds to the unique source node with outgoing edges to all others. Absence of a Condorcet winner arises from cyclic majorities in the pairwise comparisons, a phenomenon formalized as the , where transitive individual preferences aggregate into intransitive social outcomes, such as candidate A defeating B, B defeating C, and C defeating A. In these scenarios, the method's basic form fails to produce a decisive outcome, as no candidate satisfies the universal pairwise dominance condition. Empirical analyses of non-political elections indicate cycles occur infrequently, with Condorcet winners present in over 90% of examined cases from ranked-choice data sets spanning sports, food preferences, and organizational votes. Cycle handling in the strict Condorcet framework typically involves declaring no winner or a tie among the top cycle participants, though this undecisiveness has prompted extensions like iterative elimination of pairwise losers or auxiliary tie-breaking rules to ensure a selection. Such resolutions prioritize preserving the Condorcet criterion—electing the pairwise-dominant candidate when available—while addressing paradoxes through minimal deviation from majority pairwise data.

Illustrative Scenarios

Condorcet Winner Example

Consider an election among three candidates—Anaheim (A), Orlando (O), and (H)—with ten voters submitting ranked-choice ballots. The preference profile is summarized in the following table:
Number of voters1st choice2nd choice3rd choice
1AOH
3AHO
3OHA
3HAO
To identify a Condorcet winner, conduct pairwise comparisons by tallying voter preferences for each head-to-head contest. defeats Orlando, as six voters rank above Orlando while four rank Orlando higher. also defeats Anaheim, with six voters preferring over Anaheim and four the reverse. Anaheim defeats Orlando, prevailing 7-3. Since Hawaii wins both of its pairwise matchups, it qualifies as the Condorcet winner, reflecting majority preference against each opponent individually. This outcome aligns with the Condorcet criterion, where the winner is the candidate undefeated in all direct comparisons.

Cycle Formation and Paradox Demonstration

In certain preference profiles, the Condorcet method fails to produce a Condorcet winner due to the formation of cycles in the pairwise preference relation, a situation known as the . This occurs when the aggregate voter preferences yield intransitive social choices, such as candidate A defeating B by , B defeating C by , and C defeating A by , forming a loop with no candidate superior to all others in head-to-head matchups. The paradox was first formally described by the in 1785, illustrating that even under sincere voting with full preference rankings, can violate transitivity, a core assumption in rational choice theory. A standard demonstration involves three candidates (A, B, C) and three voters expressing linear preferences as follows:
VoterRanking
1A > B > C
2B > C > A
3C > A > B
Pairwise comparisons reveal:
  • A versus B: A wins 2–1 (voters 1 and 3 prefer A to B).
  • B versus C: B wins 2–1 (voters 1 and 2 prefer B to C).
  • C versus A: C wins 2–1 (voters 2 and 3 prefer C to A).
This creates the cycle A > B > C > A, where each candidate loses to one other despite no dominated option overall. Cycles can extend beyond three candidates or involve ties, but the three-option case suffices to show non-transitivity's emergence from diverse individual preferences. While theoretical, such cycles have appeared empirically, as in a 1987 Danish survey of 1,018 voters on prime ministerial candidates, where pairwise majorities cycled among options without a clear pairwise-dominant choice. In practice, cycle probability decreases with larger electorates due to the law of large numbers concentrating preferences, yet the paradox underscores the need for tie-breaking or completion rules in Condorcet implementations to select a winner.

Variant Approaches

Hybrid Two-Stage Systems

Hybrid two-stage systems represent variants of Condorcet methods that incorporate a primary stage focused on identifying a Condorcet winner through pairwise comparisons, followed by a secondary stage applying a non-Condorcet rule—such as , plurality, or iterative elimination—to resolve cycles when no candidate pairwise defeats all others. These hybrids ensure deterministic outcomes while attempting to uphold the Condorcet criterion whenever possible, addressing the method's vulnerability to the where cyclic preferences prevent a clear winner. By design, they elect the Condorcet winner if one exists, thereby satisfying the Condorcet criterion in those cases, but deviate otherwise to prioritize alternative or positional metrics. Black's procedure exemplifies an early hybrid approach, first checking for a Condorcet winner across all candidates; absent one, it falls back to the winner, which ranks candidates by aggregating ordinal preferences into point totals (e.g., n-1 points for first place in an n-candidate race, decreasing sequentially). This method, analyzed in computational social choice literature, balances Condorcet consistency with Borda's positional strengths, though it remains susceptible to manipulation in the secondary stage. Condorcet-plurality hybrids simplify resolution by using first-past-the-post (FPTP) tallies of first-choice votes as the , electing the Condorcet winner if present or the candidate with the most first preferences otherwise. Variants like Smith//Plurality refine this by first isolating the Smith set—the minimal nonempty subset where every member pairwise defeats all outsiders—then applying plurality within it after vote transfers from eliminated candidates to their highest-ranked Smith set member. These systems have been proposed for practical implementation, such as in Vermont's 2024 legislative bill H.424, emphasizing ease of computation and resistance to certain strategic behaviors over full cycle resolution. Condorcet-Hare (or IRV) hybrids integrate sequential elimination akin to (IRV, or method) with Condorcet checks. The Benham method, for instance, iteratively eliminates the plurality loser (lowest first-choice votes) and recalculates pairwise margins among survivors until a Condorcet winner emerges, guaranteeing selection of the Condorcet winner if one exists at any stage. Similarly, the Tideman method alternates Smith set isolation with plurality elimination, repeating until a single candidate remains within the refined set. These approaches, detailed in voting theory analyses, enhance Condorcet compliance in cyclic scenarios by leveraging elimination to break intransitivities, though they may invert IRV outcomes when a Condorcet winner is absent. Empirical evaluations indicate higher Condorcet efficiency compared to pure IRV, particularly in electorates with structured preferences.

Single-Stage Resolution Methods

Single-stage resolution methods for Condorcet voting compute a winner directly from the aggregated pairwise preferences obtained in a single ballot collection, applying deterministic algorithms to the victory matrix when cycles preclude a Condorcet winner. These approaches contrast with multi-stage systems that might involve sequential eliminations or additional voter rounds, instead relying on holistic metrics of pairwise dominance to break ties or cycles within the Smith set—the minimal group of mutually unbeatable candidates. By design, such methods satisfy the Condorcet criterion, electing the pairwise majority champion if one exists, while extending to cycle resolution via scores reflecting overall matchup performance. The Copeland method, attributed to developments in mid-20th-century , awards each candidate a score based on net pairwise victories: +1 for each majority win, -1 for each loss, and 0 or 0.5 for ties depending on the variant. The highest-scoring candidate prevails, favoring those with the broadest head-to-head successes even amid cycles. For instance, in a three-candidate cycle where each defeats one other by slim margins but ties or loses narrowly to the third, the Copeland scores equalize at 0, necessitating a such as Borda scores from the original rankings or random selection, though pure implementations prioritize the metric's invariance to irrelevant alternatives. This method's simplicity enables O(n^2) computation for n candidates, making it feasible for large elections, but it can elect candidates weak against distant rivals if they dominate locals. Another foundational single-stage variant is the (also termed Simpson-Kramer), which identifies the candidate minimizing the maximum opposition faced in any pairwise contest. In the basic form, it uses the greatest number of votes lost to any opponent (minimax winning votes); an alternative employs margins, selecting the one with the narrowest worst defeat. Proposed by Simpson in 1966 for tournament solutions and refined by Kramer in for margin minimization, this resolves cycles by emphasizing resilience to strongest challengers—the winner's "vulnerability" is the lowest. Computation involves constructing the pairwise defeat matrix and extracting row maxima, then choosing the minimum among those. Empirical analyses show minimax variants reducing strategic incentives compared to plurality, though they may violate when adding weak candidates alters maxima.
MethodResolution MetricCycle Handling Example (3-Cycle: A beats B 51-49, B beats C 52-48, C beats A 50-50)Computational Complexity
CopelandNet wins (+1 win, -1 loss)All score 0; fallback to secondary scores neededO(n^2)
(votes)Max votes lostA: max 50 (to C); B: max 51 (to A); C: max 49 (to B) → C winsO(n^2)
Minimax (margins)Max margin lostDepends on exact margins; prioritizes smallest deficitO(n^2)
These methods, while computationally efficient, can diverge in outcomes; for example, Copeland might favor a candidate winning many weak matchups, whereas protects against potent single threats. Neither guarantees symmetry—where inverting all inverts the winner—but both enhance capture over non-Condorcet systems in simulations of sincere voting.

Key Algorithms: Schulze, Ranked Pairs, Kemeny-Young

The , developed by German computer scientist Markus Schulze and first published in , resolves Condorcet cycles by constructing a of pairwise preferences and identifying the candidate with the strongest "beatpath"—the path of maximum winning margins—to every other candidate. In this approach, the strength of a path from candidate A to B is the minimum winning vote along that path, and the winner is the candidate undefeated by any stronger path from rivals. The method is monotonic and clone-independent, ensuring that improving a candidate's cannot harm their chances, and adding similar "clone" candidates does not alter outcomes. , also called the Tideman method after economist Nicolaus Tideman who proposed it in , handles cycles by first computing all pairwise victory margins, sorting them from largest to smallest, and then "locking in" these victories sequentially to build a transitive ranking, skipping any that would introduce a cycle. This produces a complete order where the top-ranked candidate wins, preserving the Condorcet criterion when a clear winner exists and favoring strong majorities in cyclic scenarios. Unlike simpler methods, it avoids inverting weak preferences for strong ones and satisfies independence of clones. The Kemeny-Young method, introduced by mathematician John Kemeny in 1959, selects the ranking that minimizes the total number of pairwise disagreements with voters' preferences, effectively finding the median ranking under the Kemeny distance metric. Computationally, it requires evaluating all possible rankings to sum violations—where a voter prefers A over B but the output ranks B higher—making it NP-hard even for modest numbers of candidates, though approximations and heuristics exist for practical use. Among Condorcet completions, it is optimal in minimizing inversions but rarely implemented due to its complexity, with studies showing it aligns closely with social welfare in aggregate preference data. These algorithms differ in computational feasibility and axiomatic properties: Schulze and run in time (O(^3) for candidates), enabling scalability, while Kemeny-Young's hardness limits it to small electorates. Empirical comparisons, such as simulations on historical data, indicate often outperforms Schulze in preserving margin-based strengths without unnecessary inversions, though both exceed random resolution in majority satisfaction.

Theoretical Evaluation

Compliance with Voting Criteria

The Condorcet method satisfies the Condorcet winner criterion by definition, electing the candidate who defeats every opponent in head-to-head pairwise comparisons among voters' rankings whenever such a candidate exists. It also passes the majority criterion, as any candidate receiving over 50% of first-place votes would prevail in all pairwise contests against non-majority candidates, securing the win. These properties stem from the method's reliance on complete preference orderings, ensuring alignment with direct majority preferences in binary matchups. However, the method fails the independence of irrelevant alternatives (IIA) criterion, as adding or removing a non-winning can reverse pairwise victory margins and change the overall winner, violating the requirement that rankings among contenders remain unaffected by irrelevant options. underscores this incompatibility for systems satisfying the Condorcet criterion with three or more candidates and an odd number of voters. Condorcet methods satisfy IIA only in profiles featuring a Condorcet winner, but not universally across all preference profiles. The basic Condorcet procedure satisfies the monotonicity criterion, where increasing support for a leading candidate cannot cause it to lose, as enhanced rankings only strengthen its pairwise victories. Yet, certain cycle-resolution variants, such as Dodgson's method or Nanson's method, can violate monotonicity by altering outcomes when a frontrunner gains votes. Condorcet methods fail the participation criterion (or are susceptible to the no-show paradox), where a voter abstaining or ranking fewer candidates can paradoxically improve the chances of their preferred option winning, particularly with four or more candidates. This stems from Moulin's theorem (1988), proving all Condorcet-consistent methods vulnerable to such incentives against full participation.
CriterionCompliance (Core Condorcet Method)Notes on Variants
Condorcet winnerYesBy definition; all consistent variants elect it if present.
YesMajority favorite is Condorcet winner.
MonotonicityYesFails in some resolution methods like Dodgson.
NoSatisfied only when Condorcet winner exists.
ParticipationNoNo-show paradox affects all Condorcet-consistent methods.

Strengths in Majority Preference Capture

The Condorcet method identifies a winner who defeats every other candidate in direct pairwise contests via vote, thereby ensuring that the elected candidate aligns with the electorate's collective preference against each specific alternative. This pairwise aggregation directly operationalizes at the fundamental level of binary choices, avoiding the dilution of preferences that occurs in holistic ranking systems where a candidate may lose overall despite prevailing in most head-to-head matchups. For instance, if candidate A receives support over B, C, and D individually, the method selects A when such a Condorcet winner exists, reflecting undiluted bilateral majorities rather than approximations derived from scored or sequential eliminations. Empirical analyses of preference profiles indicate that Condorcet winners emerge in the vast of realistic scenarios, with probabilistic models showing existence probabilities approaching certainty as electorate size grows, thus enabling reliable capture of sentiments without frequent fallback to arbitrary tie-breaking. Unlike , which can crown a candidate backed by less than 50% against a fragmented field, or instant-runoff methods that may eliminate frontrunners early despite their pairwise dominance, the Condorcet approach prioritizes comprehensive endorsement, minimizing instances where a minority-favored option prevails due to vote splitting. This fidelity to pairwise majorities enhances the method's legitimacy in representing voter intent, as it resolves elections based on consistent head-to-head victories rather than indirect proxies. In theoretical terms, the method's social preference relation—derived from aggregating individual pairwise rankings—maximizes adherence to the Condorcet criterion, which stipulates selection of the undefeated candidate when one exists, thereby embedding into the core aggregation process without compromising on transitivity assumptions when avoidable. Studies confirm that this criterion aligns with intuitive notions of fairness in preference aggregation, as deviations in alternative systems often lead to outcomes where a subset prefers another candidate overall, underscoring the Condorcet method's superior alignment with empirical dynamics.

Limitations Including Paradoxes

The Condorcet method encounters a fundamental limitation in the form of the , where voter preferences form a cycle across pairwise comparisons, resulting in no candidate who defeats all others head-to-head. This paradox, first identified by the in his 1785 Essai sur l'application de l'analyse à la probabilité des décisions rendues à la pluralité des voix, demonstrates that can lead to intransitive social preferences despite transitive individual rankings. In such cases, the method fails to produce a unique winner, rendering it incomplete without auxiliary resolution procedures. A classic illustration involves three candidates (A, B, C) and three voters with the following strict rankings:
VoterPreference Order
1A > B > C
2B > C > A
3C > A > B
Pairwise: A defeats B (voters 1 and 3 prefer A), B defeats C (voters 1 and 2 prefer B), and C defeats A (voters 2 and 3 prefer C), yielding a cycle with no Condorcet winner. Empirical studies suggest such cycles occur infrequently under impartial models like the impartial culture assumption, with probabilities approaching zero as the number of voters increases, though they remain theoretically possible and have been observed in small-scale settings. The underscores a core tension in aggregating preferences: even with full ordinal information, social choices may violate transitivity, challenging the method's claim to unambiguous . Resolution methods to handle cycles—such as , Schulze, or Kemeny-Young—introduce additional vulnerabilities, including susceptibility to no-show , where a group of voters benefits by abstaining rather than participating sincerely. For instance, in certain Condorcet-consistent rules with at least four candidates and allowance for indifferences, adding sincere ballots can invert the outcome to the disadvantage of those voters. Moreover, methods like Kemeny-Young, which minimize total pairwise disagreements, face NP-hard , scaling poorly beyond dozens of candidates due to the need to evaluate all possible rankings. These extensions thus trade the paradox's incompleteness for strategic incentives or resource demands, limiting practical deployment in large elections.

Comparative Performance

Versus Plurality Voting

The Condorcet method surpasses plurality voting by electing a candidate who defeats every opponent in pairwise majority contests, thereby ensuring the winner holds majority support against each rival when such a candidate exists. In plurality voting, the candidate receiving the most first-place votes wins, regardless of broader preference alignments, often leading to victories by candidates lacking majority pairwise support. This disparity highlights Condorcet's superior aggregation of ordinal preferences, as plurality discards information beyond initial rankings and can violate the Condorcet criterion—a failure documented in theoretical analyses where plurality elects non-Condorcet winners despite their existence. A primary advantage lies in mitigating vote splitting, a phenomenon absent in Condorcet methods but prevalent in plurality systems. Under plurality, similar candidates divide supporter votes, enabling a less preferred option to prevail; for instance, if two centrist candidates garner 30% and 25% of first-place votes respectively against a 40% extremist, the extremist wins despite potentially losing pairwise matchups to either centrist. Condorcet methods circumvent this by conducting all pairwise evaluations from full rankings, selecting the candidate who aggregates majorities across comparisons, thus preserving the collective preference for moderates over extremes without requiring vote consolidation. Empirical and simulation studies reinforce these theoretical edges, showing Condorcet methods yield outcomes closer to underlying social utilities. In analyses of real non-political elections, Condorcet winners appear frequently (often exceeding 50% of cases), yet plurality fails to identify them in scenarios prone to splitting or dispersed first preferences. Plurality's encouragement of strategic entry or to avoid spoilers further distorts representation, whereas Condorcet's pairwise focus reduces such incentives, promoting sincerer expression. However, Condorcet requires ranked ballots for computation, increasing complexity over plurality's single-mark simplicity, though this trade-off favors depth of preference revelation.

Versus Instant-Runoff Voting

The Condorcet method, by definition, selects the candidate who defeats every opponent in pairwise majority contests when such a Condorcet winner exists, thereby satisfying the Condorcet criterion. Instant-runoff voting (IRV), however, does not satisfy this criterion, as it may eliminate the Condorcet winner early due to low first-preference support, redistributing votes in a sequential elimination process that overlooks full pairwise preferences. This failure occurs because IRV prioritizes iterative majorities among remaining candidates rather than comprehensive head-to-head comparisons. A concrete example illustrates this divergence. Consider an election with candidates Don, Elle, and Key, and the following voter preferences among 854 total ballots: 342 rank Elle first, Don second, Key third; 214 rank Don first, Key second, Elle third; and 298 rank Key first, Don second, Elle third. Under IRV, first preferences yield Elle with 342, Key with 298, and Don with 214; Don is eliminated first, with votes transferring to Key, resulting in Key defeating Elle 512–342. Pairwise, however, Don defeats Elle 512–342 and Key 556–298, making Don the Condorcet winner eliminated prematurely by IRV. Condorcet methods also satisfy the monotonicity criterion, where increasing support for a winner cannot cause their defeat, as pairwise majorities remain stable or strengthen under such changes. IRV violates monotonicity, as demonstrated in real elections like Berkeley's 2016 District 2 council race, where elevating a candidate's rankings led to their loss by altering elimination order. Both systems satisfy the majority criterion, electing a candidate with over 50% first preferences if present, but Condorcet better captures underlying majority preferences across all pairs, reducing spoiler effects from vote splitting more reliably in multi-candidate fields.

Simulation and Empirical Evidence

Empirical analyses of ranked-ballot elections reveal that Condorcet winners—candidates who pairwise defeat all others—exist in the vast majority of cases. In a dataset of over 26,000 non-political polls conducted via the Condorcet Internet Voting Service (CIVS) from 2003 to 2023, a Condorcet winner appeared in 83.1% of polls with at least 10 votes, rising to 97.9% for polls with at least 100 votes and 98.8% for those with at least 300 votes. Similarly, in 378 ranked-choice () elections worldwide from 2004 to 2023, a Condorcet winner existed in 98.9% of 185 U.S. cases and 100% of 193 foreign cases. These findings indicate that preference cycles, which preclude a Condorcet winner, are infrequent in real preference data, particularly as electorate size increases. Condorcet methods guarantee selection of the Condorcet winner when one exists, outperforming plurality and instant-runoff voting (IRV) in empirical consistency with majority pairwise preferences. In the CIVS dataset, plurality failed to elect even a weak Condorcet winner (one not beaten pairwise by any rival) in 14% of applicable polls, while IRV failed in 6%. Across the IRV election dataset, plurality elected the Condorcet winner in only 87.7% of U.S. cases and 89.6% of foreign ones, compared to IRV's 98.9–99% rate—yet Condorcet methods achieve 100% when the winner exists. Rare IRV failures to select the Condorcet winner, such as in Burlington, Vermont (2009) and Alaska's 2022 special election, highlight Condorcet methods' advantage in resolving true majority preferences without elimination artifacts. Simulations under models like impartial culture (independent voter preferences) further affirm Condorcet methods' robustness. In 126,000 simulated elections with 9–1,001 voters and 3–14 candidates, Condorcet rules (e.g., minimax, Copeland) clustered closely with Borda counts and evaluation-based systems, exhibiting lower winner disagreement distances (average 0.123–0.417 across rules) than plurality or IRV, which diverged more from consensus-optimal outcomes. Cycle frequency drops sharply with voter numbers: for three candidates, the probability of no Condorcet winner approaches zero as preferences normalize under weak orders, supporting Condorcet methods' near-certain election of the pairwise-majority choice in large electorates. These results hold across uniform, beta, and truncated-normal preference distributions, indicating Condorcet methods' high efficiency in capturing underlying social orders over plurality's vote-splitting vulnerabilities or IRV's path-dependence.

Strategic Dynamics

Tactical Voting Vulnerabilities

The Condorcet method, which selects the candidate who prevails in all pairwise contests, remains susceptible to strategic manipulation despite its emphasis on preferences. A primary is the burying strategy, wherein supporters of a candidate insincerely rank a strong rival below a weaker contender to reverse a pairwise defeat that would otherwise occur under sincere voting. This tactic exploits the method's reliance on complete preference s, potentially creating or resolving cycles to favor the manipulators' preferred outcome. For instance, if candidate A narrowly defeats B but loses to C, while B defeats C decisively, B's supporters might bury A by ranking C above A, thereby strengthening C's position against A and positioning B to win under a cycle-resolving . Theoretical analysis confirms that no Condorcet-consistent method can be fully immune to burying, as strategic voters can alter margins in targeted pairwise matchups without risking their own candidate's viability. This vulnerability arises because the method aggregates all pairwise comparisons globally, allowing coordinated subgroups to inflate artificial weaknesses in competitors. Unlike , where (supporting only one candidate) dominates, burying in Condorcet requires more precise knowledge of opponents' preferences, raising the coordination costs but not eliminating the incentive. Condorcet methods also face risks from compromising, where voters elevate a less-preferred but more electable candidate over their true favorite to block an undesirable , though this is less prevalent than in non-pairwise systems due to the method's tendency to favor broadly acceptable . Simulations indicate that while strategic opportunities exist—particularly in multi-candidate fields without a clear Condorcet winner—the probability of successful manipulation remains lower than in plurality (where vote-splitting incentives dominate) or (prone to rank-order subversion). In one probabilistic model across varied electorates, Kemeny-Young (a Condorcet completion) exhibited rates below those of plurality and Borda under uniform assumptions. Nonetheless, real-world deployment risks amplify if voter information about pairwise strengths is asymmetric or if tiebreakers introduce exploitable biases.

Incentives for Sincere Expression

The Condorcet method incentivizes sincere expression of preferences by aggregating pairwise comparisons, which rewards voters for revealing their true rankings to accurately reflect majority head-to-head preferences. Unlike , where voters may strategically concentrate support on frontrunners to avoid vote-splitting, Condorcet allows full ranking without such risks, as lower-ranked candidates do not "spoil" the top choice but instead contribute to precise pairwise tallies that can elevate the overall Condorcet winner. This structure makes deviations from sincerity less likely to benefit a voter, particularly when a Condorcet winner exists, as insincere rankings could inadvertently weaken that candidate's pairwise victories. In settings with single-peaked preferences—common in ideological elections where candidates align on a left-right —truthful voting becomes a dominant under Condorcet-consistent rules. Here, the candidate emerges as the Condorcet winner, preferred by at least half the electorate over any alternative in pairwise contests, and no individual or coalition gains from strategic deviation, as altering rankings cannot shift the outcome favorably without coordinated mass insincerity. Empirical models, such as those analyzing vote distributions, further indicate low probabilistic incentives for manipulation in Condorcet methods like Kemeny-Young, with many preference profiles situated near non-manipulable boundaries where sincere voting determines the winner unequivocally. Even in the absence of a Condorcet winner, certain completion rules maintain sincere incentives by prioritizing candidates with broad support across diverse rankings, reducing the appeal of tactics like (insincerely ranking a rival low). For ideological preferences, strategy-proof Condorcet variants exist that drop candidates lacking heterogeneous first-place support before fallback mechanisms, ensuring by one faction cannot fabricate a preferred winner due to the entrenched pairwise majorities favoring . These properties collectively position Condorcet as less vulnerable to tactical distortions than alternatives, fostering environments where voters anticipate outcomes aligned with collective sincere preferences.

Practical Deployment

Historical and Organizational Uses

The Condorcet method, formally proposed by the in his 1785 work Essai sur l'application de l'analyse à la probabilité des décisions rendues à la pluralité des voix, received limited practical application during the 18th and 19th centuries due to the computational demands of pairwise comparisons in manual tallies, particularly for large electorates. While advocated its use amid French revolutionary debates on , contemporary assemblies relied on simpler plurality or systems, and no verified governmental elections employed the full method before the . Theoretical discussions persisted, but awaited digital tools for handling rankings and cycle resolution. Practical adoption emerged in the late 20th and early 21st centuries within technical and open-source communities capable of automating computations. The Debian Project, a volunteer organization developing the Debian Linux distribution, amended its constitution in 2003 to adopt Condorcet/Clone-Proof Sequential Dropping (also known as the , a Condorcet completion rule) for electing its project leader and resolving general resolutions via ranked ballots. This system tabulates pairwise victories from voter rankings to select the candidate with the strongest "beatpath" against opponents, ensuring a Condorcet winner when one exists. Debian's elections, conducted since the amendment, exemplify early scalable use in a distributed membership of over 1,000 developers. Other organizations have followed suit for internal selections requiring robust preference aggregation. The Address Supporting Organization (ASO) of the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN) employs the Schulze method, with modifications for quorum and ties, to select candidates for ICANN Board Seats 9 and 10, as documented in its procedures updated in 2021. This application supports global stakeholder input on internet address policies, prioritizing pairwise majorities derived from ranked preferences among a limited electorate of ASO address council members. Such uses remain confined to niche, low-stakes contexts where full preference data can be collected and processed electronically, contrasting with broader electoral systems favoring simpler alternatives.

Modern Implementations and Software

The Condorcet Internet Voting Service (CIVS) offers a free online platform for conducting secure, anonymous polls using the , a Condorcet-compliant algorithm that selects the candidate preferred over all others in pairwise comparisons when such a winner exists. Launched in the early and maintained by researchers at the , CIVS has facilitated thousands of polls for academic, community, and organizational decision-making, including preference rankings for non-binding resolutions and committee selections. Similarly, Condorcet.Vote provides an open web-based system supporting multiple Condorcet variants, such as and , enabling users to create single-round elections with ranked ballots for small groups or events. Open-source libraries facilitate integration of Condorcet methods into custom applications. The Condorcet library, developed by Julien Boudry and actively maintained through 2025, serves as a versatile election engine with APIs for handling ranked ballots, computing pairwise matrices, and resolving cycles via methods like Schulze or Dodgson, suitable for web developers building voting tools. Commercial platforms like OpaVote incorporate Condorcet voting for organizational , tallying all pairwise contests to identify beat-all winners or fallback via alternative resolutions. Votem's CastIron system, targeted at labor unions, implements Condorcet for leadership and contract ratification votes, emphasizing transparency through verifiable rankings over plurality systems. Recent advancements include research prototypes like VERICONDOR, a 2025 end-to-end verifiable framework supporting strict preferences and indifferences in Condorcet tallies, designed for high-assurance electronic voting but not yet deployed in production environments. These tools remain niche, primarily adopted by tech-savvy groups, online communities, and unions seeking majority-preferred outcomes, with no large-scale governmental implementations as of 2025 due to computational and ballot complexity barriers.

Recent Proposals (2023-2025)

In 2024, legal scholar Edward Foley proposed considering Condorcet voting for U.S. electoral reform to mitigate polarization and the "center squeeze" phenomenon, where centrist candidates lose under plurality or instant-runoff systems despite majority pairwise preferences over extremes, as illustrated by potential outcomes in the 2024 presidential election where figures like Nikki Haley might have prevailed head-to-head against Donald Trump or Kamala Harris. Foley argued that Condorcet methods ensure majority rule across pairwise contests, enabling coalition-building for rule-of-law candidates in polarized red or blue states, unlike instant-runoff voting which can eliminate centrists early and favor ideological poles. A June 26, 2024, webinar hosted by Ohio State University's Moritz College of Law examined Convergence Voting—a Condorcet-compliant system identifying candidates who win all head-to-head matchups—as a structural alternative to instant-runoff () voting for U.S. elections, highlighting its potential for consensus-building over sequential elimination methods. In July 2025, Edward Foley and Nobel laureate advocated Condorcet voting's adoption over plurality, runoff, and ranked-choice systems, citing its alignment with majority preference (electing pairwise dominators), promotion of compromise candidates, and satisfaction of independence from irrelevant alternatives, where adding minor candidates does not reverse outcomes between viable contenders. For non-political applications, a May 5, 2025, publication proposed a simplified for selecting NCAA teams: voters rank up to four semifinalists; a Condorcet winner (beating all others pairwise) advances directly, but absent one, the candidate among those with at most one pairwise loss possessing the smallest defeat margin is selected. This addresses computational and complexity barriers in Condorcet implementations, avoids electing pairwise losers (unlike ), and upholds monotonicity and spoiler immunity, outperforming instant-runoff in simulated scenarios. A subsequent September 2025 axiomatization characterized this method via properties like Condorcet consistency, , neutrality, and a "final-four" of .

Criticisms and Counterarguments

Computational Demands

Determining whether a Condorcet winner exists requires computing all pairwise victories, which can be done in time by tallying voter preferences for each pair of candidates, yielding a of O(n²) where n is the number of candidates, assuming voter ballots are provided as rankings. This step is computationally straightforward even for moderate n, as it involves aggregating margins from m voters across n(n-1)/2 pairs, often optimized to O(m n²) in the worst case but reducible with prefix sums or matrix methods for ranked ballots. When no Condorcet winner exists due to cycles in the pairwise graph, resolution via Condorcet completion methods introduces varying demands. The Kemeny-Young method, which seeks the minimizing total pairwise disagreements, is NP-hard to compute, rendering it intractable for elections with more than about 10-20 candidates without approximation or heuristics, as exact solutions require exponential-time branch-and-bound or . In contrast, widely used polynomial-time alternatives like the , relying on strongest-path computations via Floyd-Warshall algorithm on the inverse strength matrix, operate in O(n³) time, while involves sorting pairwise margins in O(n² log n) followed by via union-find structures, both feasible for n up to hundreds on modern hardware. In practical deployments, such as organizational or online elections with n typically under 10, these demands pose no barrier, as software implementations (e.g., in prototypes or Pregel frameworks) process thousands of voters efficiently on standard computers. For hypothetical large-scale public elections with many candidates, tallying full rankings from millions of voters amplifies storage and preprocessing needs (e.g., O(m n) space for ballots), but pairwise aggregation remains viable with , though NP-hard methods like Kemeny-Young would necessitate approximations to avoid infeasibility. Empirical studies confirm rare cycles in real data, minimizing completion overhead in most cases.

Philosophical Objections

The Condorcet paradox demonstrates that pairwise majority preferences can form intransitive cycles, such as candidate A defeating B, B defeating C, and C defeating A, even when individual voter preferences are transitive. This reveals a fundamental philosophical limitation: collective preferences may lack the coherence and rationality assumed in individual decision-making, undermining the claim that Condorcet methods reliably uncover a true social preference order. In such cases, no Condorcet winner exists, forcing resolution mechanisms that impose external criteria, which critics argue introduces arbitrariness incompatible with pure . Arrow's impossibility theorem further erodes the philosophical foundation of Condorcet methods by proving that no can simultaneously satisfy unrestricted domain (all possible preference profiles), , , non-dictatorship, and transitivity for three or more alternatives. While Condorcet approaches prioritize pairwise majorities and satisfy and some neutrality conditions, they fail to guarantee transitive social orderings due to cycles, highlighting an inherent tension between and rational aggregation. This impossibility suggests that Condorcet consistency, though intuitively appealing, cannot resolve the deeper conflict between individual and collective rationality without violating core democratic axioms. Critics contend that even when a Condorcet winner emerges, it may not represent the normatively superior choice, as demonstrated by scenarios where adding symmetric cyclic preferences alters outcomes in ways that favor non-Condorcet alternatives upon removal of the cycle. Such inconsistencies challenge the presumption of stability and fairness, with Condorcet methods failing "proper canceling" (ignoring neutral cycles) and exhibiting paradoxes like the no-show paradox, where benefits a voter over participation. Philosophically, this implies that pairwise majorities do not inherently capture the "will of the majority" but can amplify noise from indifferent subgroups, questioning the method's alignment with substantive democratic ideals over procedural ones.

Political and Adoption Barriers

Despite its theoretical advantages in selecting candidates preferred by majorities in pairwise contests, the Condorcet method has encountered substantial barriers to in governmental elections. A primary obstacle is the perceived complexity of implementation, which includes tallying pairwise preferences from ranked ballots and resolving cycles via completion rules when no outright Condorcet winner exists. This perception discourages election administrators and voters familiar with simpler plurality systems, despite that ranked voting interfaces can be user-friendly in practice. Political inertia further impedes progress, as no sovereign government has implemented a Condorcet method for public elections, perpetuating reliance on established systems like first-past-the-post or instant-runoff voting (IRV). Incumbent politicians and parties often resist reform, having adapted strategies to the strategic vulnerabilities of plurality voting, such as vote-splitting among similar candidates; Condorcet methods mitigate these spoilers but could disrupt two-party dominance by enabling broader sincere expression, potentially fragmenting vote shares and requiring adjustments to campaign financing and coalition-building. Resistance stems partly from familiarity with "bad voting rules," where politicians benefit from tactical distortions rather than majority preferences. Advocacy fragmentation among reformers exacerbates adoption challenges. Groups like FairVote prioritize IRV, arguing that the Condorcet criterion—electing the pairwise majority winner—is overstated in importance, as it may favor centrist candidates with minimal first-choice support over ideologically stronger contenders backed by larger pluralities. This stance, rooted in promoting IRV's real-world deployments (e.g., in cities like and ), diverts momentum from Condorcet alternatives, despite the latter's stronger resistance to certain strategic manipulations. Lack of consensus on a specific Condorcet variant, such as Schulze or , compounds legislative hurdles, as proposals must navigate debates over tie-breaking without unified expert endorsement. Voter education and trust issues also hinder uptake. Public skepticism arises from unfamiliarity, with surveys and simulations indicating initial over rankings versus pairwise outcomes, even though empirical data from non-political settings show Condorcet winners emerge frequently (around 90% in some datasets). Overcoming these requires costly public campaigns and pilot programs, which face opposition in resource-constrained jurisdictions; for instance, initiatives for ranked systems often settle on IRV due to its simpler elimination process, sidelining full Condorcet implementations. Ultimately, adoption demands surmounting , where incremental reforms like IRV serve as gateways but rarely evolve to Condorcet due to satisfied stakeholders.

References

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